Book

Korea's development under park chung hee: Rapid industrialization, 1961-79

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Abstract

Based on personal interviews with the principal policy-makers of the 1970s, Korea's Development under Park Chung-Hee examines how the president sought to develop South Korea into an independent, autonomous sovereign state both economically and militarily. Kim provides a new narrative in the complex task of exploring the paradoxical nature and effects of Korea's rapid development which maintains that any judgement of Park must consider his achievements in the socio-economic, cultural and political context in which they took place. Aspects of Park's government analyzed include: his abhorrence of Korea's reliance on the US presence the Korean model of state-guided industrialization Park's rapid development strategy the role of the ruling elites Park's clandestine nuclear development program the heavy chemical industrialisation of the 1970s The prevailing popularity of Park in the eyes of the Korean public is significant and relevant to their acceptance of how their national development was achieved. This book tells that story while simultaneously recognizing the flaws in the process. With a great deal of material never before published, scholars of Korean politics and history at all levels will find this book a stimulating account of South Korea in the 1960s and 1970s.
... Park is assumed to have been inspired from his first-hand experience of Manchurian techno-fascism. In the 1970s, South Korea under Park also witnessed authoritarian heavy industrialisation in emulation of the heavy industrialisation of Manchukuo after going through historical discontinuities (Kim, H.-a., 2004). However, impacts of economic model of Manchukuo on Park are based on assumption without direct evidence in spite of Park's preference for Japan's Imperial ideology. ...
... However, their better command of the regional languages provides valuable access to primary sources. Kim, H.-a. (2004) has pioneered an academic research on Park's pursuit of the HCIP. ...
... In case the national security of the public safety and order is seriously threatened or socio-economic structure in affinity to the Japanese techno-fascism (Kim, H.-a., 2004). ...
Thesis
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This thesis deals with the influence of German philosophical doctrines on the development of heavy industry in South Korea under president Park Chung Hee in the 1970s. It argues that Park’s dictatorship in the 1970s was an archetype of ‘technocratic heavy industrialisation’ with the goal to undergo a very compressed and rapid transition to a heavy industry based economy following the post-Vietnam War détente. Park’s political economy originates from a very German strategy in overcoming ‘systemic vulnerabilities: scarce natural resources and an ominous foreign security threat’. This was to be achieved through the imposition of a military-led authoritarianism and the mobilisation of the entire population in preparation for ‘total war’. In the 1930s and 1940s, political economy of techno-fascism was introduced in Manchuria by the Japanese Army, with German counsel, which was later emulated by the postwar Japanese government and Park’s regime in the 1970s. In the 1970s, Park needed to broaden his ruling coalition, with the military on one side and business on the other, in order to launch his program of heavy industrialisation. Park was also inclined to provide ‘side payments’ to the population to placate democratic militancy opposing his dictatorship. To achieve these goals, Park introduced the term ‘Miracle on the Rhein’ to describe West Germany’s postwar economic rise from the ashes as a model to follow for South Korea. With this economic model and based on German doctrines of total war that were refracted into Korea by way of Japanese colonisation Park introduced the techno-fascist institutions that were to overcome the South Korean predicaments of scarce resources and the Northern Communist security threat. This thesis addresses Park’s dictatorship in terms of mobilisation of national human capital and financial resources, allocation of mobilised resources to those specific sectors that accounted for heavy industrialisation, and the social consequences of these policies. To overcome developmental backwardness due to the country’s very late industrialisation, Park adopted Gerschenkron’s catch-up strategy in his pursuit of rapid industrial development. Park then deployed German doctrines and ideas in his pursuit of the industrial transition, which had a substantial impact on educational reform, the socio-economic order and property distribution in South Korea. This thesis shows that Park’s heavy industrialisation had fostered a state-business alliance and a political compromise between the elites and the emergent middle through the state’s intervention into the structure of property ownership while the skill-less labour class remained marginalised.
... 1 Key academic works in this period include, but not limited to , Amsden 1989;Woo 1991;Kim 1997;Hong et. al. 2002;Yi 2003;Jager 2003;Kim 2004;Cheong 2005;Moon 2005;Nam 2009;Kim and Vogel 2011;Kim and Sorensen 2011) 2 Two sets of comprehensive academic compilations, Kim andVogel 2011 andKim andSorensen 2011, can be regarded as the conclusive remarks on the vibrant academic activities on the Park Chung Hee era. Nevertheless, considering the heavy influence of the Korean government in disseminating research funds domestically through Korea Research Foundation (Hanguk Yeongu Jaedan) and internationally through the Korea Foundation (Hanguk Gukche Gyoryu Jaedan), the political delicacy of performing research on the Park Chung Hee era might be an important contributing factor to the sharp decrease of academic works on this field. ...
... 1 Key academic works in this period include, but not limited to , Amsden 1989;Woo 1991;Kim 1997;Hong et. al. 2002;Yi 2003;Jager 2003;Kim 2004;Cheong 2005;Moon 2005;Nam 2009;Kim and Vogel 2011;Kim and Sorensen 2011) 2 Two sets of comprehensive academic compilations, Kim andVogel 2011 andKim andSorensen 2011, can be regarded as the conclusive remarks on the vibrant academic activities on the Park Chung Hee era. Nevertheless, considering the heavy influence of the Korean government in disseminating research funds domestically through Korea Research Foundation (Hanguk Yeongu Jaedan) and internationally through the Korea Foundation (Hanguk Gukche Gyoryu Jaedan), the political delicacy of performing research on the Park Chung Hee era might be an important contributing factor to the sharp decrease of academic works on this field. ...
