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... Negative social impacts that can be attributed to the casino gaming industry's dominant presence in Las Vegas fall into three main categories: problem gambling, overpopulation, and an inhospitable housing and business climate for locals. The predominance of gambling in Las Vegas, and to some extent the city's short-lived attempt to market itself to families, have been identified as potential causes of compulsive/problem gambling as well as underage gambling (Parker, 1999). The rapid population and commercial growth in Las Vegas in the 1990s and 2000s, which was a direct result of the success and expansion of the casino industry, caused a host of problems in the city: Reduced air quality, traffic congestion, lack of green space, and an overextended criminal justice system could all be attributed to the fact that Clark County's population reached 1.3 million by the year , up from 463,000 in 1980(City of Las Vegas, 2009Parker, 2002). ...
... The rapid population and commercial growth in Las Vegas in the 1990s and 2000s, which was a direct result of the success and expansion of the casino industry, caused a host of problems in the city: Reduced air quality, traffic congestion, lack of green space, and an overextended criminal justice system could all be attributed to the fact that Clark County's population reached 1.3 million by the year , up from 463,000 in 1980(City of Las Vegas, 2009Parker, 2002). Finally, Las Vegas's growing prominence as a tourism-based city created many of the problems such cities face, including a lack of affordable housing and the failure of small, locally owned businesses (Parker, 1999). ...
... The largest, of course, is financial: In several situations, a tourism-based economy has helped offset job losses in agriculture and industry (Fanstein & Judd, 1999). Tourist cities often see benefits such as economic growth, job opportunities, a higher standard of living, and possible income for infrastructure improvements (Easterling, 2004), although the latter has not yet been seen in Las Vegas (Parker, 1999). Tourist cities can also enjoy benefits such as increased cultural exchange and understanding by exposure to visitors from other cultures, preservation of local traditions and art/crafts, and strengthened cultural identity and community pride (Easterling, 2004). ...
... Opened in 1971, today Walt Disney World competes to be the most visited destination in the USA only with Las Vegas. Both places developed a peculiar urbanism (Foglesong, 1999;Parker, 1999), making these special entertainment cities contemporary versions of the once revolutionary -and then declining -resort towns. ...
... 주성재(2004) (염미경, 2002). 라스베가스의 도시발전은 네 단계로 나누어질 수 있다 (이왕건, 2004;양형은, 2004;Parker, 1999 (Hiernaux, 1999 (Hiernaux, 1999 (Pearce, 1987;Klemm, 1996). The main goal of this research is to suggest a road map for tourism cooperation plan between North and South Korea . ...
... No public transport connects the rest of the city to the centre. For similar reasons Disney in Orlando gained its own political entity within which it has complete control (Fogelsong, 1999), while Las Vegas is run by representatives of the industry, to the detriment of the rest of the city (Parker, 1999). There are the absolutist states, particularly in the Middle East, that control their poor by linking visas to work and by physical segregation of workers and tourists. ...
Neo-liberalism is often portrayed as a stable state, a set of social relationships designed to oppress labour and redistribute income and power to capital. In this paper it is, however, argued that it is a contradictory class settlement that has implications for tourism. Tourism is a product of and a means of constructing the neo-liberal class settlement. Yet, despite the synergy between tourism and neo-liberal politics, tourism brings up issues that weaken that politics. The paper focuses on four aspects of society - consumerism, democracy, the work ethos and urban class politics - arguing that the relationship between this politics and tourism is contradictory in each of these areas. The result is the increasing politicisation of tourism and that is likely to weaken both neo-liberalism and tourism itself.
... Following initial legalization of gambling halls in 1931 to tap the underground economy, self-contained resort hotels, some organized by national organized crime interests in partnership with local politicians, were built from 1941 through to the late 1960s. However, it is the period since 1969 that has seen major investment by legitimate capital and, since the 1990s, specifically by corporate capital, with the development of integrated entertainment/retail complexes and the marketing of the city as a convention centre and international tourist destination (Parker, 1999;Rothman and Davis, 2002). Gambling has become a core component of mainstream hospitality for leading multinational interests. ...
