The Civic Web: Young People, the Internet, and Civic Participation
Abstract
There has been widespread concern in contemporary Western societies about declining engagement in civic life; people are less inclined to vote, to join political parties, to campaign for social causes, or to trust political processes. Young people in particular are frequently described as alienated or apathetic. Some have looked optimistically to new media—and particularly the Internet—as a means of revitalizing civic life and democracy. Governments, political parties, charities, NGOs, activists, religious and ethnic groups, and grassroots organizations have created a range of youth-oriented websites that encourage widely divergent forms of civic engagement and use varying degrees of interactivity. But are young people really apathetic and lacking in motivation? Does the Internet have the power to re-engage those disenchanted with politics and civic life?
Based on a major research project funded by the European Commission, this book attempts to understand the role of the Internet in promoting young people’s participation. Examples are drawn from Hungary, the Netherlands, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, and the United Kingdom—countries offering contrasting political systems and cultural contexts. The book also addresses broader questions about the meaning of civic engagement, the nature of new forms of participation, and their implications for the future of civic life.
... Siguiendo esa lógica, lo cívico es definido como un prerrequisito para la política democrática. Son categorías en tensión que pueden superponerse, pero no necesariamente (Banaji y Buckingham, 2013). Asimismo, la participación queda vinculada a comportamientos observables empíricamente mientras el compromiso tiene, a su vez, una connotación subjetiva (Van Dijk y Hacker, 2018). ...
... Pero las preocupaciones se extendieron a prácticas informales como la participación en protestas o movimientos sociales. También, las definiciones de participación y compromiso ciudadano se han utilizado para incluir distintas formas y grados de participación: desde participantes "intensamente" comprometidos a otras formas de participación "menores" o esporádicas como firmar una petición, participar en una única campaña pública, informarse sobre política, hablar de asuntos públicos o expresar opiniones sobre política (Banaji y Buckingham, 2013;Parés, 2014). Consideramos que la ampliación observada en los estudios de ciudadanía y participación política se vincula con un ensanchamiento del concepto de política. ...
... Las categorías diferenciales de las personas proporcionan accesos desiguales a los recursos que, a la vez, permiten o dificultan la apropiación de las tecnologías digitales (Van Dijk, 2020). La dimensión cívico-política no queda ajena a los procesos de desigualdades (Banaji y Buckingham, 2013), que se relacionan con los recursos económicos, pero también culturales y sociales de los individuos y los grupos (Helsper, 2021;Van Dijk, 2020). En concordancia con la pregunta y las visiones esbozadas sobre las potencialidades de internet para la democracia, se discuten dos tesis: la tesis de la normalización y la de la movilización. ...
... It provides a form of "networked citizenship" that is more inclusive and participatory than the past's passive, dutiful citizenship. Such arguments are frequently applied to the so-called digital generation of young people, who are apparently developing new forms of global political consciousness and activity because of their use of new media (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Tapscott, 2008). Far from dumbing down and disengaging young people, new media are viewed as politically and personally empowering: they enable young people to become the agents or authors of civic action rather than merely the objects of adult interventions (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013). ...
... Such arguments are frequently applied to the so-called digital generation of young people, who are apparently developing new forms of global political consciousness and activity because of their use of new media (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Tapscott, 2008). Far from dumbing down and disengaging young people, new media are viewed as politically and personally empowering: they enable young people to become the agents or authors of civic action rather than merely the objects of adult interventions (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013). ...
... Young people as emblems of the future are predictably invoked on both sides of this debate: they are at the same time "digital natives," whose facility with technology is creating new forms of social and cultural participation (Prensky, 2001), and the "dumbest generation," stupefied and terminally distracted by the flickering screen (Bauerlein, 2009). Such arguments tend merely to replay the binary logic that has historically characterized responses to all new technologies: either technology will liberate us, or it will enslave us; either it will expand our potential, or it will reduce us; either it will revitalize our social and cultural life, or it will take us all to hell (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013). ...
In this article, we scrutinize the digital imperative of the practices and ideals of digital everyday life of Finnish youth born in 2005-2006 by dismantling the promises of digital youth. Our paper focuses on digital belonging and engagements in young people's everyday lives. We ask what these engagements tell us about the ideals of digital citizenship and agency of young people and how these ideals shape the understandings of the use of digital environments. To achieve these objectives, we draw on both qualitative and quantitative research material to analyze their interpretations of the use of digital technologies and their meanings. Our research reveals that it is important to elaborate on how digitalization is accessed, understood, and used. How youth shape their techno-social and techno-cultural configurations needs to be visible at the societal, structural, and life-course levels.
... However, extremism is also spread among ordinary people developing different intensities of micro-fascism (Zembylas, 2020). According to Saltman (2011), andBanaji andBuckingham (2013) young people can develop extremist ideologies, especially online, when exploring alternative forms of communication and relation. Ranieri (2016, p. 2) shows concern about the impact of hate speech on the youth because "as intense users of Internet, arguably young people are exposed to discriminatory content while their cognitive and affective development is still unstable". ...
... However, extremism is also spread among ordinary people developing different intensities of micro-fascism (Zembylas, 2020). According to Saltman (2011), andBanaji andBuckingham (2013) young people can develop extremist ideologies, especially online, when exploring alternative forms of communication and relation. Ranieri (2016, p. 2) shows concern about the impact of hate speech on the youth because "as intense users of Internet, arguably young people are exposed to discriminatory content while their cognitive and affective development is still unstable". ...
... Recent studies show how the use of social networks such as Twitter is linked to increasing hate speech targeting migrant people (Arcila-Calderón et al., 2022). Additionally, extremist groups are usually more active online than groups of moderate ideologies (Banaji and Buckingham, 2013). The internet allows anonymity, which provides unprecedented freedom for extremism (Gagliardone et al., 2015). ...
Hate speech has become a social problem that needs to be addressed urgently. In many cases, these discourses and ideologies arrive through the media and the internet, and they are transferred to educational contexts. Debates of this type should be addressed at school and should be channeled into a democratic debate, and into the definition of shared objectives through the development of counterspeeches and alternative narratives based on Human Rights. In this research, we investigate the capacity of future teachers (n = 114) to identify online hate speech and how they develop counterspeeches. The results show that the majority are able to identify hate speech. However, future teachers present more difficulties developing counterspeeches or complex alternative narratives, which can be transferred to educational practices. We conclude that teacher training needs to be redesigned if we want them to be able to face these problems in their future educational practice.
... First, the Internet affords a space for accessing information and generating expression. On the positive side, it provides an accessible way for citizens to contribute to and benefit from the diversity of online information and views (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013). Its non-hierarchical structure provides new opportunities for young people who are marginalised by mainstream political discourse to have their voices heard (Rheingold, 2008), providing a form of "networked citizenship" which is more inclusive and participatory than dutiful citizenship (Loader et al., 2014). ...
... It also offers an alternative source of news and information for young people when they are losing trust in traditional media . On the negative side, however, this allegedly free space for information-sharing and opinion expression tends to replicate the offline power structures, creating new inequalities based on users' facility in using new technologies; it does not necessarily generate more inclusive or more equal participation in public deliberations (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Vromen, 2008). There are also concerns about the reliability of online information in the absence of intermediation and about people taking advantage of the space to promote anti-democratic phenomena such as xenophobic violence, religious sectarianism, and extremism (Copsey, 2003;Farwell, 2014). ...
... On the positive side, it enables the development of new forms of sociality. It lowers the social and spatial barriers for participation so that people can connect with each other, perform and experiment with different identities, and form online communities to support the maintenance of their identities (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Craig & McInroy, 2013;Johns, 2014). On the negative side, however, the weaker ties associated with online communication may jeopardise the formation of strong ties that are necessary for the sustainable solidarity of a community (Van Laer & Van Aelst, 2010). ...