... 1 Key academic works in this period include, but not limited to , Amsden 1989;Woo 1991;Kim 1997;Hong et. al. 2002;Yi 2003;Jager 2003;Kim 2004;Cheong 2005;Moon 2005;Nam 2009;Kim and Vogel 2011;Kim and Sorensen 2011) 2 Two sets of comprehensive academic compilations, Kim andVogel 2011 andKim andSorensen 2011, can be regarded as the conclusive remarks on the vibrant academic activities on the Park Chung Hee era. Nevertheless, considering the heavy influence of the Korean government in disseminating research funds domestically through Korea Research Foundation (Hanguk Yeongu Jaedan) and internationally through the Korea Foundation (Hanguk Gukche Gyoryu Jaedan), the political delicacy of performing research on the Park Chung Hee era might be an important contributing factor to the sharp decrease of academic works on this field. ...
Article
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The purpose of this critical review is to seek the possibility of theorizing the Park Chung Hee’s era by responding to two recent publications, Park Chung Hee and Modern Korea by Carter J. Eckert and The Rise and Fall of Korea’s Economic Development by Sung Hee Jwa. Eckert puts Park Chung Hee’s ideology and policies in the broad contexts of East Asian modernity and Jwa tries to extract a coherent principle that can explain not only the economic performance under the Park Chung Hee’s leadership but also the logic of economic development in general. This critical review paper engages with two authors by emphasizing the role of modern nation-state that have been relatively neglected in their works and conjectures the possibility of interdisciplinary studies on the Park Chung Hee era.
... I further deepen the understanding of Korean climate politics by placing these politics in the context of the 'developmental state' (i.e. state-led capitalism through macroeconomic planning) inherited from President Park Chung-hee in the 1960-1970s (Chung and Kirkby 2002, Kim 2005, Park 2011). I am not the first to probe into the legacy of the developmental state in the Lee administration's climate change policy. ...
... Nee (2005, p. 66) defines it as 'the locking in effects stemming from initial conditions on subsequent development and change in the institutional environment'. I address the path dependence of the developmental state that has persisted since Park Chung-hee's military regime in the 1960s (Johnson 1987, Amsden 1989, Woo-Cumings 1999, Chung and Kirkby 2002, Kim 2005, Park 2011). To promote the national economy, Korea's developmental state manipulated the market by enforcing strong regulation, furthering close ties between bureaucrats and the private sector chaebol conglomerates, while curbing the labour movement and excluding NGOs from governmental policymaking (Chung andKirkby 2002, Kim 2005). ...
Article
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50 free e-prints are available at http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/jDpHTqbwTpeNwkYk86Ks/full#.Vknge9LhC70. The climate change policy design of the Lee Myung-bak administration was the outcome of interest group politics around the greenhouse gas and energy target management scheme, carbon taxes, and the emission trading scheme. Using qualitative methods, this research examines powerful stakeholders and their interests at play in Korea’s climate change policy-making processes. It also links the political economy of climate change policy to the legacy of ‘the developmental state’ and examines environmental developmentalism in the design of the three climate change policies. The Lee administration strongly promoted environmental developmentalism, which created a new growth engine in an environmental field, while bolstering manufacturing businesses and excluding the views of environmental non-governmental organizations from the target-management and the emission-trading schemes. The Lee administration also sought to facilitate pro-business measures such as low taxes, which led it to reject a carbon tax. Therefore, environmental developmentalism was central to the politics of the Lee administration’s climate change policy design.
... Japońskie kredyty okupione były nawiązaniem stosunków dyplomatycznych z byłym znienawidzonym kolonizatorem. W zamian za wznowienie stosunków dwustronnych Korea otrzymała od Japonii 800 mln USD w tym 300 mln USD stanowiły granty zwrotne w ciągu 10 lat, 200 mln USD pożyczki państwowe oraz 300 mln USD pożyczki prywatne [Kim 2004]. Ogromny zastrzyk finansowy przyniósł też udział koreańskich wojsk w wojnie w Wietnamie. ...
Article
This paper addresses the topic of the methods used to finance accelerated economic growth in South Korea during Park Chung Hee’s rule (1961–1979). The author describes government policy concerning foreign direct investment and banking credit and takes a position in the dispute between neoclassical and statist economists concerning the mechanisms of the Korean economic miracle. Discussing the issue of financing Korean industrial development, she refers to the economic policy prescriptions described in the Washington Consensus. The author argues that not only did Korea not comply with these prescriptions, but contradictory measures constituted the building blocks of its developmental state policy. The decision to base economic development on local companies facilitated the creation of a comprehensive and strong industrial structure which enabled high economic growth for the following decades. Credit policy implemented by state-owned banks was the main tool for coordinating private-sector investment decisions and ensuring high performance.
... In truth, the Korean state had to give due recognition to this achievement of Kim's, as it represented the success of the biomedical side of its developmental drive. Starting with President Park Chung Hee's dictatorial regime (1961)(1962)(1963)(1964)(1965)(1966)(1967)(1968)(1969)(1970)(1971)(1972)(1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979), South Korea indeed pursued a strategic governmental sponsorship of technoscientific investigations for its rapid industrialization and economic growth (Woo 1991;Kim 2004). Especially in Chun Doo Hwan's regime-which regarded Korea's major corporations as its key partners rather than vassals in forming the nation's developmental strategy-marketable research such as Kim's was most welcome (Campbell 1994;Kim and Leslie 1998). ...
