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The salience of socially engaging and disengaging emotions among Black and White South Africans
Abstract
This study investigated the experience of disengaging and engaging emotions among Black and White South African university students. In total 351 Black and White students attending a large North Western province university in South Africa (45% Black students, 69% female students, M-age = 21.09, SDage = 3.02) reported on their emotions in general, on the last emotional experience they had at home, and on the last emotional experience they had at university. They rated in each context 55 emotion terms that represented the emotion domain. Participants could either respond in English, Setswana, or Afrikaans. A multidimensional scaling revealed a two-dimensional structure across Blacks and Whites, the three languages, and the three contexts. On the first dimension negative emotions (such as sadness) were opposed to positive emotions (such as joy). On the second dimension disengaging emotions (such as anger and pride) were opposed to engaging emotions (such as guilt and compassion). Thus also in South Africa emotions differ with respect to whether they set a person apart from the social context (disengaging), or whether they link a person to the social context (engaging). Contrary to expectation, Blacks did not report more engaging and less disengaging emotions than Whites. In the university context no differences were observed, while in the home and general context Blacks reported more disengaging and less engaging emotions than Whites. Post hoc explanations are proposed in terms of relative differences in social status, acculturative changes, and the specific experiences of Black and White students in the South-African context.
... More recent research has proposed four-dimensional models with valence, arousal, control, and novelty (Fontaine et al., 2007;Fontaine, 2013;Fontaine and Scherer, 2013). A dimension of emotional engagement, which concerns whether the emotional experience fosters individuals' independent sense of self or interdependent sense of self, has also been identified (Kgantsi et al., 2015). These prominent dimensions are proposed as important characteristics for people to distinguish different emotions. ...
... This dimension is identified as social engagement. The characteristic of this dimension concerns whether the emotion is related to the experience of independent sense of self (regarding self as an entity that is independent from social relationships) or interdependent sense of self (regarding self as being embedded in social relationships with others) (Markus and Kitayama, 1991;Kgantsi et al., 2015). Socially disengaged emotions make the independentself salient, thus they are often experienced when the sense of autonomy is threatened (e.g., anger, surprise, nervous) or enhanced (e.g., pride). ...
... However, not all the emotions were perfectly placed in accordance with the socially engagement characteristic. The emotion of ashamed (or shame), which is generally classified as a socially engaging emotion (Kitayama et al., , 2006Kgantsi et al., 2015), was on the socially disengaging side in the Figure 1. This issue is discussed later. ...
The concept of emotion can be organized within a hypothetical space comprising a limited number of dimensions representing essential properties of emotion. The present study examined cultural influences on such conceptual structure by comparing the performance of emotion word classification between Japanese and Korean individuals. Two types of emotional words were used; central concepts, highly typical examples of emotion, and less typical peripheral concepts. Participants classified 30 words into groups based on conceptual similarity. MDS analyses revealed a three-dimensional structure with valence, social engagement, and arousal dimensions for both cultures, with the valence dimension being the most salient one. The Japanese prioritized the social engagement over the arousal while the Koreans showed sensitivities to the arousal dimension. Although the conceptual structure was similar for the two countries, the weight of importance among the three dimensions seems to be different, reflecting each culture’s values and communication styles.
... that the second dimension is related to the independent self. the second dimension is related to the experience of an independent sense of self (seeing the self as embedded in social relationships with others) [50,51]. As the second dimension carries a secondary amount of information, "Curious" and "Excite" appear as the negative direction of the one-dimensional map and "Relaxation", "Safe", and "Calm" appear as the positive direction of the one-dimensional graph [52]. ...
... Therefore, the characteristics of this dimension are related to the degree of "activation" of the emotion, not to the potency of the emotion, and it also shows that the second dimension is related to the independent self. the second dimension is related to the experience of an independent sense of self (seeing the self as embedded in social relationships with others) [50,51]. As the second dimension carries a secondary amount of information, "Curious" and "Excite" appear as the negative direction of the onedimensional map and "Relaxation", "Safe", and "Calm" appear as the positive direction of the one-dimensional graph [52]. ...
