Food taboos and myths in South Eastern Nigeria: The belief and practice of mothers in the region

Abstract

Poor nutritional practices especially in pregnancy and early childhood can result in dire consequences in the growth and development of a child.
This study using purposive sampling enrolled 149 women who had carried at least one pregnancy to term in Enugu south east Nigeria. Logistic regression analysis was used to assess association between avoidance of certain food in pregnancy and selected socio-demographic factors.
Approximately 37 % of respondents avoided some foods in pregnancy due to food taboos and no relationship was seen between this avoidance of food and maternal educational attainment, parity (number of obstetrics deliveries) and occupation. Snail and grass-cutter meat were the commonly avoided food in pregnancy while egg were commonly avoided in children under-two years old. Some respondent believed eating snail and grass-cutter meat makes a child sluggish and labour difficult respectively while starting egg early for a child could predispose them to stealing later in life.
Discussion about food taboos during antenatal care visits and during community education can help reduce the traditional belief about certain food in pregnancy and early childhood.

Full text

R E S E A R C H Open Access
Food taboos and myths in South Eastern
Nigeria: The belief and practice of mothers
in the region
Uchenna Ekwochi
1
, Chidiebere D. I. Osuorah
2*
, Ikenna K. Ndu
1
, Christian Ifediora
3
, Isaac Nwabueze Asinobi
1
and Christopher Bismark Eke
4
Abstract
Background: Poor nutritional practices especially in pregnancy and early childhood can result in dire
consequences in the growth and development of a child.
Methods: This study using purposive sampling enrolled 149 women who had carried at least one pregnancy to
term in Enugu south east Nigeria. Logistic regression analysis was used to assess association between avoidance of
certain food in pregnancy and selected socio-demographic factors.
Results: Approximately 37 % of respondents avoided some foods in pregnancy due to food taboos and no
relationship was seen between this avoidance of food and maternal educational attainment, parity (number of
obstetrics deliveries) and occupation. Snail and grass-cutter meat were the commonly avoided food in pregnancy
while egg were commonly avoided in children under-two years old. Some respondent believed eating snail and
grass-cutter meat makes a child sluggish and labour difficult respectively while starting egg early for a child could
predispose them to stealing later in life.
Conclusion: Discussion about food taboos during antenatal care visits and during community education can help
reduce the traditional belief about certain food in pregnancy and early childhood.
Keywords: Food taboos, Pregnancy, Under-two years, Enugu
Background
James D’Adamo authored a book titled “One Man’s Food…is
Someone Else’sPoison”[1]. This implies that what appeals
to a particular group of people as delicacies may actually be
unappealing and in extreme cases forbidden to another
group of people. The word taboo in general terms is a belief
that forbids association of a group people with other people,
places or practices [2]. Food taboos which is a type of these
taboos, represents unwritten social rules mainly based on re-
ligious and/or historical reasons that regulate food consump-
tion in a community [3]. Barfield stated that there may be as
many as 300 reasons for particular avoidance [4].
According to the UNICEF Food-Care Health concep-
tual framework, cultural norms, taboos and beliefs lie
within the contextual factors included as one of the
basic causes of malnutrition [5, 6]. Food taboos which is
a relatively commoner among poor communities espe-
cially in Sub-Saharan Africa is often more strictly prac-
ticed by pregnant and lactating women to prevent what
they perceive as harmful effect of these foods on the
newborn [7, 8]. This practice was described in the
Gambia where due to some traditional belief, women of
‘Fulla’ethnicity are usually forbidden from eating several
types of food rich in carbohydrate, animal proteins, and
micronutrients during pregnancy [9]. The study hypoth-
esized that the food taboos maybe a contributing factor
to the high protein-caloric malnutrition during child-
hood and pregnancy among this ethnic group [9]. Inad-
equate intake has been shown to be a major contributor
to malnutrition which is an underlying factor in more
than 50 % of the core causes of childhood deaths in
developing countries [10–12]. Other studies have
* Correspondence: chidi.osuorah@yahoo.com
2
Child Survival Unit, Medical Research Council UK, The Gambia Unit, Fajara,
The Gambia
Full list of author information is available at the end of the article
© 2016 Ekwochi et al. Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0
International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to
the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver
(http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated.
Ekwochi et al. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (2016) 12:7
DOI 10.1186/s13002-016-0079-x
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.

associated certain maternal socio-demographic factors
with adherence to food taboos [13, 14].