Article
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Hepatitis B was a stigmatizing disease, because of its reputation as a problem of underdeveloped countries and marginalized people. Biomedicine, including vaccination and science-based sanitation, was regarded as the only effective measure for their improvement of health. Hence, some scholars have assumed that bodies and the disease were just the objects of biomedical intervention that was essential for nation-building. Challenging this assumption, I argue that Korean bodies and hepatitis were instrumental in forming biomedical and nationalistic discourses and exercises in South Korea during the 1970s and the 1980s. In a developmental state under military dictatorship situated within the changing Cold War politics, the disease and bodies, with their biological and cultural relations, contributed to shaping the biomedical investigations, enterprises, and practices that were interpreted and appropriated with nationalistic metaphors. Therefore, hepatitis B, alongside those who carried it, came to evoke the contradictory imageries that symbolized both the progression and backwardness of the country.
... Its own history teaches Western Europe that industrial policy can make a potent contribution to economic development. Economies such as France, Finland and Italy, which had an acute sense of economic backwardness after 1945, generally had recourse to industrial policies aimed at creating national champions, not unlike the developmental strategy pursued in many east asian countries (Breznitz 2007;Jäntti & Juhana Vartiainen 200;Kim 2004;Kohli 2004). As a result, barriers to trade remained numerous not only within Western Europe but also between Western Europe and the USA. ...
... After the assassination of President Park Chung-hee on 26 October 1979, South Koreans hoped for a democratic government. However, General Chun Doo-whan seized power and attempted to justify military rule as necessary for promoting economic growth (Kim, 2004). The government continued the development of export-oriented industries, providing tax incentives to chaebols. ...
Article
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To date there has been little explicit theorization concerning the role of risk in global migration studies. Drawing upon Beck’s concept of the ‘risk society,’ this paper presents an investigation of the interplay between societal risk and micro-level migration decision-making. Thick historical contextualization and interview data are used to examine the process of decision-making of South Koreans’ migration to New Zealand. Four risk factors were found to contribute to their ‘exit’ decisions: South Korea’s highly competitive, work-oriented society brought about by compressed modernity; North Korea’s threat of war and the South’s consequent political and military culture; the home nation’s obsession with education and academic performance; and the difficulties of reconciling traditional collectivist values with upward mobility. It is argued that while elements of risk may be universal, they need to be understood within specific cultural contexts and in relation to how they influence peoples’ lived experiences.
... Under the leadership of Park Chung-hee, South Korea's GDP increased 452% (1962196319641965196619671968196919701971197219731974197519761977197819791980) and the total volume of exports skyrocketed from $10 billion in 1964 to $1 trillion in 1978. During the time, South Korea maintained an average of 8.5% increase of GDP and achieved the fastest economic development in the world (Kim, 2005). Among others including SOC, total labor in production also increased almost six times. ...
Article
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The major characteristics of South Korea's economy had been set up during 1970s. The legacy of South Korea's economic development model was created during the last half of 1970s. The export-oriented economy became the major characteristics of South Korea's economy. Politically, the legacy of Park Chung-hee as a godfather figure developed the model led by a strong Presidential leadership. Economic initiatives introduced and carried out by a person not by the system. Socially, the sufficient distribution system of wealth was forced to be sacrificed for the economic development. The reports of Los Angeles Times and New York Times confirmed the facts. South Korea achieved its economic miracle. The legacy was established in the 1970s especially the late half of the decade. Through the reports of those two major American newspapers a new image of South Korea was created while they provided vivid American views on South Korea's economic development of the period.
... 11 When he seized power, as the Meiji reformers had done a century ago in Japan, he advocated 'national restoration (民族中興)' through 'modernization of the fatherland (祖國近代化)' and establishment of a 'self-reliant economy (自立經濟)' (H-A. Kim 2004). Only a decade after the Korean War, and in order to win U.S. support, the Park regime proclaimed its commitment to defending the 'free world' against communism. ...
Article
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The Korean studies literature consistently points out that science and technology have played an important role in the rapid socioeconomic transformation of South Korea. But the emphasis in this literature is placed predominantly on their contributions to the nation's industrial performance. Questions such as what type of policies and institutional reforms have been introduced to facilitate these contributions and how successful they have been are frequently asked. Science, technology, and development per se are, nevertheless, generally conceived as politically neutral and seldom interrogated. However, Korea has a long cultural tradition that envisions science and technology as tools for national empowerment. This instrumental view of science and technology has served as a crucial constitutive element of nationalist developmentalism that defines 'advanced/developed' and 'backward/underdeveloped' primarily in terms of industrialization and economic growth. In the South, it was under the Park Chung Hee regime that a more concrete form of nationalist developmentalism emerged and became firmly entrenched across the country. By reviewing the historical genealogy of the official and popular discourses of science, technology, and development in South Korea, the present paper traces how the nation's prevailing conceptions of the meanings, purposes, and roles of science and technology have embedded and been embedded in distinctive ideas of nationhood and development.
... Interestingly,South Korea's Park Chung Hee promoted heavy and chemical industrialization as a strategic effort to hastily overpower North Korea (H. Kim 2004) . ...
... However, Korea's energy policy has been built on economic developmentalism, a national vision to build a strong nation through economic growth. This vision has grown since the Park Chung Hee regime (1963)(1964)(1965)(1966)(1967)(1968)(1969)(1970)(1971)(1972)(1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979), which established a "developmental state" as a national model in the 1970s (Amsden, 1989;Kim, 2005Kim, , 2018bChung and Kim, 2018). During his regime, Korea rapidly built up fossil-fueled and nuclear power plants. ...
