An introduction to the English school of international relations: the societal approach
Abstract
This outstanding book is the first comprehensive introduction to the English School of International Relations. Written by leading ES scholar Barry Buzan, it expertly guides readers through the English School’s formative ideas, intellectual and historical roots, current controversies and future avenues of development.
Part One sets out the English School’s origins and development, explaining its central concepts and methodological tools, and placing it within the broader canon of IR theory. Part Two offers a detailed account of the historical, regional and social structural strands of the English School, explaining the important link between the school’s historical projects and its interest in a societal approach to international relations. Part Three explores the School’s responses to the enduring problems of order and justice, and highlights the changing balance between pluralist and solidarist institutions in the evolution of international society over the past five centuries. The book concludes with a discussion of the English School’s ongoing controversies and debates, and identifies opportunities for further research.
For students new to the topic this book will provide an accessible and balanced overview, whilst those already familiar with the ES will be prompted to look afresh at their own understanding of its significance and potentiality.
... Institutions are characterized by established patterns of behavior, shared beliefs, and norms that guide conduct (Holsti, 2004). According to the solidarist perspective, states can move beyond mere coexistence through cooperation and consensus, creating international societies based on shared norms, rules, and institutions (Buzan, 2014). This collaborative approach highlights the role of consent in fostering a sense of shared identity and expanding the rules of cooperation. ...
... Analyzing the primary institutions of international society, as demonstrated by Buzan (2004Buzan ( , 2014 and Holsti (2004), necessitates a profound understanding of the shared norms, values, and practices that underpin them. This study adopts indicators to identify ongoing processes of solidarist change. ...
... Solidarists believe that international organizations can play a crucial role in moving beyond mere coexistence to create a deeper cooperation and solidarity. They argue that by promoting international law, human rights, and collective security, these organizations strengthen the normative framework that binds states, thus creating a more cohesive international community (Bull, 1966;Buzan, 2014). In contrast, pluralists prioritize diversity, stressing the importance of managing differences and preserving state sovereignty. ...
This study analyzes how states express solidarity within international organizations, focusing on the Transatlantic Community, Organization of Islamic Countries, and ASEAN. Using the English School framework, we examine UNGA speeches (1991–2022) from these groupings, employing sentiment analysis and topic modeling to uncover thematic patterns in their narratives of solidarity. Our findings reveal distinct approaches to solidarity within each organization, despite shared participation in global dialogues. States prioritize different issues and demonstrate active agency in shaping institutional evolution through their discourse. This micro-perspective contributes to the understanding of solidarity-plurality, highlighting the complex interplay between state action and institution-building in a multipolar world. The research challenges simplistic views of state behavior within international organizations, demonstrating the importance of analyzing state narratives to understand the diverse expressions and practices of international solidarity.
... Substantial progress in ES theorising this century, whilst still emphasising the systemic level of analysis, conceptualises the international system as a social structure and thus the product of human choices and historical contingency bearing normative importance. Through its concepts of 'institutions' the ES recognises how policy actors shape and are shaped by social structure (Buzan, 2014). There is, therefore, reason for optimism about ES theory offering space for intelligence studies because it lacks methodological rigidity and displays openness to sub-systemic influences. ...
... The ES concept of 'primary institutions' captures deep-rooted social structures that simultaneously constitute membership of an international society of states, and which establish regulatory standards and expectations for those states (e.g. Buzan, 2004Buzan, , 2014Buzan & Schouenborg, 2018;Falkner & Buzan, 2019;Schouenborg, 2011). Buzan's (2014: 16-17) definition is the benchmark: ...
Despite the recent prominence of intelligence in post‐Ukraine global policy, it is a Cinderella in international relations studies. Using English School (ES) theorisation, we locate intelligence within the constellation of primary and secondary institutions in international society. Through looking at the Five Eyes, we explore where intelligence sits within widespread claims of a crisis of the post‐1945 liberal international order (LIO) and what role intelligence plays in diplomacy, war and great power management in the context of shifting global power dynamics. Following major twenty‐first century Western intelligence controversies, we argue against raison d'état approaches and for raison de système thinking. In the face of claims of a new Cold War between Russia, China and the West, we see an urgency for policymakers in open societies to re‐think intelligence from an international society perspective that is realistic and normative, and that pays attention to Global South dynamics. Insulating intelligence from politicisation is more important than ever but does not mean that intelligence is a value‐neutral government function.