In line with this fact, the UNICEF advocated improving
and expanding delivery of key nutrition interventions dur-
ing the critical 1000-day window covering a woman’s
pregnancy and the first two years of her child’s life, when
rapid physical and mental development occurs [15]. In
sum, cultural norms, taboos and beliefs may influence
what mothers eat during pregnancy and this in turn may
affects the birth weight and subsequent wellbeing of their
babies. Such taboos may also influence what mother feed
their children. This study was designed to identify the
various food taboos during pregnancy and in under-two
children in the South Eastern Nigeria and the reasons for
avoiding these foods. It is believed that identifying the
food taboos practiced by the participants in this study will
help entrench Cultural Competency in the delivery of
child and maternal health care services in South Eastern
Nigeria.
Methods
Description of study area
This is a hospital based study conducted over a 3 months
period (November 2014- January 2015) in the Antenatal
clinics of Enugu State University Teaching Hospital
(ESUTH) in Parklane Enugu, south eastern part of
Nigeria. ESUTH is a tertiary health facility located in the
state’s metropolis and serves as a referral center to other
secondary and primary health facilities within the state
and its environs. Enugu state has a population of
2,125,068 people as at 2005, with an average annual g
rowth rate of 3 % and literacy rate of 66 % [16]. Majority
of its residents are of Igbo ethnicity and Christianity is
the dominant religion.
Enrolment of respondents
This is a cross-sectional with purposive sampling method
employed in enrolling study participants. Pregnant mothers
presenting to the clinics and those who consented to par-
ticipate were consecutively enrolled. They were inter-
viewed on their belief and practice of food taboos during
pregnancy and in their young children. The interview was
done using a structured pretested questionnaire. Further
interviews were conducted on individuals who admitted to
avoiding certain food to ascertain their reasons for such
practice. All interviews were carried out by medical stu-
dents in their final years that were trained for two weeks
on how to administer the questionnaires. Daily quality
checks were also done to detected errors and correction
initiated.
Respondent’s socio-demographic characteristics
The age, parity (number of obstetrics deliveries), ethnicity,
religion, highest education attainment and occupation of
respondents were ascertained. Age was categorized
into <20, 21–25, 26–30, 31–35, 36–40 and >40 years.
Parity was grouped into 1st, 2nd to 5th and >5th preg-
nancy. Ethnicity was grouped into Igbos, Hausas, Yorubas
and others. Religion of the respondents was categorized as
Christianity, Muslim, and Traditional religions. The high-
est education level and occupation of the respondents
were assessed using Olusanya and Okpere socio-economic
classification [17]. The highest education level was
grouped as; (i) University graduate or equivalent, (ii) O’le-
vel or Senior School certificate (SSCE) who also had teach-
ing or other professional training (iii) school certificate or
grade 11 teachers certificate or equivalent (iv) Juniour Sec-
ondary School Certificate (JSSCE), primary six certificate
(v) no education. The occupation of respondents were
stratified into; (i) Skilled occupation i.e. senior public ser-
vants, professionals, managers, large scale business men,
contractors (ii) Semi-skilled occupations i.e. intermediate
grade public servants, senior school teachers, (iii) Un-
skilled occupation i.e. junior school teachers, drivers, arti-
sans,petty traders, laborers, messengers (v) unemployed
i.e. full time house wife, student, subsistence farmer etc.
Belief and practice of food taboos among respondents
Respondents were interviewed to ascertain whether or
not they believe traditional taboos that certain food
should not be eaten by pregnant women or children
under two years of age. They were asked to state
whether or not they practice such beliefs and to list the
various food items that are associated with taboos in
their locale. Among respondents who practice food
taboos, a few were randomly selected for a more detailed
interaction to ascertain the various reasons for avoiding
such food in pregnancy and in their younger children.
Data management
Analysis was done with SPSS Version 22. Results were
presented in tables and charts. Apart from frequencies,
significant associations between the food taboos practice
and a few independent respondent-variables were also
explored using Binary Logistics Regression. To facilitate
analysis in this regard, the responses to Parity, Educa-
tional Attainment and Occupation were dichotomized,
and these represent the independent variables. The
responses to the practise of food taboos categorized as
Yes (for those that practised) and No (for those that do
not practise) was the dependent variable. Results of the
Regression Analysis was presented as Odd Ratios (ORs)
with 95 % Confidence Intervals provided and signifi-
cance level at <0.05.