Article
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The notion of place is quite useful to account for local acceptance of energy transitions. Using semi-structured interviews and content analysis, this article explores how new places are imagined or formed in opposition to wind farms in South Korea, with a focus on the memory of place disruption and sensory interactions with wind turbines. First, residents opposed to the construction of wind farms imagine negative places in opposition to future energy transitions, such as places in which landslides and ecological disruptions have occurred, based on trauma from past place disruption. Second, residents' sensory experiences of the noise created by wind turbines and the turbines' aviation-obstruction lights form concepts of artificial, urban, or mechanical places in opposition to the natural or rural quality of the places prior to wind turbine construction. These negative places that are formed based on memory and sensory input drive opposition to wind turbines. Therefore, place-people relations should be adequately and carefully discussed in both site-planning and community engagement processes associated with wind farms. Full text: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0301421519302472?via%3Dihub
... Hee, mentally, was obliged to think "Japanese," by devoting to the Yamato spirit of "one hundred million hearts beating as one," and giving the loyalty and self-sacrifice to the emperor (Kim H.-A., 2004). Park Chung Hee was even accused of being a pro-Japanese due to his action of submitting the Oath of Allegiance demonstrating his devotion to the Japanese Empire (Hankyoreh, 2009 (Haggard, Kim, & Moon, 1991). ...
Article
South Korea under President Park Chung Hee underwent rapid industrialization and experienced phenomenal economic growth making the country one of the Asian Tigers alongside Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore. Had suffered by the long-standing Japanese colonialization, South Korea’s development strategies in its incipient economic venture, interestingly, postulate unforeseen similarities with those imposed by Japan primarily during the phenomenal industrial revolution of the Meiji government (1868-1912). Exponential modernization in South Korea was substantially forged by the implementation of ‘developmental state’ model. The term was initially coined by Johnson (1982) to explain the pacification of government policies – rather than market – to achieve successful economic rejuvenation of post-war Japan. In light to this historical paradox between South Korea and Japan, this article attempts to revisit the embarking point of South Korea’s rapid economic development beginning in the 1960s by drawing attention to the importance of leadership as one of the major components of the developmental state model. It concludes that Park Chung Hee’s strong Japanese linkage combined with his pretext for imposing ‘hard authoritarianism’ is particularly influential in determining South Korea’s pragmatic development trajectory.
... From the late 1800s to the Japanese colonial period , it was closely linked to the idea of modernization where S&T was a key vehicle for developing Korea into a modern state (Kim, 2008). The most significant moment in technological developmentalism was during the Park Chung-hee administration (1961)(1962)(1963)(1964)(1965)(1966)(1967)(1968)(1969)(1970)(1971)(1972)(1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979) (Kim, 2005). The Park administration is a representative case of the so-called 'developmental state' (Johnson, 1987;Evans and Stephens, 1988;Amsden, 1989;Park, 2011) where the state led the national economy and manipulated the market system by supporting and controlling large business groups called chaebols. ...
Article
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The United States (US), European Union (EU), and South Korea had different definitions and visions of technological convergence before interacting with each other from the late 2000s. The Korean government has used Western policies as a benchmark but produces a distinct concept of technological convergence due to a particular imaginary of technology as a vehicle for national economic growth. This sociotechnical imaginary of technological developmentalism influences Korea’s translation of technological convergence from other jurisdictions. Because the sociotechnical imaginaries of different nations are difficult to communicate across national contexts, the translation of visions often changes the original meaning of things like technological convergence. Western sociotechnical imaginaries such as human enhancement and sustainable development do not translate well into South Korea due to the national imaginary of technological developmentalism. First, Korea’s Lee administration predominantly envisioned converging technology (CT) as a new growth engine, in contrast to the US and EU which emphasize visions of trans-humanist or sustainable futures respectively. Second, the Park administration’s CT vision imitates the Western societal challenge-driven rationale, but this vision was not enacted. As such, the democratic, sustainable imaginary of societal challenge-driven innovation is not easily translated into Korea’s national imaginary or technology policy. http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/F7BGRsEiaVK8UC6GYbgC/full
... 6 It needs to be noted that the Stalinist heavy industrialization project in Maoist China as well as in most other state-socialist countries was pursued as an economic strategy of condensed industrialization in a political economic race with capitalist countries (Riskin 1987). Interestingly, South Korea's Park Chung-Hee promoted heavy and chemical industrialization as a strategic effort to hastily overpower North Korea (Kim 2004). 7 For instance, the author has systematically analyzed post-Mao China's risk structures as compared to South Korea (Chang 2008). ...
Chapter
South Korea in the 1950s was one of the least developed economies in the world. The state-led industrialization for survival began from the 1960s, and since then, a distinct catch-up model for rapid economic growth was developed. The protagonist in the rise of the entrepreneurial State was an emergent community of technocrats. The technocrats, capable of administration and technology management, were the strategic architects of designing, planning, and executing the national innovation system. This introductory study examines the nature and role of the technocrats in the case of the evolution of Korea Industrial Complex Corporation (KICOX) since 1974.
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This paper is an examination of the many points of intersection between Korean nationalism in both Koreas, and Chinese characters (Hanja), as well as a contextualization of the historical and, at times, antithetical relationship or binary consisting of Hanja and Han’gŭl (Chosŏn’gŭl). Emerging from liberation the two Korean states over the next several decades would “engage” Hanja with diverse and fluctuating positions and approaches at different times. These responses have ranged from the abolition of Hanja or the enforcement of Han’gŭl (Chosŏn’gŭl) exclusivity, to the re-establishment and strengthening of Hanja education. Koreans for over a century have responded to “issues of script” based on socially-created narratives. This phenomenon can be viewed through constructivist paradigms, or can be interpreted as implemented pragmatic policies exemplifying instrumentalist nationalism. This paper’s assertion is that Korea’s vacillating response regarding Korean nationalism’s digraphic conflict is eloquent of the complex confluences that formed Korean ethnic nationalism, and therefore, Korean national identity.