... By the late 1990s, a new generation of ES scholars, now operating globally, had begun to turn the ES into a comprehensive theoretical approach that could address the historical, spatial, and normative dimensions of different social structures and patterns in international affairs. International society remained its intellectual rallying cry, but it now sought to integrate the triad of IR master concepts (international system, international society, world society) and defined the interplay between different types of actors and interaction logics, thereby providing the basis for grand theorizing in IR (Buzan 2014). ...
... Nationalism, for example, began to displace the dynastic principle in the nineteenth century and has become globally established. In contrast, human rights and democracy emerged as international norms only in the twentieth century and remain contested (Buzan 2014). ...
The purpose of this article is to introduce English School (ES) theory to the study of global environmental politics (GEP). The ES is an established theoretical tradition in the discipline of international relations (IR) but is not widely known, let alone used, in GEP. My aim is to overcome this state of neglect and suggest ways in which ES theory can enrich the study of international environmental affairs. I argue that ES theory makes at least two major contributions to the study of global environmental politics: first, it helps counterbalance the presentist focus in GEP scholarship, shifting our attention toward long-term historical patterns of normative change, and second, by distinguishing between different levels of international change, it opens up an analytical focus on environmentalism as a part of the international normative structure. In doing so, ES theory directs our attention to the interaction and mutual shaping between environmentalism and other fundamental norms of international society.
... Terradas 2020a). In one of his recent textbooks, however, Barry Buzan (2014) did try to correct this issue by including raison de système in a list of 'core concepts' unique to the ES approach. Yet despite Peter Wilson's (2016: 110) favorable opinion of this textbook as elevating the concept of raison de système 'to the ES conceptual pantheon,' there is no evidence in Buzan's text of an effort to define or apply the concept beyond the mere indication of its 'centrality,' 'distinctiveness' and 'potential' for a 'wider deployment' within the ES (Buzan 2014: 18). ...
... 6-8), who offers a way to employ raison de système to study the processes of formation and evolution of regional societies of states, as in the case of Latin America in the latenineteenth and early-twentieth centuries; Robert Falkner (2021: 35, 229-230, 240ff), who proposes 'a sense of ecological raison de système' and then, applies it to the study of environmental protection or collective stewardship by 'responsible' great powers and international actors; and Paul Sharp (2009), who has worked on raison de système within the context of 'diplomacy' as a fundamental institution of international society. Of these four works, however, two are still unpublished dissertations, and the others are exceptional texts that have been overshadowed by the large volume of other ES publications focusing on more classical themes, like intellectual history and historical-comparative IR (e.g., Dunne 1998;Vigezzi 2005;Dunne & Reus-Smit 2016;Navari 2009;2021b;Suganami et al. 2017;Schouenborg 2019;Knudsen & Navari 2019), new 'structural-functional' interpretations of the ES (Buzan 2004;Buzan & Schouenborg 2018), regional case-study applications (e.g., Buzan & Gonzalez-Pelaez 2009;Schouenborg 2012;Quayle 2013;Pella 2014); and general works 'taking stock' of the ES (Navari & Green 2014;Buzan 2014;Navari 2021a). Even the most recent critical reassessments of the School have failed to pay attention to the importance of the concept of raison de système (see Bellamy 2005;Linklater & Suganami 2006;Little & Williams 2006). ...
Adam Watson is one of the classical figures of the English School (ES). Scholarly appreciation of his contributions, however, has almost exclusively focused on his comparative work on historical regional ‘systems of states,’ the role of ‘hierarchy’ within an anarchical society, and the ‘evolution’/‘expansion’ of international society. The concept of ‘raison de système,’ for its part, although widely acknowledged as one of Watson’s main conceptual contributions, has received comparatively little attention from fellow members of the ES. In this context, this article reassesses the relevance of raison de système in Watson’s overall thinking by rooting it in a number of earlier intellectual influences emanating from the collaborative efforts of the British Committee. Watson’s raison de système, therefore, must be understood as a richer concept giving substance to how all classical ES thinkers collectively came to conceive of international society, thus giving this theoretical tradition its distinctiveness in the larger spectrum of international thought.
... These primary institutions include the 'traditional', Westphalian institutions such as territoriality, sovereignty, diplomacy, international law, the balance of power, great power management, war, dynasticism (Bull 1977;Wight 1977;Mayall 1990;Holsti 2004;Jackson 1992, 271-281;Buzan 2004, 161-204) as well as imperialism/colonialism, nationalism and others that are being considered as relatively recent additions, such as human rights, democracy, market and environmental stewardship (Buzan 2004, 161-204, 181-183;2014). It is possible to distinguish these characteristics through primary institutions based on the following: ...