Ethical consideration
Ethical clearance was obtained from the Enugu State
University Teaching Hospital Ethics Committee. Informed
Ekwochi et al. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (2016) 12:7 Page 2 of 6
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consent was obtained from every mother in her own
right before recruitment. Participation in the study was
entirely voluntary and no financial inducement whatso-
ever was involved. All information was handled with
strict confidentiality.
Results
Table 1 summarizes the demographics of the respondents.
There were 149 responses out of 200 questionnaires dis-
tributed, giving a response rate of 74.5 %. Out of these 149
respondents, majority (39.6 %) were within the 26–30 age
brackets and slightly over a quarter (25.5 %) was 25 years
or less. Nearly two-thirds (64.8 %) of the respondents have
had 2–5 pregnancies while 39 (26.9 %) and 12 (8.3 %) have
had only one and more than five pregnancies respectively
(Table 1). The vast majority of respondents are Christians
(97.3 %) of Igbo ethnic group (96.0 %). Seventy-six
(51.0 %) of the surveyed women were educated to the
university level or equivalent, while 7 (4.7 %) are not edu-
cated at all. Finally, most of the respondents had skilled
(28.5 %) and unskilled (27.8 %) occupations while the
remaining were semi-skilled workers (17.4 %) or un-
employed (26.4 %). One hundred and thirty-seven out of
the 149 responses answered questions relating to practice
of food taboos. Fifty (36.5 %) admitted avoiding certain
foods in pregnancy and in their young children based on
believe of food taboos while 85 (63.5 %) did not.
Reasons for avoiding certain foods in pregnancy
based on taboos
Figure 1 shows the list of food respondents avoided during
pregnancy. When interviewed further on the reason why
she avoided some of the listed food items, a 32 year old
woman (AJ) in the second trimester of her fourth preg-
nancy had this to say;
{AJ, 32 years, gravida 4}; “I cannot eat snail in
pregnancy because it will make my baby to be sluggish
in life and spit too much saliva.”
A 28 year old woman in the last trimester of her second
pregnancy stated that;
{CM, 28 years, gravida 2}; “I will not eat bush meat
like Grasscutter (Thryonomys swinderianus) when I
am pregnant because it will cause my labour to be
difficult and prolonged during delivery”.
Another older woman who has had six babies narrated
thus;
{ABJ, 34 years, gravida 6}; “I avoid starchy food like
‘garri’(cassava flakes) and nodules in pregnancy
because they will make my baby to have excess weight
which will be difficult to deliver except by operation”
Figures 2 summarized the foods generally avoided in
children aged two years or below by the respondents.
The various reasons respondents avoided the above food
items in children less than two years as stated included;
{ZE, 28 years, multigravida}; I don’t give young
children egg because it will cause them to start
stealing because it is very sweet”.
{MA, 33 years, gravida 2}; “I don’t allow my children
to ‘drink garri’because it causes eye problem’
{UC, 29 years, multigravida}; “I avoid ‘sweet’in small
children because it causes worm”
Table 2 summarizes the findings on logistic regression
that explored the associations between the avoidance or
otherwise of foods in pregnancy based on taboos and a
Table 1 Basic response characteristics of the respondents
Socio-demographic factors Number
(N)
Percentages
(%)
Age (years) N= 149
≤25 38 25.5
26–30 59 39.6
31–35 34 22.8
≥36 18 12.1
Parity N= 145
1st pregnancy 39 26.9
2nd–5th pregnancy 94 64.8
>5th pregnancy 12 8.3
Ethnicity N= 149
Igbo 143 96.0
Other ethnic groups
a
6 4.0
Religion N= 149
Christianity 145 97.3
Others
b
4 2.7
Highest education N= 149
University or equivalent 76 51.0
Secondary ± other professional
training
50 33.6
Primary Education 16 10.7
No education 7 4.7
Occupation N= 144
Skilled 41 28.5
Semi-skilled 25 17.4
Unskilled 40 27.8
Unemployed 38 26.4
a
other ethnicity included Hausa and Yoruba;
b
other religion included Islam
and traditional practice
Ekwochi et al. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (2016) 12:7 Page 3 of 6
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few respondent variables. The three respondent variables
and their groups include parity, occupation and highest
educational qualifications. As shown on the table, none of
these variables were significantly associated with avoid-
ance of certain foods due to food taboos in pregnancy.