With gambling now part of mainstream entertainment and popular leisure, casinos have become sites of legal work, combining the technical expertise and craft skills of the croupier (dealer) in table games with increasingly deskilled machine-minding in simulated video games.There are parallels with other service work, but the significance of casino gaming lies in the manipulation of things, such as cards and money, rather than in interpersonal relations and self-embodiment. Moreover, surveillance is more specifically related to the particular conditions governing legalization of a formerly ‘pariah’ industry than to management-worker control. Drawing on fieldwork, we compare standardization in table and machine gaming and show how different forms of surveillance are crucial to the legalization of gambling as mass consumption. In highlighting the significance of materiality and regulation in service sector employment, the case of casino gaming thus takes us beyond conventional labour process paradigms. It also epitomizes a newly globalized form of work, currently promoted by industry interests but at the centre of intense public debate in the UK and elsewhere.
... Butler (1980) speculated that stagnation is eventually superseded by decline if no remedial measures are implemented, and by rejuvenation if they are, and that these measures would usually involve new attractions drawing new markets. Two US examples were the 1970s introduction of casinos to Atlantic City (Braunlich, 1996) and the 1990s 'family friendly' branding of Las Vegas (Parker, 1999). In neither case were the measures affiliated with triplebottom line sustainability outcomes, and thus they did not necessarily facilitate SMT. ...
... La construction du Flamingo a été déterminante pour l'avenir de Las Vegas : elle a en effet fixé le ton des cons tructi ons qui donneraient à la ville sa configuration future. Cette période de développement urbain est marquée par le crime organisé (Parker, 1999). ...
The paper proposes an analysis of the phenomenal success of Las Vegas, Nevada, an urban tourism destination which attracts more than 33 million tourists a year. After a short presentation of the history of the tourist development of the city since 1931, the paper gives a presentation of the tourist product of Las Vegas. It insists on the consequences of the family entertainment orientation taken by the city in the beginning of the 90s. Although financially unsuccessful, the development of many entertainment attractions and theme environments gave Las Vegas a tremendous tourist development potential which differentiated the city from other gambling destinations, such as Atlantic City. Finally, the paper shows that the phenomenal success of Las Vegas can be understood by a double process : on the one hand. Las Vegas increasingly uses urban references in its themed hotel-casinos. On the other hand, western cities are more and more inspired by the festival atmosphere tourists can enjoy in Las Vegas. In this sense. Las Vegas can be seen not as an urban exception, but as a "prophecy of the city" and of its relationship with tourism. More than a tourist city. Las Vegas can be seen as the archetype of the contemporary "festival city" in which shows, entertainment, and festival atmosphere transcend architecture, planning, design and urban management.
... Orlando, for instance, bears the brunt of the congestion from Disneyland (Fogelsong, 1999 ). By ignoring long term constraints -water, labour supply and housing -place marketing threatens the viability of tourism in Las Vegas, since these factors are not taken into account by the tourist industry that dominates the local authority ( Parker, 1999 ). These problems refl ect the fact that place marketing is not often implemented by strongly planned local authorities -indeed, its growth has been mirrored by the decline of coordinated, statutory planning. ...
Place marketing of cities tends to be seen as a pragmatic, rather than a political, activity aimed at bringing prosperity to localities. It is argued here that the reverse is the case: place marketing is an essentially political activity that demonstrates different political, or more accurately, class settlements by its impact on cities. The political shift to neo-liberalism ended the post-war social democratic settlement and ushered in a new era for place marketing. Place marketing was an integral part of that settlement. It was particularly associated with gentrification that, it is argued, is a political strategy by which neo-liberalism takes control of the city. Place marketing, however, reached its limits by the end of the long boom in 2008. But now that crisis has discredited neo-liberalism, it is unlikely that the place marketing that characterized the past years will remain. If place marketing symbolises different political settlements, then the politics that emerges out of this crisis will generate another type of place marketing.