... However, there remain many Others located somewhere in-between. For example, relations with 'partners' and 'allies' are based on instrumental considerations (Walt, 1987), even if these can be further reinforced by the ideological proximity and by shared norms and rules (Buzan, 2014;Doyle, 2012). Another interesting category in the context of this article is that of a 'neighbor' that was institutionalised as part of the EU external action with the launch of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2004 (Bouris and Schumacher, 2017;Gstöhl and Schunz, 2016;Schumacher et al., 2018;Whitman and Wolff, 2010). ...
By conducting Bakhtinian dialogic discourse analysis, this article shows how the EU (re)constructs its sense of the Self vis-à-vis two constitutive Others – Russia and Ukraine – since the Russian full-scale invasion in February 2022. It argues that the EU has been able to renew its Self-image as a ‘peace project’ and a ‘normative power’, whilst also embracing more fully the idea of a ‘geopolitical’ EU. Its relations with Ukraine continue to be characterised by the ‘politics of ambiguity’, whereby Ukraine is kept in a liminal state despite its new role of a ‘frontier’ that contributes to EU security. The EU may be said to be facing a dilemma between solidarity and inclusion versus securitisation and re-bordering. In terms of identity construction, this denotes a tension between a Self that depends on securitised binaries and a Self that transcends this dialectic via a dialogic celebration of alterity.
... 4. Ερευνητικοί προβληματισμοί στο πλουραλιστικό πλαίσιο μελέτης των ΔΣ Το πλουραλιστικό πλαίσιο μελέτης των ΔΣ διαγράφει ήδη μια πορεία στην ιστορία ωρίμανσης του κλάδου (Παϊπάης 2020). Στις απαρχές του, με την Αγγλική Σχολή, παρατηρείται στην επιστήμη ένας έντονος πολυσχιδής στοχασμός μελέτης των διεθνών υποθέσεων, καθώς για την μελέτη τους χρησιμοποιούνται ιδέες και ερμηνευτικά πλαίσια από την πολιτική θεωρία, την ιστορία, τη νομική και τη φιλοσοφία (Buzan 2014). Ακολούθως, με την κυριαρχία του αμερικανοκεντρικού θετικισμού στην επιστήμη, τη δεκαετία του '70, παρατηρείται μια ύφεση του πλουραλιστικού στοχασμού, καθώς κυρίαρχη θέση για την ερμηνεία του διεθνολογικού γεγονότος έχει η θετικιστική μεθοδολογία και τα συγκεκριμένα θεωρητικά σχήματα που πηγάζουν από αυτήν (Maliniak κ. ά. 2011). ...
Διαδίκτυο, Κυβερνοεπιθέσεις, σπάνιες γαίες :Αντιπαράθεση Κίνας-Ρωσίας με τη Δύση
... 4. Ερευνητικοί προβληματισμοί στο πλουραλιστικό πλαίσιο μελέτης των ΔΣ Το πλουραλιστικό πλαίσιο μελέτης των ΔΣ διαγράφει ήδη μια πορεία στην ιστορία ωρίμανσης του κλάδου (Παϊπάης 2020). Στις απαρχές του, με την Αγγλική Σχολή, παρατηρείται στην επιστήμη ένας έντονος πολυσχιδής στοχασμός μελέτης των διεθνών υποθέσεων, καθώς για την μελέτη τους χρησιμοποιούνται ιδέες και ερμηνευτικά πλαίσια από την πολιτική θεωρία, την ιστορία, τη νομική και τη φιλοσοφία (Buzan 2014). Ακολούθως, με την κυριαρχία του αμερικανοκεντρικού θετικισμού στην επιστήμη, τη δεκαετία του '70, παρατηρείται μια ύφεση του πλουραλιστικού στοχασμού, καθώς κυρίαρχη θέση για την ερμηνεία του διεθνολογικού γεγονότος έχει η θετικιστική μεθοδολογία και τα συγκεκριμένα θεωρητικά σχήματα που πηγάζουν από αυτήν (Maliniak κ. ά. 2011). ...
Παραπομπή: Ευαγόρου, Ε. Λ. (2024). «Σύγχρονες Οπτικές στη Μελέτη των Διεθνών Σχέσεων: Μια Πολύμορφη Πραγματικότητα και ένας Πλουραλιστικός Τρόπος Απόκτησης Γνώσης», στο Μαρία Μαρτζούκου και Κατερίνα Χατζοπούλου (επιμ.), Πολιτική Ηθική και Διεθνείς Σχέσεις, 4ου Πανελλήνιο Συνέδριο Πολιτικής Φιλοσοφίας – Πρακτικά, Καβάλα: Λογία/Logia, σελ. 133-146.