In this chapter, I engages with the three ways of understanding the online citizenship practices of young Chinese people as elucidated in this research; that is, in terms of their citizenship learning, identity and belonging, and political participation and subjectivity formation. These three dimensions are also the meanings that young Chinese people derive from their everyday online activities of citizenship. The three ways of understanding, informed by an inclusive notion of citizenship as practice, illuminate the digital citizenship practised by young Chinese people on the Internet. They are constituted by the content young Chinese people learn about the possibilities, rights, and duties of their digital citizenship (the content dimension), the identities they perform in different digital communities (the extent/identity dimension), and the subjectivities formed and enacted through their online political participation (depth/participation dimension). I discuss the implications of these understandings for citizenship theory and citizenship education. The chapter closes with a methodological discussion and some suggestions for future work.
... First, the Internet affords a space for accessing information and generating expression. On the positive side, it provides an accessible way for citizens to contribute to and benefit from the diversity of online information and views (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013). Its non-hierarchical structure provides new opportunities for young people who are marginalised by mainstream political discourse to have their voices heard (Rheingold, 2008), providing a form of "networked citizenship" which is more inclusive and participatory than dutiful citizenship (Loader et al., 2014). ...
... It also offers an alternative source of news and information for young people when they are losing trust in traditional media (Bruter et al., 2016). On the negative side, however, this allegedly free space for information-sharing and opinion expression tends to replicate the offline power structures, creating new inequalities based on users' facility in using new technologies; it does not necessarily generate more inclusive or more equal participation in public deliberations (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Collin, 2015;Vromen, 2008). There are also concerns about the reliability of online information in the absence of intermediation and about people taking advantage of the space to promote anti-democratic phenomena such as xenophobic violence, religious sectarianism, and extremism (Copsey, 2003;Farwell, 2014). ...
... On the positive side, it enables the development of new forms of sociality. It lowers the social and spatial barriers for participation so that people can connect with each other, perform and experiment with different identities, and form online communities to support the maintenance of their identities (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Craig & McInroy, 2013;Johns, 2014). On the negative side, however, the weaker ties associated with online communication may jeopardise the formation of strong ties that are necessary for the sustainable solidarity of a community (Van Laer & Van Aelst, 2010). ...
This book examines how emerging forms of citizenship are shaped by young people in digital spaces as way of making sense of contemporary Chinese society, forming new identities, and negotiating social and political participation. By focusing on Chinese young adults' everyday online practices, the book offers a unique treatment of the topic of young people and the Chinese Internet that navigates between the dominant focus on censorship on the one hand and protest and politicized action on the other.
The book brings the focus of research from highly visible or spectacular forms of collectivity, belonging, and identification exhibited in young people's online practices to young people's everyday social and cultural engagement through new media. It brings new insights by understanding the meanings of young people's mundane and everyday online engagement for their citizenship learning, identity performance, and their formation of political subjectivity. Readers will gain insights into citizenship in China, and young people and the Chinese Internet.
... As the boundaries between online and offline, public and private become blurred, the authors argue that anonymous, fragmented, and often ambiguous associations on social media are likely to influence the political sphere. Banaji and Buckingham (2013) also contribute to a redefinition of the concept of politics and citizenship. Similar to Papacharissi, they observe familiar cultural patterns that are currently not part of regular political discussions, such as emotions, pleasure, or potential elements of new forms of cultural citizenship. ...
... Oxford: Oxford University Press. 28 Banaji, S., & Buckingham, D. (2013). The civic web: Young people, the internet, and civic participation. ...
This article analyzes the profound impact of Web 2.0 technologies and social media platforms on democratic processes. By exploring the effects of new internet communication methods, it delves into the ongoing debates surrounding their implications. The role of social media in political communication is critically examined, shedding light on the key principles and debates shaping this domain. Additionally, the article explores the redefinition of policies towards personalized politics in response to the transformative power of social media. Furthermore, the article investigates the potential influences of social media on political participation, unveiling a multifaceted landscape. It addresses the intricate relationship between social media and political communication, delves into the quality of discourse facilitated by these platforms, and explores the impact on political activism. Moreover, it examines the emergence of political consumerism and its interplay with social media, along with the effects on elected representatives and the representation they provide. Lastly, it explores the implications of social media on public opinion and political actions. By providing a comprehensive summary of diverse perspectives on the role of social media, this article contributes to the broader understanding of its intricate relationship with democracy. It concludes by emphasizing the importance of comprehending the complex dynamics between technology, politics, and society in the context of Web 2.0 and social media. Recognizing the threats and promises posed by these platforms is crucial for effectively navigating the democratic challenges and opportunities of the digital age. Received: 05 May 2022 / Accepted: 10 June 2023 / Published: 23 July 2023
... As the boundaries between online and offline, public and private become blurred, the authors argue that anonymous, fragmented, and often ambiguous associations on social media are likely to influence the political sphere. Banaji and Buckingham (2013) also contribute to a redefinition of the concept of politics and citizenship. Similar to Papacharissi, they observe familiar cultural patterns that are currently not part of regular political discussions, such as emotions, pleasure, or potential elements of new forms of cultural citizenship. ...
... Oxford: Oxford University Press. 28 Banaji, S., & Buckingham, D. (2013). The civic web: Young people, the internet, and civic participation. ...
Albania is a country with a great potential for solar energy due to its geographical location and favorable climate conditions. Albania's high levels of sunlight offer a chance for the nation to use PV technology to harness solar energy. Currently, the total installed capacity of solar energy in Albania is around 70 MW, which represents only a small fraction of the country's potential. Most of the existing solar power plants in Albania are small-scale installations, with a capacity of less than 5 MW. This paper will focus on the use of photovoltaic (PV) technology in Albania as a potential solution to the energy crisis that the country currently faces. Albania, like many other countries, relies heavily on imported fossil fuels for its energy needs. Due to this dependence, the country's economic growth and development are severely damaged by the oil crisis. In addition to lowering Albania's reliance on fossil fuels, the deployment of PV technology can help the country develop a sustainable and ecologically friendly energy system. The adoption of PV technology can also foster economic expansion and generate new job possibilities. The future of PV technology in Albania looks promising, as the country continues to implement policies and incentives to encourage investment in renewable energy sources. However, there are a number of obstacles to the adoption of PV technology in Albania, including poor infrastructure, a lack of funding, and low technical know-how. Participation from both, the public and business sectors as well as international organizations will be necessary to address these difficulties. The use of PV technology in Albania presents a good opportunity to address the country's energy crisis and transition towards a sustainable energy system. With proper investment and support, Albania can become a leader in solar energy in the region, creating a positive impact on the environment and the economy. Received: 05 May 2022 / Accepted: 15 June 2023 / Published: 23 July 2023
... This chapter draws on evidence and experiences from more than two decades of work with children and young people in regard to media use, political or civic participation and contributions to everyday social reproduction. Some of this has been meticulously documented (Banaji and Buckingham 2013, Banaji 2017, Banaji et al. 2018 2020); some remains speculative. The opening sections of the chapter describe a range of political and social creativity engaged in by children and young people in the course of their daily lives and the way they apply creative learning -and technologies old and new -to survival, politics and activist struggle. ...
... Interactivity was at a premium on youth civic websites (cf. Banaji, 2008;Banaji & Buckingham, 2013). However, by the time we were conducting our research in 2017-18, some of the strategies which might have been innovative at one point in time, had become commonplace and were used by almost every organisation. ...