Chapter
A passage in the famous book pictured a young girl sitting in the second-class compartment of a train, her hands holding a book of French poetry. “Your white hands,” the author asserted, “I abhor.” Clean hands, he continued, “have been responsible for our present misery.” Smooth hands were the hands of the privileged class. That class, and privilege consciousness in general, had to be replaced. “We must work,” the author continued, because “one cannot survive with clean hands.”1
Book
The rapid development of Korean cinema during the decades of the 1960s and 2000s reveals a dynamic cinematic history which runs parallel to the nations political, social, economic and cultural transformation during these formative periods. This book examines the ways in which South Korean cinema has undergone a transformation from an antiquated local industry in the 1960s into a thriving international cinema in the 21st century. It investigates the circumstances that allowed these two eras to emerge as creative watersheds, and demonstrates the forces behind Koreas positioning of itself as an important contributor to regional and global culture, and especially its interplay with Japan, Greater China, and the United States. Beginning with an explanation of the understudied operations of the film industry during its 1960s take-off, it then offers insight into the challenges that producers, directors, and policy makers faced in the 1970s and 1980s during the most volatile part of Park Chung-hees authoritarian rule and the subsequent Chun Doo-hwan military government. It moves on to explore the film industrys professionalization in the 1990s and subsequent international expansion in the 2000s. In doing so, it explores the nexus and tensions between film policy, producing, directing, genre, and the internationalization of Korean cinema over half a century. By highlighting the recent transnational turn in national cinemas, this book underscores the impact of developments pioneered by Korean cinema on the transformation of Planet Hallyuwood. It will be of particular interest to students and scholars of Korean Studies and Film Studies.
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This article examines the representation of the encounters and exchanges between Asian and black Americans in Sǒk-kyǒng Kang's "Days and Dreams," Heinz Insu Fenkl's Memories of My Ghost Brother, and Chang-rae Lee's A Gesture Life. While one popular mode of looking at Asian and black Americans relationally in the postwar era is to compare the success of Asian American assimilation to the failure of black Americans, Lim argues that such a mode of comparison cannot account for the ways in which Asian American racialization takes places within the global currents of militarism and migration. Against the popular view that attributes Asian American success to cultural difference, Lim relies on political scientist Claire Kim's understanding of culture as something that is constructed in the process of racialization to explore how the above texts imagine the terms of comparative racialization between black and Asian Americans. The black- Korean encounters in these texts demand a heuristic of comparative racialization that goes beyond the discussion of the black-white binary as a national construct and seeks the reification and modification of this racial frame as it travels along the routes of US military and economic incursions in the Pacific. Lim suggests that the literary imagining of black-Korean encounters across the Pacific illustrates race and racialization as effects of a regime of economic development that is supported by military aggression.
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In this age of the internet, Latin American militaries use web sites to advertise many of the missions they conduct. What are their motivations for doing so? This study conducts a region-wide analysis of army operations in twelve Latin American countries. It seeks explanations for why missions have been showcased by drawing on three well-known, general conceptualizations ofthe armedforces: classic professional, societal and corporatist. From each is derived a separate, plausible account for why the military might be motivated to publicize its actions. The study finds that the corporatist approach offers the most convincing explanation followed by the classic professional approach, with the societal model making the weakest case.
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The Seoul National University Nanoelectronics Institute (SNI) was established in 1996 by an interdisciplinary team of university researchers working together to develop a practical fabrication method for ‘tera-level’ single-electron semiconductor devices. The technical and organizational experiment of the SNI ended abruptly with the Asian financial crisis of 1997 as LG Semiconductor, SNI's patron, faced difficulties. This paper places this episode within the historical context of the development of science and technology in post-liberation South Korea as it coped with the overwhelming forces of globalization since the late 1970s. As the global high-tech trade war escalated in the 1980s, the South Korean government pursued the ‘technology drive policy,’ which emphasized the importance of directed basic research in university laboratories. The increased public and private support for university research transformed a few elite universities from teaching-oriented to research-focused institutions, especially in engineering and science. The new generation of research-intensive academics spearheaded the new national strategy of leapfrogging into the cutting-edge of global technology for the first time in the nation’s modern history.
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Download Free Sample “The engineer is bearer of the nation’s industrialization,” says the tower pictured on the front cover. President Park Chung-hee (1917–1979) was seeking to scale up a unified national identity through industrialization, with engineers as iconic leaders. But Park encountered huge obstacles in what he called the “second economy” of mental nationalism. Technical workers had long been subordinate to classically trained scholar officials. Even as the country became an industrial powerhouse, the makers of engineers never found approaches to techno-national formation—engineering education and training—that Koreans would wholly embrace. This book follows the fraught attempts of engineers to identify with Korea as a whole. It is for engineers, both Korean and non-Korean, who seek to become better critical analysts of their own expertise, identities, and commitments. It is for non-engineers who encounter or are affected by Korean engineers and engineering, and want to understand and engage them. It is for researchers who serve as critical participants in the making of engineers and puzzle over the contents and effects of techno-national formation. Table of Contents: Preface and Acknowledgments / What Are Korean Engineers For / Five Koreas Without Korean Engineers: 1876-1960 / Technical Workers for Light Industry: 1961-1970 / Engineers for Heavy and Chemical Industries: 1970-1979 / Loss of Privilege and Visibility: 1980-1998 / Engineers for a Post-Catch-Up Korea? / Engineers and Korea / Index / Author Biographies
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The first half of 1970s was one of the crucial periods to understand the South Korea's economic success. South Korea achieved great economic success as President Park Chung-hee concentrated his effort to maintain economic development to consolidate his dictatorial power as well as to overcome North Korean threats. Los Angeles Times and New York Times dealt with the issues on the South Korea's economy with considerable amount of reports. To do so, they helped to provide general views of Americans on South Korea's economy of the time. According to them, South Korea's economic development was comparatively successful during this period. Some of them even highly praised the economic success of this country. However, the lack of democracy made them to believe that South Korea's economic success was fragile. They failed to understand the South Korean people's will and desperation to survive after the long years of poverty. Still, the analyses and advices presented in the reports were very valuable to see South Korea's economic structure and problem. The reports of both American major newspapers contributed to develop the American views on South Korea and its economic development of the period.