---------- Περίληψη: Ο πλουραλιστικός στοχασμός στην επιστήμη των Διεθνών Σχέσεων, δηλαδή η πληθώρα των θεωρητικών, μεθοδολογικών, επιστημολογικών και οντολογικών απόψεων, είναι ένα σύγχρονο κύριο χαρακτηριστικό της. Είναι αποτέλεσμα της αυξητικής τάσης δημιουργίας πολλών μεθόδων, θεωρητικών και μεθοδολογικών, για την απόκτηση γνώσης σε ένα ήδη πολύμορφο εμπειρικό γεγονός. Επιδίωξη του παρόντος άρθρου είναι η κριτική αξιολόγηση του πλουραλισμού στην επιστήμη των Διεθνών Σχέσεων και ο έλεγχος των αποτελεσμάτων που παράγει σε αυτήν σήμερα.
---------- Λέξεις Κλειδιά: Πλουραλισμός, Διεθνείς Σχέσεις, θεωρία, μεθοδολογία, οντολογία, επιστημολογία.
... In this particular context, influential entities use the concept of security to garner agreement and support for a certain course of action. The process through which powerful entities manufacture the notion of security is referred to as securitization (Buzan, 2017). Securitization involves framing economic, social, and political contestations as security issues, enabling the government to use repressive mechanisms to exert control over them (Balzacq, 2020). ...
Nigeria's security landscape has been marred by various challenges, ranging from the activities of Boko Haram, armed bandits, kidnappings, conflicts between herders and farmers, and the Niger Delta crisis. This paper adopts the Revisionist theory of national security as its theoretical framework to comprehensively analyze these security challenges and their far-reaching impact on Nigeria's external relations. Through an in-depth examination of secondary sources of data; books, scholarly journals, newspapers, and online materials, this study sheds light on the distinct issues presented by each of these phenomenal elements in various regions of Nigeria. This study emphasizes the urgency for the Nigerian government to take a comprehensive and non-politicized approach in addressing these security concerns. To uphold national security and foster positive diplomatic relations, the government must prioritize its fundamental duty of protecting the lives and property of its citizens. The federal government should utilise diplomacy and force where necessary to address these intractable issues.
... Buzan argues that the fundamental objective of the English School system is "to cast light on the contemporary global international society within which we all live". 70 A considerable number of scholars associated with the English School have published works examining the emergence of the contemporary international society. However, it seems that the English School has sought to elucidate the modern international society's processes around Europe. ...
This article examines the contributions of the English School to the development of Global International Relations (Global IR) through a critical analysis of its systemic framework, historical development, and normative theoretical focus. By undertaking a qualitative and historical analysis of foundational texts by figures such as Manning, Wight, and Bull, as well as relevant secondary literature, the study illuminates the interaction between the English School and Global IR. The study's key findings indicate that, while the English School's Eurocentric legacy presents theoretical constraints, its focus on norms, international society, and justice offers valuable frameworks for addressing contemporary global challenges. Furthermore, the study identifies the integration of emerging powers and non-Western perspectives as evidence of the English School's adaptability in a pluralistic global order. Methodologically, the study's focus on historical analysis and qualitative approaches constrains its capacity to offer broader empirical generalisations. Additionally, its theoretical scope reflects the challenges of reconciling diverse perspectives within a cohesive framework. Despite these limitations, the article highlights the potential for transformative dialogue between the English School and Global IR, with practical implications for fostering inclusive global governance and providing pathways for future interdisciplinary research.
... İkinci amaç kapsamında, yorumlayıcı, tarihsel ve nitel olarak sınıflandırılabilecek geleneksel yöntemleri (klasik yaklaşımı) kullanan İngiliz Okulu'nun yöntemlerine dair yayınlar ve tartışmalar artmıştır. Buzan bu amaçla iki yeni çalışma yayımlarken (Buzan, 2004;Buzan, 2014) yeni İngiliz Okulu'nun önemli isimleri de kuramın yöntemlerine yönelik eleştirilere yanıt veren çalışmalarıyla metodolojisini de sağlamlaştırmıştır (Linklater & Suganami, 2006;Navari, 2009;Wilson, 2012;Navari & Green, 2014;Navari, 2021 (Buzan & Little, 2000;Shapcott, 2001;Keene, 2002;Suzuki, 2009;Dunne, 2010b ...