At the heart of this chapter is an ethical contention: By avoiding scrutiny of creativity sustaining processes, strategies and products serving authoritarian, violent or discriminatory practices, we fail to face the tricky question of what happens when we fetishize ‘creativity’ either in the abstract or in particular circumstances (such as in regard to digital culture, AI or education) without attending to the ethics and politics of its deployment. Leading up to this contention, the chapter draws on evidence from more than two decades of work with children and young people in regard to media use, political or civic participation and contributions to everyday social reproduction to describe a range of political and social creativity. The chapter theorises the way children and young people apply creative learning – and technologies old and new – to everyday survival, politics and activist struggle. Generated from a range of qualitative methodological fieldwork carried out between 2007 and 2020, including in-depth face-to-face interviewing, ethnographic observation, textual analysis and contextual, historical analysis, three youth-centred vignettes at the heart of the chapter offer a necessary provocation around unreflexive normativity when theorising creativity and learning, problematising the non-recognition of forms of creativity that do not line up with normative imperatives and frameworks.
... • assumir-se como "educação para a comunicação e para a cidadania" (Pinto et al., 2011, p. 22), permitindo a crianças, jovens e adultos ter perceções esclarecidas sobre a realidade que habitam (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Silveira, 2011); • promover a preparação dos jovens "para participar nos aspetos técnicos, sociais e políticos da nova cultura de convergência" (Peppler & Kafai, 2007, p. 4); ...
... Por último, mas não menos importante, a participação jovem e o desinteresse generalizado desta geração pela participação política (Marina CostaLobo, Vítor Sérgio Ferreira, 2015) são questões que têm vindo a ser discutidas(Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Brites, 2015;Cortesi et al., 2020). Porém, o que a revisão de literatura deixa transparecer, e como vimos nos capítulos anteriores, é o interesse dos mais jovens por formas (consideradas) alternativas de participação, "formas mais fluidas de expressão, menos institucionalizadas e hierárquicas, e mais horizontais"(Bauman, 2000; Beck, 2000; Norris, 2002 cit. ...
The growing possibilities of digital media highlight critical thinking, media literacy and creation as fundamental skills for young people to thrive and be participatory in society and in their communities. School can play an important role at this level, contributing to the critical and responsible use of media and to the promotion of citizenship. In this sense, several studies point out that towards this generation, which learns also in informal spaces, values learning by doing and the presence of the media in all spaces of their lives, school is challenged to integrate new practices and to value the knowledge that children and young people acquire with and through the media.
This research addresses media creation and production practices and school as a place to promote media literacy among young people. It seeks to understand the role and implications of media creation in formal educational practices and how it can be further promoted in school within the school curricula, with a view to discussing citizenship issues and student expression. Methodologically framed as action research, this study took place in two schools, in the school years 2018/2019, involving eight secondary school classes. Media creation and production activities were developed collaboratively based on themes related to citizenship and already outlined in the present in the curricula of various subjects. The key findings indicate that, in this case, the promotion of media creation and production activities functions as a catalyst to promote discussions on citizenship issues and explore students' expressions around the same topic. They also show that teachers and students believe that both creation and production have a space in the classroom, but not on a daily basis. Students do not always appeared to appreciate the themes or the platforms proposed in this study to carry out activities using the media. Furthermore, they do not recognise that media creation is one way forward to be heard by adults. In turn, teachers recognise the potential of media creation, but mention constraints arising from the lack of specific guidelines on promoting media literacy, particularly its creative dimension, the time available for media creation and production activities, and the pressure of national exams.
KEY WORDS: Young people, Media creation and production, Digital narratives, Media literacy, Citizenship
... Political participation is more diversified than in the past, and youth participation outside the formal confines of political parties or elections is conceptualised in numerous ways (e.g. Amnå 2013; Banaji and Buckingham 2013;Bennett 2008;Riley et al. 2010;Loader et al. 2014). These diverse concepts include everyday 'transient and self-expressive' (Harris et al. 2010: 13) participatory practices, in addition to what may be viewed as politically relevant acts. ...
... However, as noted before, the literature from the last few decades (e.g. Harris et al. 2010;Amnå, 2013;Banaji & Buckingham 2013;Riley et al. 2010;Loader et al. 2014) shows that these are not the forms of participation young people prefer. While in many countries actualising citizenship is replacing dutiful citizenship (Bennett 2008), in Estonia, it can be said that the dutiful citizen model has never reflected the behavioural trends of young people (Allaste and Saari 2020). ...
Youth participation and citizenship education have been widely discussed; however, there is no shared understanding on the best way for young people to acquire citizenship skills, attitudes, and knowledge. Although there is an extensive body of literature on citizenship education at school, other learning environments have received less attention. This article brings together the views of young people and youth policymakers on non-formal and informal citizenship education. The empirical analysis of the paper is based on the material collected in the framework of two large-scale European projects: MYPLACE and CATCH-EyoU. The in-depth, micro-level analysis of the viewpoint of young people is based on interviews conducted in ethnographic case studies. In addition, interviews conducted with Estonian youth policymakers were used as a source of information for the in-depth analysis of the attitudes of policymakers. The analyses draw attention to the differences in understanding between youth and policymakers and the top-down and bottom-up learning environments in youth organisations. The shortcomings of non-formal and informal learning as a form of citizenship education are outlined on the basis of different understandings of the meaning of citizenship.
... Introducción A nivel global, se reconoce la importancia de la participación política activa de los jóvenes para el sostenimiento de la democracia (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Flanagan & Levine 2015). No obstante, existen autores que exponen que la política no ha generado los vínculos necesarios para que los jóvenes se acerquen a ella, y no es que los jóvenes se hayan desvinculado de la política (Bennett, 2007;Coleman, 2007). ...
... Introducción nivel global, se reconoce la importancia de la participación política activa de los jóvenes para el sostenimiento de la democracia (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Flanagan & Levine 2015). No obstante, existen autores que exponen que la política no ha generado los vínculos necesarios para que los jóvenes se acerquen a ella, y no es que los jóvenes se hayan desvinculado de la política (Bennett, 2007;Coleman, 2007). ...
(analítico)A partir de datos del Consejo Nacional, se comparan los porcentajes de los dos tipos de candidaturas ecuatorianas en las elecciones subnacionales (2019 y 2023), segmentadas por grupos etarios, cargos de elección popular, sexos y órdenes de inscripción. Esto con el objeto analizar el impacto de la reforma electoral (2020) que estableció un umbral obligatorio del 25% de inscripción para candidaturas jóvenes y 30% de encabezamiento de listas por mujeres. Los hallazgos revelan que, a pesar del aumento de candidaturas juveniles, tienden a inscribirse en cargos subnacionales de menor relevancia política, en listas de candidaturas suplentes y en órdenes de listas poco exitosas. Aunque se observa un incremento significativo en candidaturas de mujeres jóvenes en 2023 en cargos de mayor relevancia política. Palabras clave: Participación juvenil; participación política; representación política; elecciones subnacionales; Ecuador. Tesauro de Ciencias Sociales de la Unesco.
... This allows previously marginalized groups to voice their concerns and can sometimes serve to break down hegemonic power structures. As Schmidt (2023, p. 60) points out, however, it is not only people with progressive concerns who stand to benefit from the "civic web" (Banaji and Buckingham 2013), for example, by publicizing anti-racist or feminist demands-but also people who advocate populist, extremist, or conspiracy-theory positions. This can intimidate and unsettle young people and cause them to withdraw from the networked public sphere. ...