Discussion
Approximately half of the respondents in this study ad-
mitted avoiding one food or the other in pregnancy and
in their young children based on the associated food
taboos. Similarly, Bartholomew and Poston found that
50 % of women had traditional food beliefs and as much
as 10 % rejected nutritious foods which interfered with
adequate prenatal nutrition [18]. The finding that slightly
above half of the respondents in our study do not adhere to
these taboos is similar to the report amongst the Lese
women of the Ituri forest in northeast Democratic Republic
of Congo. These women were found to cope with these re-
strictions by either secretly ignoring them or by eating nu-
tritious foods that supposedly prevented the consequences
Fig. 2 Foods avoided in under-2 children based on taboos
Fig. 1 Show the major groups of food avoided in pregnancy on taboo grounds
Ekwochi et al. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (2016) 12:7 Page 4 of 6
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.

of eating tabooed foods [17]. It was inferred by the authors
of the study that most women who avoided these foods
were coerced into such practise and if given the choice will
eat such foods in pregnancy [19].
Our study revealed that the foods most commonly
avoided in pregnancy were Snail and Grass-cutter meat.
Snails are avoided because it is believed that they make
babies sluggish and salivate excessively like a snail. Pro-
longed labor was the major reason given for avoiding
grass-cutter meat. Maduforo [20] also found the same
traditional belief in a study about the traditional and
nutritional habits among pregnant women in a rural
Nigerian setting. Many cultures portray eating snail meat
as taboo and believe that it makes an individual sluggish
or slow and link this to the slimy nature of the snail’s
secretions [21]. Islam and the Jewish faith also prohibit
eating of snail meat [22]. In Yilo Krobo District in
Ghana, snail is also among the list of foods prohibited in
pregnancy. In this district, in addition to concern for
healthy pregnancy and outcome, respect for ancestors
were the common reason for such prohibition [23].
There has not been any established link between snail
consumption and sluggishness and grass cutter con-
sumption with prolonged labour. On the contrary, the
giant African snail (Archachatina marginata) has been
shown to be a rich source of protein, trace elements and
minerals which are needed for proper growth and devel-
opment in human beings [24]. In the same vein, the
grass cutter or cane rat (Thryonomys spp) is also a
known source of rich animal protein [25]. These foods
are cheap and can serve as commonly available sources
vital nutrients for a balanced diet in developing coun-
tries. Their consumption could therefore reduce mater-
nal malnutrition if utilised fully.
It was also found in this study that the food most
commonly denied children is egg which is a source of
high biological value protein. The belief is that it leads
children to theft. This practice has been reported by
other studies [20, 26] and the relationship between eggs
and theft has no basis in science. The current study fur-
ther revealed that parity, educational level or occupation
had no significant relationship with avoidance of foods
due to associated taboos. Thus maternal experience or
socioeconomic status may not necessarily guarantee
nutrition knowledge or the application of this knowledge
for practical purposes and this demonstrates the effect
that traditional beliefs and cultural norm can have on
human behaviour in general. Policy makers and health
care providers may look at the findings from this work as
they formulate strategies that will be more culturally-
sensitive to the the dietary needs of the patients involved,
while upholding best clinical practice. As established in
existing literature [27–29] boosting cultural competence
in this regard will help improve health outcomes and
quality.
Conclusion
Food taboos still contribute to unhealthy nutritional prac-
tices in pregnancy and early childhood. These findings
therefore underscore the need to address food myths and
taboos during antenatal visits and in major nutritional
campaigns targeted at pregnant women and communities
with traditional believe about certain food.
Competing interests
The authors of this work hereby declare no conflict of interest. This work was
completely sponsored by equal financial contributions from all authors.
Authors’contributions
The research idea was conceived by EU and ODC. Questionnaire was
developed by EU, ODC, NI. Introduction and methodology was written by
EU NI and ODC. Data analysis and result was written by IC with inputs from
ODC. All authors contributed in the discussion and reviewed the final manuscript.
All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Acknowledgement
Firstly, we thank all women who gave consent and participated in this study.
We are also greatly indebted to all the final medical students who participated
in the training and interviewing of study respondents. Lastly, we are grateful to
the management of ESUTH for their kind permission to carry out this study.
Author details
1
Department of Paediatrics, Enugu State University of Science and
Technology, Enugu State, Enugu, Nigeria.
2
Child Survival Unit, Medical
Research Council UK, The Gambia Unit, Fajara, The Gambia.
3
Griffiths
University Medical School, Gold Coast, Australia.
4
Department of Paediatrics,
College of Medicine, University of Nigeria, Enugu State, Nsukka, Nigeria.
Received: 5 November 2015 Accepted: 19 January 2016
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