.../// The Journal of Diplomatic Research-Diplomasi Araştırmaları Dergisi, 6(1) ///... Öz:
Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplini kavramları, varsayımları ve yöntemleri üzerine eklektik bir yapı geliştirerek kapsamlı bakış açısı ortaya koyan İngiliz Okulu kuramı, Soğuk Savaş döneminde ortaya çıksa da asıl büyük ilgiyi Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde görmeye başlamıştır. Kuram yeniden canlanma dönemine girerken kendini bu düşünce okulu bünyesinde tanımlayan araştırmacılar ile bu kuramın varsayımlarını geliştiren ve yöntemlerini kullanan çalışmalar artmıştır. Böylece İngiliz Okulu, Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplininin temel kuramlarından biri haline gelmiştir. Bu çalışmada İngiliz Okulu kuramının nasıl geliştiği ve Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde daha fazla ilgi çekmesini ve disiplinde öne çıkmasını sağlayan etkenlerin neler olduğu sorularına cevaplar aranacaktır. Türkçe alanyazında kuramın gelişim anlatısıyla ilgili görülen eksikliğin giderilmesini hedefleyen ve bir gözden geçirme çabası olarak tasarlanan çalışma, Barry Buzan’ın ve Buzan’dan etkilenen kuramcıların İngiliz Okulu’nun evrimine yaptığı katkıları ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: İngiliz Okulu, Britanya Komitesi, Barry Buzan, Kuramın Gelişim Anlatısı, Uluslararası İlişkiler Kuramı.
Abstract:
The English School theory, which provides a comprehensive perspective with its eclectic structure on the concepts, assumptions, and methods of the International Relations discipline, developed during the Cold War but has attracted more interest in the post-Cold War era. During this revival, there has been a surge in researchers identifying themselves with this school of thought and in publications using its assumptions and methods. The English School theory, thus, elevated its status to one of the main theories of the discipline. This study seeks to answer how the English School theory developed and what factors let it gain more attention and come to the fore in the post-Cold War era. Aiming to fill the gap in the Turkish literature on the developmental narrative of the theory, this review study tries to underscore the contributions of Barry Buzan and the scholars influenced by Buzan to the evolution of the English School theory.
Keywords: English School, British Committee, Barry Buzan, Developmental Narrative of the Theory, International Relations Theory.
... Students get an education in social models in a global context, i.e., outside the narrow understanding of the equation of state and society. These include approaches of international society [28][29][30][32][33][34], transnational society [35] global society [36], and world society [37][38][39][40][41]. Students are educated on issues of global governance [42] and multilateral cooperation. Additionally, students acquire knowledge about inclusive economic growth and sustainable economic development. ...
The size and number of global threats to humanity’s at least cultural survival on the very small blue planet of Earth is growing. Exponential population growth and additionally exponential growth of all kinds of consumption have led to the planet’s limits finally being exceeded in the final quarter of the last century. Meanwhile this growth has already probably generated irreversible changes in the world which have brought or will bring the climate very soon beyond “tipping points” leading to “runaway effects”, endangering mankind or at least its cultural achievements. Science and education need to provide pathways for survival and the design of a sustainable future, and thereby replace having to deal with short-term and small problems by tackling these global threats. This paper discusses these issues, underlines the significance of global studies and outlines approaches to the design of a trans-disciplinary global sustainability science curriculum.
... As Buzan (2014) stressed, there is no way to develop a theory of IR as (i) an alternative to more extreme positions of classical and liberal models or as (ii) a third way between realists and constructivists without distinguishing states from people and societies to the extent that different conceptions of world order lie between plurality and solidarity among states, people, and societies. This is quite evidenced within approaches as the political-moral agency in philosophical theories of human rights: while jusnaturalists and realists postulate a human nature, and liberal political accounts advance it as fundamental right by virtue of their humanity, the so-called discursive or narrative accounts absorb a constructivism while emphasize a social and linguistically co-constitutive reality. ...
This article aims to scrutinise the international society concept in order to point out its insufficiencies within contemporary world politics. We conclude that the concept of world society is a better choice concerning discussions about normative challenges on International Relations Theory. Here, nonetheless, a renewed world society idea comes into view. Considering its origins in the English School, we remember that international and world society concepts are two out of three possibilities for world order, as pointed by Wight (1991). In this sense, we argue that both of them, within the English School, lack elements when it comes to contemporary International Relations debates. We run, then, through Critical Theory contributions, mainly from Jürgen Habermas, to develop a world society concept that fits into a transnationalised reality. Although we don’t always agree with Habermas, we critically defend his intellectual proposal and his attempts to advance the discussion about cosmopolitanism, that here deals with the world society idea.