Political orientation is one of many developmental tasks that must be achieved during adolescence. Political attitudes are an important facet of the self. Global crises such as wars, hunger, disease, inequality, discrimination, displacement, and climate change are complex issues that challenge young people to take a stance. They are omnipresent and all but unavoidable. Nevertheless, not all youth participate in political discourse or engage in protest—in whatever form—against the developments that affect them.
The article inquires into how, in times of polycrisis, young people become politically interested and active individuals by engaging with the so-called ‘civic web’. What potential is offered by which digital infrastructures and which forms of political participation are relevant for young people in their everyday lives and socialization? What conditions need to be in place to motivate young people to participate and engage in politics on and via the internet, especially in the long term? First, common digital media practices, their distribution and effectiveness are described. Numerous studies have shown that young people are less active and careless online than is generally assumed. From the perspective of youth and media sociology, young people’s modes of use are considered, as well as how they weigh up the consequences of certain media practices and ambivalent developments. Last but not least, the conditions that promote or hinder participation and political engagement are critically discussed.
... Combined with the widespread if tacit view that consulting children is difficult, expensive or inconvenient, the result is that children's contributions go unheard in media and communications governance. Or, if they are included, the tendency is to privilege 'the usual suspects' (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013) rather than those with diverse and/or marginalised experiences. ...
... Political participation is thought to be more diversified than in the past, as well as youth participation outside the formal confines of political parties or elections (e.g. Amnå 2013; Banaji and Buckingham 2013;Bennett 2008). This includes participation modes that are transient and selfexpressive (Harris et al. 2010). ...
Digital citizenship’ can be seen both as an aspect of and precursor to participation in society. Potentially, this might create new opportunities and encourage participation among different groups, including new migrants. The political participation of exchange students, in many cases living in another country temporarily, has not been extensively studied previously. This article focuses on both secondary school and university students and their approaches to becoming digital citizens in Estonia. Using evidence from qualitative interviews, the article analyses the meanings they give to their experiences of integrating into Estonian society with a focus on take-up of digital opportunities, with fieldwork conducted between October 2021 and April 2022, when society remained partly closed. The analysis confirms the importance of having access to various E-services and the transparency of state bureaucracy, which help increase trust and encourage participation. However, the conditions for participating and self-perception as a (digital) citizen are highly dependent on the ability to engage in civic debate in the host society and integrate into social networks in Estonia, issues that could be better addressed in digital environments.
... Digital connectivity is known to stimulate heightened civic engagement among youth (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013), if only by facilitating familiarity with the social and political issues filling their social media feeds, especially when shared and discussed by peers. It thus facilitates alternative, organic forms of political education that make the political feel more personal. ...
Across Southeast Asia, the resurgence of authoritarianism has met with stiff resistance from a new generation of activist youth. Rejecting established political factions and the conventional roles and repertoires of student movements, they pioneer new protest movements that are reimagined as a generational struggle against entrenched authoritarianism, challenging the political norms that sustain dynastic and oligarchic regimes. In doing so, they experiment with digitally mediated, participatory modes of action that facilitate more inclusive participation and allow them to forge new linkages across national and sectoral borders. This gives rise to rhizomatic assemblages of protest that connect multiple nodes of youth activism across the region. The rhizomatic nature of this youth resistance heightens their resilience to state repression by sustaining spaces of hope. Moreover, it stimulates cross-fertilisation of protest issues and repertoires, and new political discourses and practices that engender significant micro-level transformations in political norms and values.
... They are eager to connect with their peers and share bits and pieces of each other's lives to build closer and more authentic interpersonal relationships. Young people can maintain frequent interactions with friends, classmates and family members on social media and enhance their emotions through likes, comments and private messages [2]. ...
With the popularization and development of social media, adolescence has become an important platform for adolescents to express their views, exchange information and participate in society. The purpose of this paper is to explore in depth adolescents' behavioral responses to public events on social media and their guiding trends and to analyze adolescents' motivations for using social media, the manifestation of public events on social media, the application of social movement theories in social media research, and the modern transformation of public sphere theories. Using a mixed-methods design that combines quantitative and qualitative data analysis, this study provides a comprehensive picture of adolescents' behavioral patterns, motivations for participation, and social impact on social media, as well as their roles and challenges in public discourse. The study revealed that adolescents respond to a variety of types of public events, including posting, commenting, sharing, and engaging in hashtags. Adolescents' interactive behaviors on social media information diffusion, opinion formation, and social mobilization are important social impacts of adolescents' social media behaviors. They accelerate the spread of information through sharing and retweeting, participate in the discussion of public issues and have a direct impact on the formation of public opinion. In addition, social media has become an effective tool for mobilizing social action, and adolescents promote practical action and participation in public issues by interacting with and organizing online activities. This study proposes a series of coping strategies, including improving users' media literacy and information discernment, social media platforms to strengthen the regulation and auditing of information dissemination, and the government and the community to strengthen the regulation and governance of the social media field. This study provides new perspectives for understanding adolescents' social participation in the digital age, showing how social media, as a new public sphere, affects public discourse, social mobilization, and the formation of civic identity. The findings not only provide rich empirical material for sociological theories but also provide valuable insights for promoting social public participation, improving information quality, and advancing social progress. Future research can further explore the impact of social media on adolescents' social participation in different cultural and social contexts, as well as how to optimize the efficacy of social media as a platform for public discourse and social mobilization through educational and policy interventions.
... The digital world is understood as a civic and political action catalyst, as well as a galvanizer when it comes to young people, serving to contradict the pessimism of many analysts (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013). Digital media and related circuits contribute decisively to the enhancement of youth interests in political and civic causes by broadening the scope of interventive action and providing a more appealing territory of participation. ...
https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/20560
... Another important aspect that is necessary for civic participation as media producers is overcoming an existing digital divide (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Cohen & Kahne, 2012;Jenkins et al., 2009;Jenkins et al., 2015). Although a recent large-scale, nationwide survey found that nearly 95% of young people in the United States have access to digital technologies (Jenkins et al., 2015), this access still remains unequal among youth of different racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds. ...
This anthology shares educational practices to engage young people in critical digital media consumption and production. Comprehensive frameworks and teaching guidance enable educators to empower students to use digital technologies to respond to the social, political, economic, and other critical issues in their real-life and online communities.
Section I of the book explores philosophical and conceptual approaches to teaching civic participation via digital media and technologies in various educational settings, Section II focuses on the participatory civic approaches in K-16 art education classrooms, and Section III outlines these approaches for arts-based community settings (after school programs, camps, online sites). Throughout, authors reference different technologies – video, digital collage, glitch, game design, mobile applications, virtual reality, and social media – and offer in-depth discussions of pedagogical processes and exemplary curriculum projects. Building on National (NAEA) and State Media Arts Standards, the educational practices outlined facilitate students’ media literacy skills and digital citizenship awareness in the art classroom and provide a solid foundation for teaching civic-minded media making.
Ideal for art and media educators within preservice and higher education spaces, this book equips readers to prepare their students to be thoughtful and critical producers of their own media that can effectively advocate for social change.
... Students' civic engagement using digital technologies: The importance of social media has risen greatly over the past years (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Mihailidis, 2011;Segerberg & Bennett, 2011) and research suggests a potential enhancement of civic participation among people when content is interactive (for example, via chat rooms or message boards) instead of the one-way communication of more traditional media . The ICCS 2016 student questionnaire included items that measured the extent to which students engaged with political and social issues via social media. ...
... Students' civic engagement using digital technologies: The importance of social media has risen greatly over the past years (Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Kahne et al., 2014;Mihailidis, 2011;Rainie et al., 2012;Segerberg & Bennett, 2011) and research suggests a potential enhancement of civic participation among people when content is interactive (for example, via chat rooms or message boards) instead of the one-way communication of more traditional media (Bachen et al., 2008;Kahne et al., 2012). The ICCS 2016 student questionnaire included items that measured the extent to which students engaged with political and social issues via social media. ...