The purpose of this paper is to construct and validate a model centered on architectural emotion, to explore the role of emotion in architectural design, and to provide theoretical support for emotion-oriented design. This study collected 614 terms related to architectural emotion, screened 30 core terms, constructed a two-dimensional architectural emotion model, and verified the scientific and practicality of the model through three measurement methods. First, the one-dimensional scale analysis identified two dimensions of pleasure and charm, which portrayed the range of word variation; second, the Principal Component Analysis confirmed the periodic ordering pattern of words, which revealed its systematic relationship; and, lastly, the Multidimensional Scaling Analysis demonstrated the distribution of emotion words based on cognitive similarity in the multidimensional space. Based on this model, this paper proposes a three-layer circular model of “architectural emotion-architectural cognition-architectural elements”, which constructs the correspondence between architectural emotion and design elements, as well as how architectural cognition and architectural elements can synergize to create a spatial experience that triggers specific emotions. The model provides theoretical support for emotion-oriented architectural design and evaluation, and helps designers to better understand the relationship between emotion and space so as to create more valuable architectural works.
... Studies evaluating the fundamental properties of affective space are only as valid as the stimuli that are included in them-for example, if a study included only negative emotions, a valence dimension might not emerge. In this view, we posited that a dimension representing the social nature of emotion has not emerged in previous analyses of the structure of affective space because social emotion terms were not consistently evaluated (but see, Condon & Barrett, 2013;Kgantsi, Fontaine, & Temane, 2015;Veirman & Fontaine, 2015). The goal of the social priming task deployed in Study 2, as articulated, was to orient participants to think about other people by watching a brief video and writing about it. ...
... Any of these methodological features could plausibly lead to differences in the emergence of higher-order dimensions beyond valence and arousal. Of note, in all but one study (Kgantsi et al., 2015), valence and arousal emerged as dimensions-suggesting that valence and arousal are likely universal, with other dimensions emerging based on the methodological approaches or the cultural contexts in which the work was conducted. Consistent with the fundamental nature of valence and arousal in organizing affective space is the finding that priming social information in Study 2 did not result in the emergence of an additional dimension, nor a shift in the relative placement of words within the identified affective space. ...
Over the past century, great debate has ensued regarding the fundamental properties of emotions. The idea that 2 properties-valence and arousal-are critical for emotion and psychologically irreducible has had substantial staying power in the literature. In the present report, we examine whether a third dimension-reflecting the social properties of emotion-might arise if stimuli high in that dimension (i.e., "theoretically social emotions") were included in the task and, or, if social information was primed. We used a similarity-rating task to evaluate whether a dimension representing the "socialness" of emotion-the extent to which emotions are associated with social contexts-might arise as the result of inclusion of emotion words that are theorized to represent "social emotions." In Study 1, we assessed the dimensional structure of 41 different emotion terms (of which 41% were "social emotions") based on pairwise similarity ratings of a subset of the emotion terms. In Study 2, we tested whether priming social information before and during the similarity rating task would shift the emergent dimensional structure of emotion words. Results of multidimensional scaling across both studies indicated that the structure of emotion is best described by 2 dimensions-valence and arousal-and was not influenced by the priming of social information. Contrary to predictions, evidence did not emerge for a third dimension corresponding to socialness, nor any other property. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
... These two are the most prominent characteristics in many cultures (Jackson et al., 2019;Russell et al., 1989;Västfjäll et al., 2002;. People also use other characteristics, such as whether the emotion is indicating an attentive or rejective attitude of the expressor (Schlosberg, 1954), whether the emotion is controllable or impulsive (Osgood, 1966), and whether the emotion is socially engaging or not (Kgantsi et al., 2015). The use of those dimensions, which are less important than the valence and arousal, might be culturally variable (Kuppens et al., 2006). ...
The Twenty Statements Test (TST) was administered in Seoul and New York, to 454 students from 2 cultures that emphasize collectivism and individualism, respectively. Responses, coded into 33 categories, were classified as either abstract or specific and as either autonomous or social. These 2 dichotomies were more independent in Seoul than in New York. The New York sample included Asian Americans whose spontaneous social identities differed. They either never listed ethnicity–nationality on the TST, or listed it once or twice. Unidentified Asian Americans' self-concepts resembled Euro-Americans' self-concepts, and twice identified Asian Americans' self-concepts resembled Koreans' self-concepts, in both abstractness–specificity and autonomy–sociality. Differential acculturation did not account for these results. Implications for social identity, self-categorization, and acculturation theory are discussed.