(in Korean) This paper explores Singapore’s urban expansion and growth in the context of its transformation into a global tourist city. This concept has drawn a lot of attention from government leaders, developers, and general citizens in developed and developing nations alike. How did the small island city-state overcome its geographic disadvantage (and seize opportunities) and become a core city through integrated resorts (IRs) and casinos? How did Singapore’s government persuade religious communities and civil society organizations, which strongly opposed the idea of casino s? By analyzing the case of Singapore, this paper shows that its leaders, based on their positive framing strategy for economic prosperity and citizens’ well-being, made “practical choices” over ideological or moral issues. The government’s inclusive decision-making process encouraged the participation of citizens and community members in the process of urban growth. The government’s dedication to post hoc management of gambling also substantially reduced social risk and disharmony. Singapore’s global tourism strategy implies that short, mid, and long-term visions in urban expansion must incorporate various stakeholders’ views through an inclusive, transparent process.
In his brief Commentary in this issue of the Journal of Urban Design, Jonathan Barnett recalls the communities of architects and planners’ excitement about the Scott/Venturi book Learning from Las Vegas, and asks what could be learnt from the city in the Mogave Desert today, 50 years later. He is observing a gradual change of the strip and the transition of the entertainment city into a normal American community that is threatened by a shortage of water. This brief Commentary is a response to his observations. It reminds the reader that entertainment habits are changing, that travelling to Las Vegas has lost its appeal, as Las Vegas is all over in the digital world of the twenty-first century.
Venice is the perfect prototype of the threefold reality of the European city: the authentic European city, the fake European city, and the virtual European city. In fall 2002, the mayor of Venice went to Japan to promote his city. Venice, like most European cities, suffers from an eroding tax base, so obviously, he addressed Japanese tourist organizations to encourage them to bring more Japanese tourists to the city. In addition, however, he traveled to Tokyo to sell Venice as a brand name for Japanese products. More than 150 Japanese firms and enterprises use Venice in some form or other to brand their products, be it perfume, chocolate, fashion, or coffee chains. He promised to use the license fees to preserve the rich historical heritage of the proud city. The Japanese media reported extensively about the visit, but how successful the mayor was in the end has not been revealed.
The legalisation of commercial gambling, the normalisation of a once pariah sector, has moved it from the periphery to a much more central position within a number of societies across Europe, North America, Asia and Australasia. Gambling, increasingly accepted as popular leisure, has been promoted as entertainment linked both to the global hospitality industry and to forms of new media and technology. Casinos and online gambling in particular testify to the erosion of class-based segmentation in gaming and to the integration of gambling into the mainstream economy. Casinos have become palaces of popular pleasure. The firms which own them include some of the best known international hotel and media chains, among them the Hilton group and MGM in Las Vegas. Online gambling is available at home, as well as in casinos and betting shops, and the internet company PartyGaming reached the FTSE 100 when it was first floated on the London stock exchange in 2005. In the case of the UK, turnover from all forms of gambling exceeded £84 billion in 2006/7. According to the Gambling Com mission (2009: 3), ‘68 per cent of the population (about 32 million adults) had participated in some form of gambling’ in 2007 and as many as 48% (that is 23 million adults) in forms other than the national lottery.
This book explores and challenges the relationship between tourism and development and establishes a conceptual link between the discrete yet interconnected disciplines of tourism studies and development studies. This revised and expanded second edition provides not only a comprehensive theoretical foundation in development studies but also a critical analysis of contemporary themes and issues relevant to the study of tourism and its potential contribution to development. The second edition contains new chapters on the following topics: • Tourism and Poverty Reduction • Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Socio-economic Development • Tourism, Climate Change and Development • Human Rights Issues in Tourism Development • Tourism, Development and International Studies. © 2015 Richard Sharpley, David J. Telfer and the authors of individual chapters. All rights reserved.
Inn the course of the American history the attitude against gambling changed several times. Whereas it was not allowed to gamble in the New England colonies, it became a favourite pastime in the valley of the Mississippi river in the 19th century. Later on gambling moved west, first to California, later to Nevada. Until 1988 when gambling was legalized in New Jersey, it was only allowed in Nevada. In the 1990ies more and more states followed. Gambling also became popular on Indian reservations. Today there are 506 casinos in the United States. The article looks critically at casino gambling in the United States.