Like previous IEA studies of this field, ICCS 2022 emphasizes the measurement of affective-behavioral aspects of civics and citizenship through student questionnaires. These are important learning outcomes from civics and citizenship education and are organized around two affective-behavioral areas: attitudes (e.g., judgements in relation to ideas, people, objects, events or situations) and engagement (e.g., interest in, and expectations of, civic engagement through civic action and future political participation). Items used to measure these domains represent indications of levels of agreement or participation that are not reported or interpreted as “correct” or “incorrect.” Attitude measures cover similar areas to three of the four cognitive domains: attitudes to civic principles (e.g., threats to democracy, equality and equal rights, environmental sustainability), civic issues and institutions (e.g., participation at school, political systems, trust in institutions, acceptance of restrictions during a national emergency) and civic roles and identities (e.g., perceptions of good citizenship, sense of identity, expectations of their own future). Engagement refers to students’ beliefs about their interest and capacity to engage, expectations of future civic action, past and present engagement, and also includes constructs such as preparedness to participate in forms of civic protest and anticipated future political participation as adults. In addition, young people may now also become involved in virtual networks through social media. Engagement may relate to participation in activities at local, national, or supra-national levels.KeywordsCivic attitudesCivic engagementExpected future civic engagement
... Although the conceptual definition of media education as a process to raise critical awareness has been widely explored in media education research, much less has been explored about how this should translate into civic engagement in everyday life (Banaji and Buckingham, 2013;Mihailidis, 2018Mihailidis, , 2019. ...
This study presents the preliminary findings of the first round of implementation of a case study included in the Horizon 2020 project SMOOTH. The project's main objective is to introduce and study the emergent paradigm of the educational commons as an alternative system of values and actions for promoting intercultural and intergenerational dialogue and establishing spaces of democratic citizenship that support the development of local communities. Our case study adopts this paradigm with insights derived from the field of media education. Hence, our research questions were as follows: (a) How do young people collectively experience and build the educational commons? (b) How do participants (youth and adults) in educational commons experience peer governance and how do they handle and resolve conflicts? (c) How does the co-creation of a photo-blog as a shared space of work help young people discover and develop a "civic intentionality" in the (digital) public sphere? (d) What are the effects of applying a commons' logic to address inequalities and achieve social inclusion of young people from vulnerable social groups? Fieldwork, framed in an ethnographic and action-research approach, was developed by examining the three dimensions of the notion of educational commons (commoners, commoning practices, and community). Although data collection and analysis are still in progress, our preliminary results allow us to draw some initial reflections on what worked well in the first round and what could hinder the achievement of the project's objectives. We also propose hypotheses for re-designing the second round to overcome the weaknesses that emerged during the first experimental phase and foster its strengths.
... A major concern is that young people are less likely to vote than older groups and previous youth generations. Research shows however that young people have alternative ways to make their voices heard, through informal movements, standby citizenship, pro-and anti-democratic activism (Banaji and Buckingham 2013;Cammaerts et al. 2016;Pickard 2022). While it is not political apathy that explains young people's resistance to voting, but rather their feelings of marginalization and lack of trust in the political class (Henn and Foard 2014;Pickard 2019), studies on youth political participation have predominantly focussed on differences between age cohorts rather than barriers to participation for particular youth subgroups, like minoritized youth or young people from disadvantaged backgrounds. ...
Migrants' opportunities for civic and political participation are often restricted by their legal rights. This paper reports on a study which included a survey with 1120 young people aged 12-18 originally from Central and Eastern Europe, living in the UK, and follow-up focus groups with 122 participants. We examine young people's views on political and non-political participation and their engagement in everyday performative citizenship. We found connections between civic participation and political participation, and both are conditioned by one's sense of belonging to place and recognition of individual agency. Young people were interested and wanted to be involved in politics, yet they did not feel they could shape political decisions, unlike other forms of participation, such as volunteering and social activism. The study progresses existing knowledge on young people's exclusions from everyday performative citizenship, in the context of current public debates on youth engagement and young migrants' integration.
... The development of ICT has led to an increase in new social media also in civic participation (Schulz et al., 2016(Schulz et al., , 2017Fraillon et al., 2019). Although evidences have shown effects on the civic engagement of young people (Anduiza, Jensen & Jorba, 2012;Banaji & Buckingham, 2013), the use of social media and digital resources is still marginal in the 'every day' school context. The results of a national research on citizenship education are described (Perla, Agrati & Vinci, 2020) -the few digital components in the design of civic education teachers -and the proposals for a digital citizenship education curriculum are shared. ...
The study examined students’ perceptions of participating in collaborative learning activities in
ICTPED MOOC (Pedagogical Information and Communication Technology (ICTPED) Massive Open
Online Course) offered by a University College in Norway aiming to develop professional digital
competence in students. The study also provided an insight into what students' perceptions and experiences
of taking part in collaborative learning practices suggest when it comes to promoting collaborative learning
activities in MOOCs, and online learning environments. Analyses of the post-course survey data suggested
that most of the students were satisfied with opportunities to learn collaboratively through discussion
forums, peer reviews, and online video meetings. The asynchronous modes of collaboration (discussion
forum and peer review) remained dominant modes of collaboration, compared to the synchronous ones
(online meetings). However, data suggest many factors such as feeling interfering in others’ activities, being
exposed to unknown peers, and unknown technology might hinder students' participation in online
collaborative learning activities.
... The development of ICT has led to an increase in new social media also in civic participation (Schulz et al., 2016(Schulz et al., , 2017Fraillon et al., 2019). Although evidences have shown effects on the civic engagement of young people (Anduiza, Jensen & Jorba, 2012;Banaji & Buckingham, 2013), the use of social media and digital resources is still marginal in the 'every day' school context. The results of a national research on citizenship education are described (Perla, Agrati & Vinci, 2020) -the few digital components in the design of civic education teachers -and the proposals for a digital citizenship education curriculum are shared. ...
The paper presents some data and reflections from a survey, carried out by INDIRE, on 336 projects developed by the Italian schools that participated in the Triennial Plan of the Arts promoted by the Minis- try of Education (Decree 60/2017), which aimed at promoting humanistic culture, the enhancement of heritage knowledge, cultural productions and support for creativity. The research question that this work raises is: “how can civic and intercultural skills be conveyed through creative processes and in the teaching of the arts?”
... Increasingly, however, manifestations of potential extremism have occurred in mainline established democracies, not only in states in transition or upheaval. Rapidly expanding social media use has aided both; the powerful role of social media in both civic awareness and civic action has been explored by researchers such as Joseph Kahne and Henry Jenkins, partly within the MacArthur Foundation's support for research on the effects of the digital world (Allen & Light, 2015;Anduiza et al., 2012;Banaji & Buckingham, 2013;Cortesi et al., 2020;Garcia et al., 2021;James et al., 2016;Jenkins et al., 2016;Kahne & Bowyer, 2018;Kahne et al., 2015Kahne et al., , 2016 In recent years, much has changed. While the research and data reported in this special issue predate some of these changes, the issues they raise are flagged or prefigured in the papers. ...