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Die individuellen Eigenschaften von außenpolitischen EntscheidungsträgerInnen spielen bei Prozessen der Kernwaffenverbreitung häufig eine wichtige Rolle. Trotzdem hat die theoretische Proliferationsforschung die Bedeutung des Individuums bislang wenig berücksichtigt. Eine Integration von individuellen Eigenschaften in die Analyse legt eine Änderung der abhängigen Variable vom Verhalten des Staates bezüglich einer Nuklearrüstung hin zu den Einstellungen der einzelnen EntscheidungsträgerInnen nahe. Dieser Schritt erhöht zwar geringfügig den Analyseaufwand, verspricht jedoch Vorteile für die Theoriebildung.
Article
This article investigates the reshaping of South Korean science and technology in the first half of Park Chung Hee's administration. The national goal of economic development advocated by the military government was used to promote science and technology. At that time, young scientists and engineers who had studied in the United States formed the π-Club and emerged as leaders of South Korea's scientific community, consistently advocating applied and industrial research. Scientists' newfound political power shifted the core of science and technology from universities to government-supported research institutes, including the Korea Institute of Science and Technology. The state intervened persistently to influence the direction of science and technology. Under these circumstances, despite the rapid advances that applied science made under Park's administration, pure science and basic technology languished.
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This study is informed by the theorizing prompted by recent work on state rescaling. I aim to examine the interaction between the top-down and bottom-up rescaling processes that took place in the South Korean developmental state during the late 1960s and early 1970s. I focus on a regionalism that both built a regional scale and influenced the hegemonic crisis of the ruling regime. Specifically, the study illustrates the features of state space that were shaped during the developmental era and the factors that allow state space to be stable and coherent. By dealing with these questions, I provide a possible interpretation of why and how regionalism was a crucial factor in the hegemonic crisis of the 1960s and generated a rescaling of state space. What makes this study significant is not merely the fact that this space is located in East Asia. It could also, more generally, open up an alternative perspective on state rescaling during the early stages of state-led industrialization.
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This chapter provides a critique of economic development theories starting from Adam Smith to the “capital-injection” school (Harrod-Domar, Lewis and Rostow models), the neo-classical growth models (Solow and Romer models) and the so-called Washington consensus. Furthermore, by taking a closer look at more specific arguments on the Korean economy such as Amsden’s revisionist approach, the World Bank’s view and Chang Ha-Joon’s infant industry argument, this chapter exposes the various weaknesses of these theories in explaining Korea’s economic development experiences.
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The Routledge Handbook of Korean Culture and Society is an accessible and interdisciplinary resource that explores the formation and transformation of Korean culture and society. Each chapter provides a comprehensive and thought-provoking overview on key topics, including: compressed modernity, religion, educational migration, social class and inequality, popular culture, digitalisation, diasporic cultures and cosmopolitanism. These topics are thoroughly explored by an international team of Korea experts, who provide historical context, examine key issues and debates, and highlight emerging questions in order to set the research agenda for the near future. Providing an interdisciplinary overview of Korean culture and society, this Handbook is an essential read for undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well scholars in Korean Studies, Cultural Studies, Sociology, Anthropology, and Asian Studies in general.
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Over the last half-century, South Korea has experienced momentous economic, political, and social transformations tied to its rapid industrialization. This paper utilizes economic nationalism as a mechanism for exploring the interplay of continuity and change across several key periods of this developmental epoch. It identifies the specific ways nationalism was incorporated into the developmental politics of the Park Chung Hee era (1961-1979) and in turn how these ideological legacies weighed upon Kim Young Sam’s globalization (segyehwa) agenda (1993-1997). In pursuing these aims the paper draws from a set analytical tools developed by a group of scholars seeking to reestablish the connection between economic nationalism and the mass politics roots of nationalism itself. It finds that tracing the specific ways in which nationalism was employed in the service of economic ends during the Park era sheds light on the contentious politics of segyehwa and the particular strategies the Kim administration embraced in promoting its policies. Additionally, given the increasing prominence of nationalist politics around the globe, the paper potentially speaks to a much wider set of cases through its theoretical and empirical insights into the intersection of technical and ideological issues entwined with economic liberalization.
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This article examines relations between the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the State of Israel from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1962 to 2020. It analyses the internal and external factors influencing their foreign and security policies as well as mutual misunderstandings and the attendant problems, notably the failure to sign a free trade agreement till 2020. Despite these difficulties, and the geostrategic complexity of the Middle East, especially the Persian Gulf, that influences Seoul’s interests in the region and its relations with Israel, the bilateral relationship will further improve once the free trade agreement is ratified by both states.