The first year of college is a significant life transition, which is often characterized by stress and may contribute to the development or exacerbation of depressive symptoms. Due to the considerable negative outcomes that are associated with depressive symptoms across the lifespan, it is important to understand the mechanisms
and pathways through which depressive symptoms arise. This prospective study examines the mediating and moderating roles of perceived social support and disengagement coping on the association between self-esteem and depressive symptomatology in a sample of 1,118 first-year college students. Results of longitudinal cross-lagged path analyses indicate that self-esteem predicts depressive symptomatology via perceived social support and disengagement coping. The association between self-esteem and perceived social support appear to be bidirectional, in that level of self-esteem predicts perceived social support, and
vice versa. Furthermore, disengagement coping was found to moderate the effect of self-esteem on depressive symptomatology, in that increased levels of disengagement coping led to greater depressive symptoms within the context of both high and low self-esteem. However, this pattern was not observed at lower levels of disengagement coping, which indicates high levels of disengagement coping as a particular risk factor for depressive symptomatology, diminishing the advantage of high self-esteem.
The authors examine the cross-cultural equivalence of the internal structure of the values domain, as measured by the Schwartz Value Survey. Data come from 38 countries, each represented by a student and a teacher sample. In seeking to distinguish lack of fit of the theorized value model from a lack of equivalence in the data and the impact of random sampling fluctuations from valid structural differences, the authors find the following: (a) The Schwartz value theory provides an excellent representation of the average value structure across samples; (b) sampling fluctuation causes deviations from this average structure; (c) sampling fluctuation cannot account for all these deviations; (d) samples of students fit the overall value structure better than samples of teachers, and samples from Western countries better than those from non-Western countries; and (e) the deviations from the average structure exhibit a systematic pattern: the higher the level of societal development of a country, the greater the contrast between protection and growth values.
For a long time I have had the gnawing desire to convey the broad motivational sig nificance of the attributional conception that I have espoused and to present fully the argument that this framework has earned a rightful place alongside other leading theories of motivation. Furthermore, recent investigations have yielded insights into the attributional determinants of affect, thus providing the impetus to embark upon a detailed discussion of emotion and to elucidate the relation between emotion and motivation from an attributional perspective. The presentation of a unified theory of motivation and emotion is the goal of this book. My more specific aims in the chapters to follow are to: 1) Outline the basic princi ples that I believe characterize an adequate theory of motivation; 2) Convey what I perceive to be the conceptual contributions of the perspective advocated by my col leagues and me; 3) Summarize the empirical relations, reach some definitive con clusions, and point out the more equivocal empirical associations based on hypotheses derived from our particular attribution theory; and 4) Clarify questions that have been raised about this conception and provide new material for still further scrutiny. In so doing, the building blocks (if any) laid down by the attributional con ception will be readily identified and unknown juries of present and future peers can then better determine the value of this scientific product."
In cross-cultural psychology, one of the major sources of the development and display of human behavior is the contact between cultural populations. Such intercultural contact results in both cultural and psychological changes. At the cultural level, collective activities and social institutions become altered, and at the psychological level, there are changes in an individual's daily behavioral repertoire and sometimes in experienced stress. The two most common research findings at the individual level are that there are large variations in how people acculturate and in how well they adapt to this process. Variations in ways of acculturating have become known by the terms integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization. Two variations in adaptation have been identified, involving psychological well-being and sociocultural competence. One important finding is that there are relationships between how individuals acculturate and how well they adapt: Often those who integrate (defined as being engaged in both their heritage culture and in the larger society) are better adapted than those who acculturate by orienting themselves to one or the other culture (by way of assimilation or separation) or to neither culture (marginalization). Implications of these findings for policy and program development and for future research are presented.
© The Author(s) 2010.
The expression of anger is an important signal of both danger and threat to social relationships. Furthermore, anger expressed by high-status people should be especially apparent due to the fact that high-status people may be perceived as more able to act on their intentions than low-status people. In the current research, we test the hypothesis that a perceiver will be biased toward anger appearing on the face of a high-status compared to a low-status face. Using an emotion detection task across two experiments, our findings revealed that White participants perceived anger to persist longer (Study 1) and appear sooner (Study 2) on the faces of high-status compared to low-status targets. This suggests that social context, in general, and social status (as indicated by occupation), in particular, can influence the perception of anger.