New Civics has emerged in the last three decades in order to expand the definition and scope of ‘participation’ beyond elections and voting, to include the wide range of civic activities that contribute to effective democracy. The emphasis is on agency and responsibility, critical thinking and the skills for informal as well as formal action. The implications for both formal and informal education include going beyond knowledge of local political systems. This Special Issue brings together papers emerging from the Spencer Foundation funded Program supporting doctoral students at Harvard Graduate School of Education that address the widening scope of civic education. They draw on international as well as US data. They address the following questions: How do critiques of new civics reveal the current tensions between different narratives of justice, freedom of speech and social order? How does increasing digital affordance affect freedom of speech and ethics and what skills do students need? What are the historical controversies about the purposes of education that lie behind current debates? How might controversial issues be used in discussion to highlight culture and diversity issues? How does experience of community participation promote the skills and motives for commitment? How can innovative methods such as Youth Participatory Action Research enhance civic awareness and skills? How can this be used in art, and how has it contributed to civic education in the challenging environment of refugee contexts? The papers reflect innovative research and practice at the cutting edge of new civics education.
... Whether one is critical of the disproportionate attention given to the 'online' or convinced about the disruptive potential of the internet to change all aspects of human life, a common tendency is to frame 'the Internet' as a fundamentally ahistorical phenomenon that acts on and affects society, but not vice versa (Morozov, 2013). Our approach does not deny the speed and specificity of particular forms of online harassment, dehumanisation, incitement and hate speech, but we follow Banaji and Buckingham (2013) in arguing that 'the online' is itself shaped by and part of an individual and collective psychic and politico-historical experience that is always also 'offline'. ...
Esta pesquisa é vinculada ao mestrado em Educação da Universidade Regional de Blumenau (PPGE/FURB), na linha de pesquisa Linguagens, Arte e Educação, no grupo de pesquisa Edumídia – Comunicação e Educação Midiática (FURB/CNPq), que estuda as interfaces entre educação e comunicação. Vivemos em uma sociedade globalizada, imersa nas tecnologias, que abrange não somente os chamados “nativos digitais”, e mais recentemente, também os denominados de “geração alpha” (nascidos a partir de 2010 até 2025), referência aqui para as crianças da pré-escola (entre 5 e 6 anos de idade), como também a população em geral e, dessa forma, cada vez mais as tecnologias se fazem presentes no campo educacional. A busca por cenários pedagógicos que venham ao encontro dos estudantes e dos professores deve ser uma constante na educação, assim sendo, encontramos na Transmídia um campo fértil para esse fim, pois possibilita a expansão de conteúdo de uma mídia para outra. Com o advento das tecnologias, Jenkins (2009) cunhou o termo cultura da convergência e dentro dele se expandiu o conceito de narrativa transmídia que se referem às histórias que se desenvolvem em múltiplas plataformas. A partir desse cenário midiático, Bona (2021b) cunhou o termo Narrativa Transmídia Made in Brazil que se refere às práticas transmídia nacionais por meio da paródia. Para que se possa ir em busca de alternativas pedagógicas que possam ressignificar o uso das tecnologias face à precoce exposição das crianças aos meios digitais, pensando em alternativas que, além de contribuírem para uma aprendizagem prazerosa e significativa, sem abrir mão do boom tecnológico, o qual não podemos desprezar, pois está aí posto, buscar mesclar práticas digitais e analógicas intencionando e, tendo na Transmídia essas possibilidades, chega-se então à pergunta da pesquisa “De que maneira a Narrativa Transmídia Made in Brazil pode contribuir para o desenvolvimento de uma aprendizagem disruptiva na Educação Infantil, tendo como cenário a Turma da Mônica?”. A partir dessa pergunta central, chegamos ao objetivo geral dessa pesquisa que é: Compreender como acontece a aquisição do conhecimento na Educação Infantil a partir da Narrativa Transmídia. Para que se tenha êxito no alcance desse objetivo, definiu-se os objetivos específicos: (1) Produzir um roteiro didático utilizando-se a transmídia; (2) Analisar como as crianças desenvolvem as propostas pedagógicas propostas; (3) Categorizar as produções realizadas a partir dessa proposta. Este estudo se configura como uma pesquisa de natureza qualitativa, utilizando-se a pesquisa colaborativa como procedimento metodológico, sendo realizada em um Centro de Educação Infantil municipal da cidade de Itajaí (SC). Para isso foram convidadas crianças entre 5 e 6 anos de idade que frequentam uma turma da pré- escola dessa instituição. O referido estudo desenvolve a partir de uma sequência didática envolvendo o uso da Narrativa Transmídia Made in Brazil, aplicada por meio da abordagem STEAM (Ciência, Tecnologia, Engenharia, Artes e Matemática). O principal resultado alcançado foi demonstrar que a integração planejada de tecnologias digitais e práticas de transmídia na educação infantil, aliada à abordagem STEAM, promoveu uma aprendizagem significativa, dinâmica e colaborativa, ampliando o repertório cultural das crianças e incentivando a reconstrução do conhecimento.
This paper explores the ambiguities of using digital media in youth’s civic engagement, acknowledging the unprecedented transformation of the senses of public and private, and the pivotal role of the digital context in shaping citizenship. It presents results from a thematic analysis of post-sorting interviews conducted within a Q research study of civically engaged actors aged 13-18 (n=20) from Czechia, mapping their experiences with digital media. The study identifies six key themes that point to the ever-present balancing of the risks and opportunities in pursuing the participants’ agendas online. The results reveal a high level of online resilience and digital literacy of the participants, exposing coping strategies they adopt while navigating the online spaces. The study also reflects on the transformed sociality, pointing to the glocal implications for active engagement in the digital age, which allows garnering support from peer groups and communities on a transnational basis.
The Italian case study, presented in this chapter, develops the concept of educational commons building on the field of media education and the notions of “participatory culture” and digital commons. The motivation for this study arose from the need to reconsider education as a shared resource and to examine the importance of experimenting with, monitoring, and evaluating (digital) co-creation practices that may engage and empower young people within their communities. Hence, our research questions were: (a) How do young people collectively experience and build the educational commons? (b) How do participants (youth and adults) in educational commons experience peer governance, and how do they handle and resolve conflicts? (c) How does the co-creation of a photo blog as a shared space of action help young people discover and develop a “civic intentionality” in the (digital) public sphere? (d) What are the effects of applying a commons’ logic to address inequalities and achieve social inclusion of young people from vulnerable social groups? The analysis of the textual data collected through interviews and focus groups, logbooks, fieldnotes, observation grids, and audiovisual documentation, we have been able to (a) reconstruct the micro-context in which the case study activities took place, (b) comprehensively describe the relational dynamics, the processes, and the products using unobtrusive methods, and (c) assess the impact of the activities concerning the objective of developing “civic intentionality” and reducing educational inequalities through an educational-commons and media-education approach.
Media literacy has been increasingly becoming a prerequisite of full citizen participation. The latter has been shifting, especially among youth, away from the traditional media forms and more and more towards non-conventional ones. For example see the FridaysForFuture movement . The possibility for and abilities to get involved in the public debate are, though, not distributed equally. One of the tools to narrow down the ‘participation gap’ may be in media literacy education (MLE). This chapter presents a participatory action research exploring the possibilities of the MLE for the development of citizen participation of disadvantaged youth. It draws especially on the three-month intervention at the vocational school in the Czech Republic. 17 students aged 17–19 participated in the study in 2019.
The volume of both empirical and theoretical research in this field has been growing. However, in the context of central Europe, it is a relatively under researched area. The study was empirically testing a set of characteristics of teaching methods recommended previous studies and concluded, among others, by a recommendation of the holistic approach, long-term projects, blending of the in-the-school- and out-of-the-school-life, and breaching of the school routine. The intervention developed the media competence of the students, while their citizen participation activities’ enhancement remained ambiguous.