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This chapter, “Park’s Engineering of a South Korean Auto Industry: Beginnings to 1979,” chronicles the emergence of the Korean auto industry from its beginnings to 1979. It opens with a brief review of the industry’s embryonic phase up until the Rhee Regime (1948–1960). This is followed by two sections that discuss the Park Government’s forging of the foundation for a domestic automobile industry (1961–1967) and subsequent weaning of its native automakers (1967–1972). The essay next examines Korea’s development of a gukmincha (“People’s Car”) under the direction of Park’s Heavy and Chemical Industrial Drive or HCI Plan (1973–1979). It then closes with a summary of the rise of the Korean auto industry under Park. This chapter also provides some concluding thoughts regarding the development context at the end of Park’s reign in 1979.
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The body of the book and Part I begins with this chapter, “The State and Development in South Korea: From Yi to Early Park.” This essay provides a cursory historical outline of South Korea’s context for development through 1972. It begins with brief discussions of its Koryo (936–1392) and Chosun/Yi (1392–1910) periods, before introducing some of the pivotal events connecting the Japanese colonization period (1910–1945) and the Rhee Regime (1945–1960) with South Korea’s post-World War II economic growth. This chapter then concludes with some commentary regarding the rapid transformation of the Korean economy during the early Park Era (1961–1972). This sets the stage for the discussions in Chapters 3 and 4 reviewing the State’s role in the creation and development of a domestic automobile industry.
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本文將有關亞洲四小龍經濟成長、所得分配與政權轉型的學術觀點區分為“亞洲例外論”與“普世主義論”兩組論述,亞洲例外論認為遵循亞洲價值的威權體制有助於經濟成長與所得分配的平等,普世主義論則認為民主化才有助於保證經濟穩定與分配正義。在南韓與 台灣相繼發生政治轉型之後,與民主改革停滯不前的新加坡及香港相比,形成了極佳的對照。 本文引進反事實推論的Treatment Regression 統計方法以及General Method of Moments 模型,收集亞洲四小龍近三十年來的相關數據,來比較南韓、台灣、新加坡以及香港的政治體制對經濟發展與所得分配的影響。結論發現亞洲四小龍的政治轉型與否,與實質經濟成長率之間並沒有明確的統計關聯,但是比起民主化之後的台灣及南韓,香港和新加坡的吉尼係數有顯著惡化的趨勢。因此,亞洲四小龍的經濟發展與所得分配的經驗,並不支持亞洲威權體制表現較佳的“亞洲例外論”,反而成為民主作為普世價值的另一次驗證。
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Using South Korea’s involvement in the Vietnam and Iraq Wars as case studies, we explore transnational militarism as a salient (often neglected) force of globalization that has shaped the construction and modification of national identity. Building on the theoretical framework of ‘militarized modernity’ and insights from critical studies of militarism, we examine the effect of two features of transnational militarism on the construction of South Korea’s sense of a national ‘we’: discursive representation of national interest in participating in these wars and actual and imagined encounters with ‘Others’ mediated by transnational militarism. We argue that while the Vietnam War participation was instrumental to the construction of the anticommunist, capitalist, and militarized nation in the context of the Cold War, the Iraq War participation a generation later contributed to the emergence of a cosmopolitan nationalism that challenged the views from the Cold War era. We identify South Korea’s citizen-led democratization as a major contributing factor for different modes of engagements with transnational wars, in association with shifting geopolitics.
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The chapter demonstrates how an industrial structure dominated by DPCC and democratic transition resulted in a rapid transformation of the South Korean developmental state, as a result of strong structural and institutional constraints created through two parallel processes.
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Korean society is changing rapidly. It is also becoming more polarized, with frustration and discontent mounting. Starting from 2012 the term economic democratization (경제 민주화, Gyeongje Minjoohwa) has become a common expression in Korean politics and society, with parties on either side of the political spectrum seeking to appropriate it and capitalize on popular grievances. With income inequality growing and social polarization deepening, the demand for a fairer re-distribution of wealth across society is now the ‘Zeitgeist’ in Korea. The chapter embeds the themes discussed in the remainder of the book in scholarly debates and also provides a socio-economic and political background.
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This chapter shifts the attention from the demand side of protest politics to the supply side: To what extent is protest mobilization a reflection of governments’ (repressive) politics? How do authorities handle and shape protest action? Importantly, all the previously considered factors, such as protest forms, claims, and actors, are included into the analysis of this chapter: We estimate a logistic model as to whether they make repressive action more likely. The analysis confirms the well-established argument in the protest-policing literature that governments repress protest by which they feel threatened, such as large and/or violent protests. We introduce a novel aspect by asking whether repression politics is ideologically driven and whether certain types of protesters are more likely to be repressed. The latter argument finds partial support: In Korea, workers, farmers, and political opponents are more likely to suffer from authoritarian repression than other protest actors. In Indonesia, this was the case when these types of actors got organized.
Article
In response to US plans to withdraw troops from South Korea in the 1970s, the Park Chung Hee administration (1961–79) leveraged all defense-related civilian industries to build an independent system of weapons production. In keeping with Park's advancement of military modernization driven by strong private-sector growth, an agenda that he promoted with his banner slogan “rich nation, strong military,” large Korean companies known as chaebŏl were transformed to serve as government contractors that drove both national economic development and military modernization. A case study of one such company, Hanwha, illustrates how the state's hyper-militarization of Korean industries determined the distinct course and character of South Korea's national development. The study highlights the dynamic interplay that occurred between state actors and private-sector CEOs, managers, and laborers in shaping the chaebŏl -centered economic and defense industrialization.