People in different cultures have strikingly different construals of the self, of others, and of the interdependence of the 2. These construals can influence, and in many cases determine, the very nature of individual experience, including cognition, emotion, and motivation. Many Asian cultures have distinct conceptions of individuality that insist on the fundamental relatedness of individuals to each other. The emphasis is on attending to others, fitting in, and harmonious interdependence with them. American culture neither assumes nor values such an overt connectedness among individuals. In contrast, individuals seek to maintain their independence from others by attending to the self and by discovering and expressing their unique inner attributes. As proposed herein, these construals are even more powerful than previously imagined. Theories of the self from both psychology and anthropology are integrated to define in detail the difference between a construal of the self as independent and a construal of the self as interdependent. Each of these divergent construals should have a set of specific consequences for cognition, emotion, and motivation; these consequences are proposed and relevant empirical literature is reviewed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
We tested the hypothesisthàgood feelings'' Ð the central element of sub-jective well-beingÐ are associated with interdependence and interpersonal engagement of the self in Japan, but with independence and interpersonal disengagement of the self in the United States. Japanese and American college students (total N 5 913) reported how frequently they experienced various emotional states in daily life. In support of the hypothesis, the reported frequency of general positive emotions (e.g. calm, elated) was most closely associated with the reported frequency of interpersonally engaged positive emotions (e.g. friendly feelings) in Japan, but with the reported frequency of interpersonally disengaged positive emotions (e.g. pride) in the United States. Further, for Americans the reported frequency of experience was considerably higher for positive emotions than for negative emotions, but for Japanese it was higher for engaged emotions than for disengaged emotions. Implications for cultural constructions of emotion in general and subjective well-being in particular are discussed.
To test whether the pride expression is an implicit, reliably developing signal of high social status in humans, the authors conducted a series of experiments that measured implicit and explicit cognitive associations between pride displays and high-status concepts in two culturally disparate populations-North American undergraduates and Fijian villagers living in a traditional, small-scale society. In both groups, pride displays produced strong implicit associations with high status, despite Fijian social norms discouraging overt displays of pride. Also in both groups, implicit and explicit associations between emotion expressions and status were dissociated; despite the cross-cultural implicit association between pride displays and high status, happy displays were, cross-culturally, the more powerful status indicator at an explicit level, and among Fijians, happy and pride displays were equally strongly implicitly associated with status. Finally, a cultural difference emerged: Fijians viewed happy displays as more deserving of high status than did North Americans, both implicitly and explicitly. Together, these findings suggest that the display and recognition of pride may be part of a suite of adaptations for negotiating status relationships, but that the high-status message of pride is largely communicated through implicit cognitive processes. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved).
The emotional experiences of people who live together tend to be similar; this is true not only for dyads and groups but also for cultures. It raises the question of whether immigrants' emotions become more similar to host culture patterns of emotional experience; do emotions acculturate? Two studies, on Korean immigrants in the United States (Study 1) and on Turkish immigrants in Belgium (Study 2), measured emotional experiences of immigrants and host group members with the Emotional Patterns Questionnaire. To obtain a measure of the immigrants' emotional similarity to the host group, their individual emotional patterns were correlated to the average pattern of the host group. Immigrants' exposure to and engagement in the host culture, but not their acculturation attitudes, predicted emotional acculturation.
Cultural folk models of happiness and unhappiness are likely to have important bearings on social cognition and social behavior. At present, however, little is known about the nature of these models. Here, the authors systematically analyzed American and Japanese participants' spontaneously produced descriptions of the two emotions and observed, as predicted, that whereas Americans associated positive hedonic experience of happiness with personal achievement, Japanese associated it with social harmony. Furthermore, Japanese were more likely than Americans to mention both social disruption and transcendental reappraisal as features of happiness. As also predicted, unlike happiness, descriptions of unhappiness included various culture-specific coping actions: Whereas Americans focused on externalizing behavior (e.g., anger and aggression), Japanese highlighted transcendental reappraisal and self-improvement. Implications for research on culture and emotion are discussed.