This study aims to investigate the typology of multiple citizenship among Korean adolescents and the predictive factors in the global era. The study analyzed data from the 6th wave of the 2013 Korean Educational Longitudinal Study and utilized latent profile analysis to explore the typology of multiple citizenship. To identify the predictive factors determining multiple citizenship, an automated machine learning algorithm was used to find the most performant model. SHAP (Shapley additive explanations) techniques were then applied to provide interpretable explanations of the machine learning results. The key findings are as follows. First, in the latent profile analysis, the multiple citizenship of adolescents was categorized into "high multiple citizenship," "moderate multiple citizenship," and "low multiple citizenship." Second, the results of automated machine learning showed that gradient boosting exhibited the highest performance among machine learning techniques. When predicting the key variables related to adolescents' multiple citizenship through machine learning, it was found that communication competence emerged as the most important predictor, followed by cognitive information processing skills, awareness of cultural and artistic activities, independent career maturity, educational experiences involving cultural diversity and international issues, gender, and relationships with teachers and peers. Based on these results, this study provides policy recommendations and implications for effective civic education for adolescents.
O título deste artigo traz uma pergunta muito instigante para nós como autores interessados no objeto em questão. Não temos a pretensão de respondê-la nestas breves páginas, mas sim problematizá-la como uma daquelas que têm gerado muita discussão no campo da Educação. Nesse contexto, este texto apresenta reflexões teóricas, a partir de nossas escolhas epistemológicas, por meio de aproximações com a temática, como também em diálogo com as pesquisas que temos desenvolvido em nossas trajetórias acadêmico-profissionais até o momento, relacionando diferentes campos: Currículo, Tecnologias e Formação de Professores.
In this paper, we employ “everyday techno-nationalism” as a critical lens to unpack the Indian government’s ban of TikTok in 2020. We focus on social media discussions of the ban on Quora and Reddit, and examine how TikTok is perceived as a “Chinese” platform as contrasted, but simultaneously integral, to a techno-nationalist imagination of “Indian-ness.” We put forward two arguments based on our findings. First, we suggest that TikTok’s “Chineseness” is a populist affective outcome of the discursive articulation of Indian “nationhood,” achieved by the effective use of an us-versus-them rhetoric, which signifies a process of digital territorialization amid globalized media flows. Second, we observe that the classist-casteist narrative underscoring TikTok’s association with “cringeworthiness” marginalizes the working-class content creators – so prominently visibilized by TikTok – both from the media landscape and the nationalist imagination. Fundamentally, India’s TikTok ban raises questions about statist interventions into people’s media practices; and as importantly, their own understanding and use of digital technology, which, ironically, within a globalized era, seems to be only notionally more connected, but practically more partisan than ever.
This chapter focuses on the impact of social media on protest participation in the context of a post-Soviet Moldovan media context. Based on interviews with protesters and activists, the author reveals how distrust in media and simultaneous tolerance towards it—as well as an emerging trend and strive for Western values—mediated the use of social media for participation. The author describes how social media usage is endogenous to community characteristics, contextual factors, an intergenerational divide, and the interplay of different online and offline media shape its importance for participation.
There has been active debate in recent years whether media literacy education can or even should nurture civic participation. Despite a growing number of theoretical and empirical studies, the question remains unanswered. This paper contributes to the debate with participatory action research conducted with vocational school students in the Czech Republic. Seventeen students aged 17–19 took part in the study over the course of three months. They received weekly interventions applying the citizenship model of media literacy and focusing on ‘create’, ‘reflect’, and ‘act’ competences. The research and educational intervention turned out to be a positive learning experience for students, which exceeded the originally expected outcome. The project found that the students’ immediate media literacy in these competences improved. However, the enhancement of their long-term civic participation remained questionable. This study argues for a student-centered, school-routines-breaking, and hands-on approach to media literacy education supporting civic participation of disadvantaged youth.
At the heart of this chapter is an ethical contention: By avoiding scrutiny of creativity sustaining processes, strategies and products serving authoritarian, violent or discriminatory practices, we fail to face the ethical question of what happens when we fetishize ‘creativity’ either in the abstract or in particular circumstances (such as in regard to digital culture, AI or education) without attending to the politics and effects of its deployment. Leading up to this contention, the chapter draws on evidence from more than two decades of work with children and young people in regard to media use, political or civic participation and contributions to everyday social reproduction to describe a range of political and social creativity. The chapter theorises the way children and young people apply creative learning – and technologies old and new – to everyday survival, politics and activist struggle. Generated from a range of qualitative methodological fieldwork carried out between 2007 and 2020, including in-depth face-to-face interviewing, ethnographic observation, textual analysis and contextual, historical analysis, three youth-centred vignettes at the heart of the chapter offer a necessary provocation around unreflexive normativity when theorising creativity and learning, problematising the non-recognition of forms of creativity that do not line up with normative imperatives and frameworks.
We are witnessing a worldwide resurgence of reactionary ideologies and movements, combined with an escalating assault on democratic institutions and structures. Nevertheless, most studies of these phenomena remain anchored in a methodological nationalism, while comparative research is almost entirely limited to the Global North. Yet, authoritarian transformations in the South — and the struggles against them — have not only been just as dramatic as those in the North but also preceded them, and consequently have been studied by Southern scholars for many years. This volume brings together the work of more than 15 scholar-activists from across the Global South, combining in-depth studies of regional processes of authoritarian transformation with a global perspective on authoritarian capitalism. With a foreword by Verónica Gago.
Social Media has become an important medium for many to articulate their political self on a virtual platform. It has provided a platform to unheard communities and individuals to express their political opinions on social media. However, it has also become a breeding ground for hate and violence such as dehumanization, and mental and physical harassment of communities or individuals. On social media, the countries have witnessed hateful comments, discriminatory remarks, and incitements against a community or individuals. The remarks are mostly aimed at the Muslim community, civil rights activists, opposition leaders, and individuals expressing their views against the ruling regime. Such kind of manifestations arise from the socio-political landscape of the country. An essential question that arises in such a situation is whether these discriminatory remarks
and incitements have began recently or do they contain a long socio-political history.
Hyperlocal media is a form of citizen-led, online community media serving at neighbourhood level. Frequently deployed on social media and resulting in high levels of audience participation, we might assume that such spaces enable residents in a civic and activist mode. This article ethnographically explores hyperlocal audiences to investigate the potential for spaces of public sphere. In studying two Facebook Pages in the West Midlands, UK, I found that, whilst public opinion was formed over civic matters, often in critique of police or the local councils, the ideal of mobilising to directly challenge such authorities was rarely followed through. I therefore question the value or agency in talking about authority rather than to them. The citizen editors do attempt to encourage activism, but I suggest that audiences become too reliant on their efforts and revert to more passive “clicktivism”. The article also raises concerns that such online spaces offer authorities opportunity for covert monitoring of citizens, at odds with the public sphere ideal. This article therefore informs wider understanding of the nature of participation. Hyperlocal spaces clearly offer functional and social value, but the idea that this equates to a powerful public sphere is challenged.
Digital literacy. New media literacy. Cyber literacies. Computer literacy. Screen literacies. Visual literacies. Videogame literacy. Cartographic literacy. Spatial literacy. Math literacy). Science literacy. Dance literacy. Performance literacies. Reading and writing (with) the body.They are among the hundreds of disconnected, topical, often fabulous and faddish if not facetious purported literacies. Some are marketing ploys, some more sophisticated commercial enterprises. Together they demonstrate both the endless appeal of literacy and literacies and the lack of meaning and coherence. Calling all forms of communication, disclosure, and education literacy obscures what literacy is.While I support the concept of multiple literacies, more may be lost than gained in lumping together so many disparate things under the rubric of literacy. Amidst their contradictions, literacy studies are at a crossroads.