... It also allows us to interrogate what type(s) of order is (re)produced in a different manner than the School has traditionally approached the topic. While the School has predominantly engaged in this line of enquiry in terms of its solidarist/pluralist 'debate', and those particularly interested in Watson in terms of his pendulum model, the framework presented here invites us to instead approach the topic more in terms of the operation of particular modes of power (Bull 1977;Buzan 2014;Jackson 2000;Mayall 2000;Vincent 1986). Viewed in terms of being a territorial assemblage, the expansion/globalisation literature tells the story of international society as being fundamentally about inclusion and exclusion. ...
Producing a means of conceptualising and analysing international society as an assemblage, this article reflects on Adam Watson’s Evolution of International Society and demonstrates how an assemblage theory approach allows us to undertake Watson’s general aims to engage in broad, comparative analyses of international societies historically and produce a history of contemporary international society, but without the problematic biases and omissions that plague the empirical dimensions of his work. Understanding international society as an assemblage affords an ability to see that the endurance of so much of Western European international society in contemporary, global international society is owing to its particular form of assemblage. As a highly adaptive form of assemblage, what changes there might be in the international domain tend to occur within the assemblage, as the assemblage’s form renders both a substantive change of the assemblage and the establishment of any rival assemblage unlikely.
... This conception is also reflected in the ES which, according to Buzan, is 'interested in analysing the social dynamics such as the ideational forces, the rules of conduct, the intentionality of actors and the normative tensions and problems generated by the interplay of these factors'. 27 For Buzan, 'the ES incorporates both the realist and liberal framings and contextualises them in a range of possible types of international society'. 28 It provides a holistic approach, combining elements of all these mainstream research traditions, with historical elements along the systemic logic and societal norms, considering that 'these analytics together have explanatory power in considering how the world hangs together'. ...
While South America made significant strides in regional security cooperation since the 1990s, more recently the region seems to have entered a process of backsliding from its cooperative achievements and towards mere coexistence. This article proposes that an English School approach allows for a nuanced assessment of regional security cooperation. It contributes to the analysis of regional international societies and regional organisations as markers of fundamental institutional change. While scholars have studied how regional organisations shape the fundamental institutions of regional international societies as they emerge and evolve, little research has been done on whether a decline in regional organisations can lead to changes in the fundamental institutions of regional international societies. Using a set of indicators for coexistence and cooperative international societies, we analyse whether there is evidence of backsliding from cooperation to coexistence in South America with regard to three different types of security challenges: interstate conflict and militarisation; inter-mestic repercussions of internal conflict and violence; and extra-regional influences. We argue that a decline in regional organisations exacerbates those challenges, as they are no longer mitigated through institutionalised diplomatic procedures. However, despite the organisational decline, fundamental institutions in South America have so far proven relatively resilient.
... ES scholars are not known for their engagement with political economy, as Barry Buzan periodically laments (Buzan 2004(Buzan , 2014). Yet Watson was acutely aware that during the post-WWII era the most striking innovations in international society came from the economic sphere. ...
In re-reading Watson’s The Evolution of International Society through the work of Giovanni Arrighi, this article makes two contributions to the English School (ES). Firstly, I offer a more grounded analysis of Watson’s ‘succession of hegemonies’ from the seventeenth century onwards. Secondly, and relatedly, through closer attention to the dynamics of capitalist international society, we are better able to apprehend the current contradictions and challenges facing contemporary international society. Rather than replace Watson with Arrighi, I argue that Arrighi’s framework of ‘systemic cycles of accumulation’ complements and extends the insights offered in Watson’s magnum opus. It is hoped that this dialogue between the ES and critical political economy may open the way for further ES research on the (dis)orderly dynamics of capitalist international society.
... Estes constituiriam uma base ética universal que todos os Estados deveriam respeitar e, não o fazendo, abriria espaço para a comunidade internacional atuar (Williams 2005). A soberania não poderia servir como capa para permitir a violência arbitrária do Estado, tampouco a inação dos demais membros da comunidade (Bain 2010;Buzan 2014). ...
A partir de uma visão solidarista, este artigo explora a evolução das operações de paz ao longo do tempo de acordo com as mudanças percebidas na forma dos conflitos armados contemporâneos e seus impactos no debate sobre intervenção humanitária. Para tanto, utilizamos como objeto de análise as intervenções conduzidas sob a égide da ONU de forma a prevenir crises humanitárias. Acusamos que a politização do processo decisório no tocante às suas autorizações e definição de mandato leva ao agravamento de tais crises. Apontamos que o conceito de emergência complexa pode apontar condições de verificação para a necessidade e intervenção, complementando o princípio da Responsabilidade de Proteger e superando zonas cinzentas no tocante ao decidir quando intervir.