Some writers assume--and others deny--that all human beings distinguish emotions from nonemotions and divide the emotions into happiness, anger, fear, and so on. A review of ethnographic and cross-cultural studies on (a) emotion lexicons, (b) the emotions inferred from facial expressions, and (c) dimensions implicit in comparative judgments of emotions indicated both similarities and differences in how the emotions are categorized in different languages and cultures. Five hypotheses are reviewed: (a) Basic categories of emotion are pancultural, subordinate categories culture specific; (b) emotional focal points are pancultural, boundaries culture specific; (c) emotion categories evolved from a single primitive category of physiological arousal; (d) most emotion categories are culture specific but can be defined by pancultural semantic primitives; and (e) an emotion category is a script with both culture-specific and pancultural components.
The authors hypothesized that whereas Japanese culture encourages socially engaging emotions (e.g., friendly feelings and guilt), North American culture fosters socially disengaging emotions (e.g., pride and anger). In two cross-cultural studies, the authors measured engaging and disengaging emotions repeatedly over different social situations and found support for this hypothesis. As predicted, Japanese showed a pervasive tendency to reportedly experience engaging emotions more strongly than they experienced disengaging emotions, but Americans showed a reversed tendency. Moreover, as also predicted, Japanese subjective well-being (i.e., the experience of general positive feelings) was more closely associated with the experience of engaging positive emotions than with that of disengaging emotions. Americans tended to show the reversed pattern. The established cultural differences in the patterns of emotion suggest the consistent and systematic cultural shaping of emotion over time.
The three most important psychological approaches to the meaning of emotion terms are presented, namely the dimensional, basic emotion, and componential emotion approaches. According to the dimensional approaches the emotion domain can be represented by a small number of continuous dimensions. The basic emotion approach assumes that the emotion domain is organized into categorically different affect programs. This approach has inspired psycholinguistic research that represents the emotion domain by hierarchical structures. The componential emotion approach represents emotion terms by profiles of activity in each of the emotion components. Although these three approaches are in many respects incompatible when it comes to the presumed underlying emotion processes, they are compatible with respect to the meaning of emotion terms. The chapter ends by discussing how the GRID paradigm, which is based on the componential emotion approach, can also be fruitfully applied to study categorical and dimensional representations of the emotion domain.
This is a study on first year students' experiences to adjusting to university life. Secondary data analysis was carried out on 49 cases, where students were required to record how they view university life and how they have adjusted. Thematic analysis was used. Results indicate that first-year students struggled with their academic, personal and social lives as well as attaching to the institution. For students to survive in an institution there is need for systems that can support them like the First Year Experience (FYE) course to help them connect to their new environment.
The book provides a comprehensive treatment of multidimensional scaling (MDS), a family of statistical techniques for analyzing the structure of (dis)similarity data. Such data are widespread, including, for example, intercorrelations of survey items, direct ratings on the similarity on choice objects, or trade indices for a set of countries. MDS represents the data as distances among points in a geometric space of low dimensionality. This map can help to see patterns in the data that are not obvious from the data matrices. MDS is also used as a psychological model for judgments of similarity and preference. This book may be used as an introduction to MDS for students in psychology, sociology, and marketing. The prerequisite is an elementary background in statistics. The book is also well suited for a variety of advanced courses on MDS topics. All the mathematics required for more advanced topics is developed systematically. This second edition is not only a complete overhaul of its predecessor, but also adds some 140 pages of new material. Many chapters are revised or have sections reflecting new insights and developments in MDS. There are two new chapters, one on asymmetric models and the other on unfolding. There are also numerous exercises that help the reader to practice what he or she has learned, and to delve deeper into the models and its intricacies. These exercises make it easier to use this edition in a course. All data sets used in the book can be downloaded from the web. The appendix on computer programs has also been updated and enlarged to reflect the state of the art.
This article proposes that shame is the master emotion of everyday life but is usually invisible in modern societies because of taboo. A review of shame studies suggests a taboo that results in denial and silence. The studies by Cooley, Freud, Elias, Lynd, Goffman, Lewis, and Tomkins have been largely ignored. Their work suggests a vital connection between shame and social life: shame can be seen as a signal of a threat to the bond. If so, understanding shame would be necessary for the study of social systems. The taboo on shame in English still holds: current usage, for the most part, assigns an intense and narrow singular meaning. This meaning offends, on the one hand, and misses the everyday function of shame, on the other. Perhaps the problem can be approached, as it is in traditional societies, by the use of a broader term, such as "bond affect" or "Shame." Such a concept could lead to discovery of the emotional/relational world.