This paper argues that there is an emergent digital culture in the art and cultural sector in Hanoi, which is producing a paradigm shift in the nature of work for cultural professionals, the way of preserving and displaying art collections as well as the nature of international connections. The advent of the ‘fourth industrial revolution’ in Vietnam has brought about advances in digitalization. While this transition is crucial in achieving national sustainable development goals, Vietnam remains at a disadvantage on a global scale due to country-specific challenges in digitization, including lack of human resources, technical resources and budget. These challenges are hindering the pace and quality of the digitization process and impeding cultural professionals’ ability to utilize digital platforms. In addition, the global digital divide is having impacts on access, inclusion and representation. This shows that the challenges faced in the digitization process are not only about access to technology but also about much more deep-seated issues related to culture, history, and social inequalities. This is especially pertinent during the Covid-19 pandemic, which has highlighted inequalities in access and inclusion.
The research draws on 20 semi-structured interviews with cultural professionals across Hanoi. The interviews were carried out during the Covid-19 pandemic and addressed its impact on digitization projects as well as use of digital technologies for work. The findings show how geopolitical and socio-economic factors can supress the ability to adopt new digital technologies, which is hindering the ability to exploit the opportunities of digitization. Yet, the Covid-19 pandemic has allowed more time to focus on digitization projects and to utilize digital tools/platforms, especially with free open-source platforms such as Facebook. This has become one route towards exploiting the opportunities of digitization for increased exposure, creation of digital resources and rebalancing the discourse and amount of content circulating online regarding Vietnamese art and culture.
The Covid-19 Pandemic has changed the nature and importance of arts communication, exhibition and promotion via social media. However, moving fully online has highlighted global inequalities in digital inclusion and access, with inherent biases towards content from the West and larger cultural institutions with sufficient technical, human and financial resources in order to survive through the Covid-19 Pandemic. This paper investigates how non-profit art spaces in Hanoi, Vietnam, developed their use of Facebook for effective communication, exhibition and promotion of Vietnamese art and culture during the first closure of physical premises. With the shift of all work online due to Covid-19 Pandemic social distancing measures, Facebook provided non-profit art spaces with a viable digital solution at a time of increased pressure to connect with the audience. Facebook provided a way to overcome challenges faced by non-profit art spaces with lack of financial, human and technical resources, by providing a free and widely accessible social media platform. The current study draws upon a digital ethnography of Facebook posts over 2 months and 50 semi-structured interviews with cultural professionals in Hanoi. The findings highlight changes in the use of Facebook, the digital strategies that were created for working fully online, and how art spaces maintained connection with the audience during the closure of physical premises between March and April 2020. This study identifies changes in social media usage patterns in three main ways: 1) the introduction of using Facebook for digital exhibition and holding live events, 2) changes in type of promotional content, and 3) changes in communication style with the introduction of an effective rhetoric of care. Together, the findings highlight changes in the nature and importance of arts communication, exhibition and promotion via social media in the cultural sector due the Covid-19 Pandemic. Developments over this time could help provide a sustainable solution to overcome challenges faced in the cultural sector in Vietnam and overcome global inequalities in access and inclusion online.
Apresentamos uma proposta de ensino de Inglês como Língua Adicional, assumindo os conceitos de discurso (linguagem como prática social em gêneros discursivos) como constitutivo da vida social e, portanto, essencial a questões que envolvem a experiência humana. Mobilizamos e inter-relacionamos conceitos da Perspectiva educativa de projetos de trabalho (HERNÁNDEZ, 2014) e do Ensino baseado em conteúdo (LYSTER, 2018), exemplificando nossa discussão teórica com um projeto interdisciplinar, como possível abordagem de referência para uma variedade de propostas pedagógicas situadas em diferentes contextos de ensino. Tentamos expor os desafios e as vantagens da apropriação do conceito de gênero discursivo, considerando discussões no campo da Linguística Aplicada e possibilidades atuais para a educação linguística.
This paper argues that there is an emergent digital culture in the art and cultural sector in Hanoi, which is producing a paradigm shift in the nature of work for cultural professionals, the way of preserving and displaying art collections, as well as the nature of international connections. The advent of the “fourth industrial revolution” in Vietnam has brought about advances in digitization. While this transition is crucial in achieving national sustainable development goals, Vietnam remains at a disadvantage on a global scale due to country-specific challenges in digitization that include lack of human, technical, and financial resources. These challenges are hindering the pace and quality of the digitization process and impeding the ability of cultural professionals to utilize digital platforms. In addition, the global digital divide is having impacts on access, inclusion, and representation. This shows that the challenges faced in the digitization process are not only about access to technology but also about much more deep-seated issues related to culture, history, and social inequalities. This is especially pertinent during the Covid-19 pandemic, which has highlighted inequalities in access and inclusion. The research draws on 20 semi-structured interviews with cultural professionals across Hanoi. The interviews were carried out during the Covid-19 pandemic and addressed its impact on digitization projects and the use of digital technologies for work. The findings show how geopolitical and socioeconomic factors can suppress the ability to adopt new digital technologies, which is hindering the ability to exploit the opportunities of digitization. Yet, the Covid-19 pandemic has allowed more time to focus on digitization projects and to utilize digital tools and platforms, especially with free open-source software or platforms such as Facebook. This has become one route toward exploiting the opportunities of digitization for increased exposure, creation of digital resources, and rebalancing the discourse and amount of content circulating online regarding Vietnamese art and culture.
Young people’s lives are inextricably tied in with the digital, whether it is for education, engagement, leisure, or work. Studies from the Global North have examined children and social media from several perspectives, with discourse now veering towards a rights-based approach to foreground young people’s voices in a digital and social media world, something that is missing in countries like India. This paper drew on deep interactions with young people from a large Indian city to gain preliminary insights into social media practices and modes of engagement with particular reference to management of access, privacy, safety, and negotiating challenges or problem solving. Our study suggests that conversations about digital platforms, particularly social media spaces, in relation to children’s everyday life practices need to begin early, at the point when children begin interacting with these technologies. Critical digital literacy must recognize the agency of young people, their naturalized interactions with the digital world, as well as the complexities of family and school life that moderate such interactions. These contextual nuances become significant when framing regulatory policies, parental advisories and critical digital literacy and media education programs. This article adds to the slowly growing literature from the Global South that enhances and diversifies our understanding of how the ‘born digital’ generation lives with/in social media.
Cyberrumor in the digital society: Cyberrumors examples in preventing Cobid-19
Prof. Diab M. Albadayneh, Police College. Academic Affairs Deanship. MOI, Qatar
This paper seeks to study cyberrumor in the digital society through an analysis of
cyberrumor, its forms, threats and means of prevention using the ecological approach (EA)
in prevention. EA is based on primary, secondary and tertary prevention in the context
of virtual (digital) society. The cyberrumor in this paper is false information relevant
to the important issues to the target and it is ambiguous with a personal, collective or
political goal. Cyberrumor can be in the form of a word, text, video, comment, post or
message that uses the internet and social media as a sitting to spread cyberrumer to the
largest possible target audience. Moreover, it addresses example of EA related to the
Coronavirus (COVID-19). This paper also includes some of the implications and practical
recommendations in the social, educational and security field in dealing with cyberrumors
in the light of the emerging chananegs and threats such as (COVID-19), blocade imposed
on qatar, and World Cup 2022 such as roumer clinik for roumers and cyberumers.
Key words: Cyberrumor, digital society, virtual society, cybersecurity, Qatar digital
society, (COVID-19), Qatar.
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