... Apart from these "classic" primary institutions listed above, new institutions have emerged, now including human rights, democracy, or environmental stewardship (cf. Buzan, 2014). When going through the findings of this volume, further discussions are to be had, whether more should be added to the list. ...
This concluding chapter argues that diplomacy is the core primary institution of international society. The contributions in this handbook demonstrate that diplomacy is dynamic and at the same time conservative in that it is highly adaptable but also, due to its constitutive element, upholds certain rules and values as the foundations of international society. Adding a theoretical layer, this chapter revisits the individual book parts and chapters to educe a pattern of diplomacy becoming more inclusive and more nuanced. Inclusive, in terms of who is involved and more nuanced in terms of the means and methods deemed appropriate. An English School approach is employed to discuss what implications this has and what can be learned about the Zusammenspiel of anarchy, diplomacy, and international society.
... the balance of power, international law, diplomacy, war, and the balance between great powers (Bull, 1977(Bull, [1995; Wight, 2004). In addition, the English School provides a valuable tool for understanding the complex interactions between states, non-state actors, and international institutions in the sphere (Dunne, 2013;Buzan, 2014;Ağkaya, 2016). ...
Sanayileşme ve kentleşme arasında yakın bir ilişki bulunmaktadır. Sanayileşme arttıkça kentleşme de artmaktadır. Ayrıca, kentleri ekonomiden, ekonomiye de sanayiden bağımsız düşünmemek gerekmektedir. Aralarında bir ilişki bulunmaktadır. Bu doğrultuda çalışmanın amacı, sanayileşme ve kentleşme arasındaki ilişkiyi ortaya koymak ve sanayileşmenin kentler üzerindeki etkilerini belirlemektir. Bursa ili İpek Yolu üzerinde bulunması, Osmanlı Devleti'nde başkentlik yapması, otomotiv ve tekstil sektöründeki gelişmeleri, coğrafi konumu, ulaşımının kolay olması gibi nedenlerle örneklem olarak seçilmiştir. Çalışmada nitel analiz yöntemi olan doküman incelemesi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Doküman olarak, Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu (TÜİK) verileri, Bursa Büyükşehir Belediyesi ve Uludağ Üniversitesi'nin çalışmaları gibi temel çalışmalara ulaşılmıştır. Elde edilen dokümanlar ile verilere ulaşılmıştır. Yapılan incelemeler sonucunda, Bursa nüfusunun sanayi bölgelerine yakın olan Nilüfer, Osmangazi, Yıldırım ve Nilüfer ilçelerinde yoğun olduğu, aynı zamanda genellikle bu ilçelerde çevresel sorunların görüldüğü tespit edilmiştir. Yapılan incelemelerde sanayi tesislerinde 2. kalite suyun kullanılması ise, çevre açısından kıt bir kaynağın tasarruflu bir şekilde kullanıldığı göstermiştir. Araştırma verileri ile sanayileşme ve kentleşme olguları arasında bir ilişki olduğu, yoğun göç nedeniyle kentin siluetinin değiştiği ve çarpık kentleşme gibi sorunların ortaya çıktığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.
... Compared to other IR theories, one of the most distinctive features of the English School is the institutions of the international society; the balance of power, international law, diplomacy, war, and the balance between great powers (Bull, 1977(Bull, [1995; Wight, 2004). In addition, the English School provides a valuable tool for understanding the complex interactions between states, non-state actors, and international institutions in the sphere (Dunne, 2013;Buzan, 2014;Ağkaya, 2016). ...
Bu çalışmada, son yıllarda Türkiye’de ve Türkçe yapılan Uluslararası İlişkiler çalışmalarında da ilgi gören ve bir analiz aracı olarak kullanılan İngiliz Okulu’nun en önemli kavramsallaştırması olan “uluslararası toplum” ele alınmaktadır. İngiliz Okulu temsilcileri, uluslararası toplumun tarihsel-yorumlayıcı bir perspektifle anlaşılabileceğini savunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, çalışma, uluslararası toplumun tarihsel olarak gelişimini bilhassa Türkçe olarak yapılan çalışmalar itibariyle nispeten boş bir alan olarak görmekte ve literatüre bir katkı yapmak amacıyla, uluslararası toplumun XV. yüzyıldan XX. yüzyılın başına kadar küresel olarak genişlemesini konu edinmektedir. Çalışmanın ilk başlığı XIX. yüzyıla kadar olan süreci genel bir tarihsel anlatı biçiminde sunmakta ve kalan başlıklar sırasıyla uluslararası toplumun Amerikalı, Asyalı ve Afrikalı devletler sistemleriyle etkileşimlerini incelemektedir. Buna göre, çalışma, Avrupa merkezli olan uluslararası toplumun Amerikalı devletlerle ilişkisinin daha çok karşılıklılığa dayandığını, Asyalı ve Afrikalı devletlerle olan ilişkilerinin ise çifte standart içeren bir emperyalist ve sömürgeci temele dayandığını savunmaktadır. Çalışmanın son başlığı ise, uluslararası toplumun kurumlarından biri olarak kabul gören savaşın, XX. yüzyılın başında, nasıl ve niçin, uluslararası toplumun en büyük başarısızlıklarından biri olan Birinci Dünya Savaşı’na giden küresel statükoyu ortaya çıkardığı analiz edilmektedir. Bu şekilde, çalışma, İngiliz Okulu yaklaşımının kullanılarak hem uzun dönemli hem de güncel küresel siyasetin anlaşılmasına yönelik çalışmalara bir katkı sunmaktadır.