A review of the literature revealed seven, quite different self-report measures of the Protestant Work Ethic (PWE). This study set out to compare and contrast these different measures by content, correlational, and factor analysis. Over 1000 English-speaking respondents completed all seven scales. Content analyses revealed seven dimensions to the PWE measures, and correlational analyses confirmed this. Factor analyses yielded five readily interpretable factors. The results are discussed in terms of the multi-dimensional nature of the PWE beliefs, the psychometric evaluation of the different scales, and the difficulty of defining the PWE in current contexts.
nvestigated the role of honor concerns in mediating the effect of nationality and gender on the reported intensity of anger and shame in reaction to insult vignettes. Spain, an honor culture, and The Netherlands, where honor is of less central significance, were selected for comparison. A total of 260 (125 Dutch, 135 Spanish) persons (mean age 21.9 yrs) participated in the research. Participants completed a measure of honor concerns and answered questions about emotional reactions of anger and shame to vignettes depicting insults in which type of threat was manipulated. It was found that Spanish participants responded especially intensely to insults that threaten family honor, and that this effect of nationality on emotional reactions to threats to family honor was mediated by individual differences in concern for family honor.
The present research examined the effect of respect communicated by fellow group members on one's willingness to contribute to the group's welfare. Based on the procedural justice literature, it was expected that respect would communicate important relational information, consequently enhancing people's motivation to promote the group's welfare. Using a public good dilemma, it was found that respect indeed motivated group members to contribute more to the group's welfare and that this was most pronounced among group members who felt least included (i.e., peripheral members) relative to group members who felt included (i.e., core members). These findings illustrate the importance of decision makers' concerns about viable and positive intragroup relationships in their decision to cooperate or not.
Value judgments, attributional judgments, and self-esteem are predicted to moderate the relationship between respectful treatment and procedural justice. In three studies, the moderation hypothesis is supported. In Studies 1 and 2, attributional and value judgments are shown to moderate the effect of respect so that respect is most important for those individuals who perform positively valued behaviors, particularly those who are responsible for those behaviors. Path analyses in Study 2 reveal that the respect-justice relationship is mediated by perceptions of deservingness. Study 3, a field survey, shows that respect is more important for the procedural fairness judgments of high self-esteem individuals. Several theoretical perspectives support the argument that these variables moderate the relation between respectful treatment and procedural fairness because of their impact on deservingness judgments. This deservingness effect is proposed to have implications for understanding the moderating effects of situational and personality variables for numerous fairness models.
The psychological component of immigration in the Netherlands was studied by comparing views on multiculturalism and acculturation orientation of Turkish migrants between Dutch majority (N=1565) and Turkish–Dutch minority (N=185) members. Multiculturalism was measured with an adaptation of the Multicultural Ideology Scale (Berry & Kalin, 1995); acculturation orientation was investigated in different domains of life. The results revealed that Dutch on average had a neutral attitude towards multiculturalism in the Netherlands while Turkish–Dutch showed a more positive attitude. Regarding the acculturation strategies, Dutch adults preferred assimilation above integration of Turkish migrants in all life domains. Turkish–Dutch adults made a distinction in public and private domains: integration was preferred in public domains, and separation in private domains. In public domains both cultural groups agreed that Turkish migrants should adapt to the Dutch culture. In private domains there was no agreement at all in the views of Dutch and Turkish–Dutch. These results suggest that the views on acculturation and multiculturalism differ substantially for majority and minority group members. Implications are discussed. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Self-concept orientations (individualistic, collectivistic, and moralistic) were examined for 210 Zimbabwe college students of a Shona cultural background. Although the students tended to endorse an individualistic self-concept orientation to a significant extent, the women and the older students were more inclined to perceive of the self-concept as collectivistic and moralistic in orientation. Implications for self-concept models for African cultures and suggestions for further research are discussed.