Urban Tourism and Urban Change: Cities in a Global Economy provides both a sociological/cultural analysis of change that has taken place in many of the world's cities. This focused treatment of urban tourism examines the implications of these changes for urban management and planning sense, for success and failure in metropolitan change. Uniquely suited for teaching purposes, Costas Spirou integrates numerous case studies of cities to illuminate the significant impact and promise of tourism on urban image and economic development.
Critical in style, From Heritage to Terrorism: Regulating Tourism in an Age of Uncertainty examines the law and its role in shaping and defining tourism and the tourist experience. Using a broad range of legal documents and other materials from a variety of disciplines, it surveys how the underlying values of tourism often conflict with a concern for human rights, cultural heritage and sustainable environments. Departing from the view that within this context the law is simply relegated to dealing the 'hard edges' of the tourist industry and tourist behaviour, the authors explore: the ways that the law shapes the nature of tourism and how it can do this, the need for a more focused role for law in tourism, the law's current and potential role in dealing with the various tensions for tourism in the panic created by the spread of global terrorism. Addressing a range of fundamental issues underlying global conflict and tourism, this thoroughly up-to-date and topical book is an essential read for all those interested in tourism and law.
Tourism is an intensely geographic phenomenon. It stimulates large-scale, global movement of people and forges distinctive relationships between people and the places they visit. It shapes processes of physical development and resource exploitation, whilst the presence of visitors exerts a range of economic, social, cultural and environmental impacts that often have important implications for local geographies. This second edition of Tourism Geography develops a critical understanding of how different geographies of tourism are created and maintained. Drawing on both historical and contemporary perspectives, the discussion - which is in three main parts - connects tourism to key geographical concepts relating to globalization, mobility, new geographies of production and consumption, and post-industrial change. Part one examines how spatial patterns of tourism are formed and evolve through time. Part two offers an extended discussion of how tourism relates to places that are toured, examining physical and economic development, socio-cultural and environmental relations and the role of tourism planning. Part three develops a range of new material for this second edition that considers important contemporary influences upon tourism geographies, including place promotion, new forms of urban tourism, heritage, identity and embodied forms of tourism. Featuring international case studies and supported by up-to-date statistics, the text offers a concise yet comprehensive review of tourism geography and how geographers can interpret this important contemporary process. Written primarily as a student text, each chapter includes guidance for further study and summary bibliographies that form the basis for independent work.
The United States continues to provide opportunities for travel and tourism to domestic and international travellers. This is the first book to offer students a comprehensive overview of both tourism and travel in this region, paying specific attention to the disciplines of Geography, Tourism Studies and, more generally, Social Science.
The concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has become increasingly widespread, as businesses seek to incorporate socially responsible behaviors while still being accountable to shareholders. Indeed some research has suggested that CSR in itself can form the basis of good PR by promoting consumers' purchase decisions. Arguing that this approach is a dangerous oversimplification, this book takes a deeper look at the concept of CSR in a particularly challenging context - casino gaming. Originally the province of seedy, backdoor establishments in isolated cities, casino gaming has become a multibillion-dollar global industry. Drawing on in-depth research in Las Vegas, this unique study examines how and why corporations in the casino industry interpret and engage in CSR through community support, environmental issues, labor rights, and corporate governance. Through in-depth analysis of CSR in this industry, this book adds a new dimension to the debate on the role of CSR and public relations in business. Given the burgeoning relationship between CSR and corporate PR, the book seeks to illuminate CSR's complexities, contradictions, and moral obligations. It will be of interest to all scholars of public relations, corporate communications, and corporate reputation.
Las Vegas is often portrayed as the apogee of postmodern urbanism, but we argue that you cannot understand Las Vegas without understanding the role of unions in the City’s political economy. By focusing on the social relations surrounding workplace, class, and gender we highlight alternative versions of Las Vegas’ history. The Culinary Union, a UNITE HERE local, has introduced new institutional forms and played an active role in the local growth coalition. They have set standards around work intensity, training, and job ladders. Highlighting the ability of the union to affect these issues contributes to a counter-narrative about the City which stresses the agency of labour to actively produce Las Vegas’ cultural and economic landscapes. The postmodern narrative about Las Vegas hides these important lessons. Learning from Las Vegas can transform issues of signs and symbolism to issues of union organising and institutional structures in the post-industrial economy.