Article
With one of the world's fastest rates of economic growth since the 1990s, Vietnam could be seen as Asia's next tiger economy. This study examines whether there has been policy convergence between the older East Asian developmental state model of economic development and that adopted by Vietnam. The economic development trajectories of South Korea and Vietnam are compared to identify similarities and differences. It was found that while policy convergence is evident there is also some divergence between the two countries.
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This article examines the ways in which the emergence of the Seoul Capital Area offered both opportunities and challenges to religious actors in modernizing South Korea. South Korea rebuilt itself from the ruins of the Korean War through an accelerated process of urbanization and industrialization in accordance with a state-led modernization drive. This process, in turn, led to an unprecedented population concentration in Seoul and its surrounding area, where new political and economic centers emerged side-by-side with slums and shantytowns. Amid this turbulent social change, some of today’s most well-known Protestant leaders – especially Pentecostal Cho Yong-gi and Calvinist Kim Chin-hong – joined the caravan of rural-to-urban migration and commenced their ministries in Seoul, adapting their religious messages and practices to address the social aspirations of the growing urban population. This article demonstrates that despite their shared concern for the problem of urban poverty, Cho Yong-gi and Kim Chin-hong faced successes and failures in different ways as they adopted ministerial programs of the gospel of prosperity and the theology of development, respectively.
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Why is making peace so hard and returning to confrontation relatively easy on the Korean Peninsula? By conceptualizing four types of institutional change –Cold War peace, Post Cold War peace, democratic peace, and developmental peace – the author suggests a better explanation of the peacemaking process in Korea than previous realist, liberal and functionalist approaches. The author argues that peace on the Korean Peninsula has been institutionalised on a low level and in a negative way, and that the scale and density of socio-economic exchanges has been weak and insignificant. This is because the Panmunjom Regime, as an institutionalized armistice, was originally a negative peace created by external influences. However, internal actors have attained increasing importance in changing it into a positive peace. Lately, however, all actors have faced the difficulties posed by domestic politics and North Korean nuclear development, which has made them choose a passive and negative set of policies. The second round of peace process at the moment shows complex combination of various motivations of South Korean democratic peace, North Korean and Chinese developmental peace mode of diplomatic position. New Cold War type of threat posed by the U.S. president of Trump may increse the importance of domestic actors of each engaged countries in North East Asia.
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Full-text available
Over the last half-century, South Korea has experienced momentous economic, political, and social transformations tied to its rapid industrialization. This paper utilizes economic nationalism as a mechanism for exploring the interplay of continuity and change across several key periods of this developmental epoch. It identifies the specific ways nationalism was incorporated into the developmental politics of the Park Chung Hee era (1961-1979) and in turn how these ideological legacies weighed upon Kim Young Sam’s globalization (segyehwa) agenda (1993-1997). In pursuing these aims the paper draws from a set analytical tools developed by a group of scholars seeking to reestablish the connection between economic nationalism and the mass politics roots of nationalism itself. It finds that tracing the specific ways in which nationalism was employed in the service of economic ends during the Park era sheds light on the contentious politics of segyehwa and the particular strategies the Kim administration embraced in promoting its policies. Additionally, given the increasing prominence of nationalist politics around the globe, the paper potentially speaks to a much wider set of cases through its theoretical and empirical insights into the intersection of technical and ideological issues entwined with economic liberalization.
Chapter
Focusing on the on-going conflict between the so-called ‘labor aristocracy’ of regular workers of large firms in heavy and chemical industry and irregular workers who comprise 45% of all wage earners in South Korean society, this chapter examines labor polarization in post-developmental Korea. The chapter argues that the Korean case of ‘supercapitalism’ drove not only chaebol to become far more competitive, global and innovative, but also drove the large-firm trade unions to corporatize their management structures, through which regular skilled workers and their militant unions exploit irregular workers as a buffer for their own company-based union interests in today’s post-developmental Korea.
Article
Korea’s developmental skill formation system was shaped in the 1970s by the Korean developmental state that proactively sought rapid Heavy and Chemical Industrialisation as the nation’s overarching goal. Vocational education at the upper secondary level and post-school in-company training in particular were strategically nurtured and closely managed by the state to supply the skilled workforce necessary, engendering a skill formation system subject to the state’s policies. The state’s tight control of the skill formation system was largely loosened in the 1980s, but since the 1990s it began to transform into a ‘post-developmental’ skill formation system geared toward Korea’s increasingly knowledge-based and globalising economy. Although it is still in the making, the post-developmental skill formation system is significantly different from the previous system in that the focus has shifted to vocational education at the secondary and the tertiary levels, whereas in-company vocational training is being gradually marginalised. Furthermore, the post-developmental skill formation system in Korea is both state-led and market-based, reflecting fundamental and dynamic changes in the nature of the Korean state since the 1990s.
Article
The ‘Engineering Approach’ to the fostering of industry adopted in Korea gave priority to those export industries which had a multiplier effect on the economy. The fostering of each industry passed through several steps, from direct protection through to the attainment of internationally competitive status. Development proceeded in timed and sequential stages, like a pyramid. Thus export industy was established first, followed by industries based upon processed materials, primary materials, and finally heavy industry. The direction of development was therefore the reverse of socialism, which aimed at autarky and the production of quantity irrespective of efficiency. This approach required the fostering of skilled human resources, and could only have succeeded with the cooperation of the industrialists. The longer term goal has been market responsiveness. The role of government was to help only until the large Korean corporations became able to compete internationally.