People from collectivist cultures may have more concrete and interdependent self-concepts than do people from individualist cultures (G. Hofstede, 1980). African cultures are considered collectivist (H. C. Triandis, 1989), but research on self-concept and culture has neglected this continent. The authors attempted a partial replication in an African context of cross-cultural findings on the abstract-concrete and independent-interdependent dimensions of self-construal (referred to as the abstract-specific and the autonomous-social dimensions, respectively, by E. Rhee, J. S. Uleman, H. K. Lee, & R. J. Roman, 1995). University students in South Africa took the 20 Statements Test (M. Kuhn & T. S. McPartland, 1954; Rhee et al.); home languages were rough indicators of cultural identity. The authors used 3 coding schemes to analyze the content of 78 protocols from African-language speakers and 77 protocols from English speakers. In accord with predictions from individualism-collectivism theory, the African-language speakers produced more interdependent and concrete self-descriptions than did the English speakers. Additional findings concerned the orthogonality of the 2 dimensions and the nature and assessment of the social self-concept.
Where do my emotions belong? A study of immigrants' emotional acculturation
- J De Leersnyder
- B Mesquita
- H S Kim
De Leersnyder, J., Mesquita, B., & Kim, H. S. (2011, April).
Where do my emotions belong? A study of immigrants'
emotional acculturation. Personality and Social
Psychology Bulletin, 37(4), 451-463. http://dx.doi.
org/10.1177/0146167211399103 PMID:21357754
Structural equivalence of the values domain across cultures: Distinguishing sampling fluctuations from meaningful variation
- J R J Fontaine
- Y H Poortinga
- L Delbeke
- S H Schwartz
Fontaine, J. R. J., Poortinga, Y. H., Delbeke, L., & Schwartz,
S. H. (2008). Structural equivalence of the values
domain across cultures: Distinguishing sampling
fluctuations from meaningful variation. Journal of
Cross-Cultural Psychology, 39(4), 345-365. http://dx.doi.
org/10.1177/0022022108318112
The relationship of shame, social anxiety and depression: The role of the evaluation of social rank
- P Gilbert
Gilbert, P. (2000). The relationship of shame, social anxiety
and depression: The role of the evaluation of social rank.
Clinical Psychology & Psychotherapy, 7(3), 174-189. http://
dx.doi.org/10.1002/1099-0879(200007)7:3<174::AID-CPP236>3.0.CO;2-U
A deservingness approach to respect as a relationally based fairness judgment
- L Heuer
- E Blumenthal
- A Douglas
- T Weinblatt
Heuer, L., Blumenthal, E., Douglas, A., & Weinblatt, T. (1999).
A deservingness approach to respect as a relationally
based fairness judgment. Personality and Social
Psychology Bulletin, 25(10), 1279-1292. http://dx.doi.
org/10.1177/0146167299258009
Cultural affordances and emotional experience: Socially engaging and disengaging emotions in Japan and the United States
- S Kitayama
- B Mesquita
- M Karasawa
Kitayama, S., Mesquita, B., & Karasawa, M. (2006). Cultural
affordances and emotional experience: Socially engaging and
disengaging emotions in Japan and the United States. Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 91(5), 890-903. http://
dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.91.5.890 PMID:17059308
Emotion meaning and emotion episodes in the Setswana language group. The North West Province. Unpublish master's thesis
- L P Mojaki
Mojaki, L. P. (2011). Emotion meaning and emotion episodes
in the Setswana language group. The North West Province.
Unpublished master's thesis, North-West University,
Potchefstroom, South Africa.
Cross-cultural evidence that the nonverbal expression of pride is an automatic status signal
- J L Tracy
- A F Shariff
- W Zhao
- J Henrich
Tracy, J. L., Shariff, A. F., Zhao, W., & Henrich, J. (2013).
Cross-cultural evidence that the nonverbal expression of
pride is an automatic status signal. Journal of Experimental
Psychology. General, 142(1), 163-180. http://dx.doi.
org/10.1037/a0028412 PMID:22564115
Indi^vidualism and collectivism
- H C Triandis
Triandis, H. C. (1995). Individualism and collectivism. Boulder,
CO: Westview Press.
Emotion structure, emotion meaning and emotion episodes of white Afrikaans-speaking working adults. Unpublish doctoral dissertation thesis
- A S Van Der Merwe
Van der Merwe, A.S. (2011). Emotion structure, emotion meaning
and emotion episodes of white Afrikaans-speaking working
adults. Unpublished doctoral dissertation thesis, North West
University, Potchefstroom, South Africa.
Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation Psychological Review
- H R Markus
- S Kitayama
The scorn of status: A bias toward perceiving anger on high-status faces
- N J Ratcliff
- R Franklin
- Gjr
- A J Nelson
- T Vescio