Four categories of contemporary tourism heritage were identified in this exploratory study of Las Vegas (Nevada, USA) and Gold Coast (Queensland, Australia) based on location, originality and scale: (1) in situ representations that memorialize tourism and related phenomena through plaques, statues and/or festivals, (2) ex situ original items displayed and interpreted in museums, (3) in situ original nodes represented by preserved hotels and other facilities, and (4) in situ original corridors represented by preserved tourism strips. All are only partially articulated as heritage tourism, though potential for elaboration derives from its authenticity within tourism cities, its serious and interesting character, possibilities for accurate presentation due to artefact survival and personal experience, and the potential for current examples as foundations.
This essay looks at the relationship between theatre and tourism in the global marketplace. Through case studies of theatre and theatricalization in New York City and Las Vegas, "Theatre/Tourism" explores how cultural practices have been harnessed as a powerful marketing strategy in the branding of cities, and how this has impacted the nature and reach of theatrical production. For this reason, corporate entertainment interests have increasingly understood the value of the tourist spectator and have developed theatre products to underpin a complex tourism "ecology." From a study of theatre and globalization in this context, new questions and emphases emerge not only for the economics of theatrical production and the composition of theatre audiences, but also for how scholars think about the historicization of contemporary theatre practices. One outcome of this work is to insist on the place of commercial theatre in critical/historical accounts of late twentieth and early twenty-first century drama and performance.
This study explores the spaces of globalization by the globalized businesses of gambling, entertainment, and resort operations. In particular, it re-examines how the real estate development, finance, and entertainment industries have allied in the early twenty-first century in two unusual spatial settings: a newly returned territory to the People's Republic of China (PRC), or the Macau Special Administrative Region (SAR), and Clark County, Nevada in the United States of America (USA) with the city of Las Vegas at its core. Neither of these sites is known for its cosmopolitan sophistication, but socio-economic networks of the global gaming, resort, shopping, and entertainment industries are using the theme park motifs rooted in huge new casino properties to generate a simulated cosmopolitan allure, which could be characterized as 'casinopolitanism'. This paper analyzes how the fantasy destination spaces built by gaming corporations unfold as packaged globalist cultural revolutions and casinopolitan modes of life in the otherwise (un)(under)valorized spaces of Macau and Nevada.
Large scale flagship urban regeneration projects have been a favoured tool for economic growth and city boosterism by civic leaders for more than two decades. Such projects are intended to play a catalytic role in urban regeneration often by creating high profile and high end retail, residential, entertainment and tourist spaces in what were once derelict or underused urban space. They are often tied into aggressive city re-branding or marketing campaigns which seek to launch a new urban vision (away from an industrial city to a creative, dynamic, profitable environment to visit and invest in). They are seen by planners, developers and local politicians as a panacea for the problems of deindustrialisation and regional economic stagnation. However, this support for flagships from civic leaders and developers is in stark contrast to much of the scholarly literature, which states that rather than contributing to overall economic growth, this form of regeneration diverts scarce resources from areas such as housing and education. In addition, rather than mitigating socioeconomic polarisation, it is argued by many that flagship regeneration actually contributes to it, and creates a new form of spatial division within cities. Yet despite these vocal criticisms from the academic community, this type of regeneration continues into the Twenty-first Century. Lost in this debate is the perspective of urban residents, who must live with these flagships on a daily basis. While there are many theories related to how residents would react to flagships, there is little empirical evidence to validate these claims. This paper will outline and critically analyse the arguments for flagships, and the major criticisms of them, from the perspective of urban residents.
Paper submitted for Writing 20 (Spring 2007) and published in Deliberations, 2007-2008 Las Vegas is under siege. Even as the city in the desert flourishes, its longstanding critics are determined to deride it as a constructed reality that indefensibly purges history and culture from its sterile landscape.
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