From the current chapter to Chapter 9, this book studies China’s strategic management in the stalemate period. Specifically, the main research objective is to identify the extent to which China consolidated the communist regime and pursued important nationalist interests while thwarting the formation of a US-led hard-balancing coalition in East Asia during this period through the management.
This chapter examines whether competition between China and the US or other regional countries on some important dimensions (e.g., territorial disputes or ideology) is inevitable. As noted, some IR scholars use SIT’s identity management strategies (social mobility, social creativity, and social competition) to analyze whether the competition is avoidable and if China’s peaceful rise is possible.
In the second half of the 20th century, humankind’s increased awareness of the likely consequences of nuclear war and climate change led to the emergence of a new temporality: humanity’s future was now seen as potentially finite, with a possible end that was completely negative and required prevention. This new temporality, which the article proposes to call “katechontic,” differs from all previous modes of time perception, including the ideas of cyclical eternity and infinite progress, as well as eschatological expectations of the end. At the same time, these previous temporal perspectives have become connected to the most significant political forms of today, such as the empire and the state. This raises the question of whether these political forms can be adapted to the katechontic temporality. The state, as an essentially pluralist political form, is structurally embedded within the infinite temporal horizon of modernity and requires the neutralization of eschatology. It is unable to adapt to the katechontic temporality, as collective action to prevent a global catastrophe would de-legitimize sovereign plurality. The imperial political form, contrary to the popular thesis of Carl Schmitt about the katechontic nature of the medieval Christian empire, has historically been oriented towards either the eschatological end of time or eternity. The main obstacle to adapting the empire to the katechontic temporality is the violent nature of imperial expansion. Another reason why the state and empire are incompatible with the katechontic temporality is their hierarchical centralization of power. Sovereign centralization has intrinsic value when there are no external criteria for the correctness of a political decision. The katechontic temporality introduces such criteria demanding that political decisions correctly reflect the external (natural and technological) context. Therefore, the political must be subordinated to this external truth, which might be implemented via the model of “double representation.”
The post-Cold War international justice project is underpinned by the goal of overcoming impunity, an important part of which involves setting aside the historically evolved norm that rank or station will protect individuals from criminal responsibility. One of the primary forums where this plays out is the international criminal court. International relations theory is generally absent from discussions about the degree to which tensions between the legally evolved immunity for heads of state and the emerging idea that gross violations of human rights should trump claims of immunity, inform the relationship between order and justice. This paper proposes that the English School of International Relations provides the ideal framework to overcome this theoretical absence, and that in turn it is best suited to explain competing explanations of this tension, as it relates to order and justice, and broader limitations of the international criminal justice project.
In the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, reactions by religious leaders have differed greatly, with the Shia Ayatollah blaming the United States for the war, the Catholic Pope calling the United Nations “impotent,” and the Dalai Lama stating that “war is outdated.” But has there been a change in any of these religious narratives when it comes to war? Does the Ukraine war signify a turning point, or can we observe more of the same? Embedded in an English School framework, this article conducts a narrative analysis to better understand whether and how the primary institutions of war and international law are being (re)interpreted. The article analyses these three religious actors’ narratives on the Ukraine war and compares them to their respective past war narratives. The article examines how these narratives reflect a strengthening and even an expansion or an undermining and thus weakening of international society, with a particular emphasis on the primary institutions of war and international law as well as the secondary institution of the United Nations. The article argues that at least for religious actors in international politics, the Ukraine war does not pose a formative event in global security policy. Instead, these actors may have missed a critical juncture for strengthening or even upholding international law.
O artigo busca analisar a significância da noção de solidarismo em Grócio e sua possível atualidade no pensamento jurídico-político. Iniciando com uma retomada do contexto histórico de desenvolvimento do pensamento grociano, examinar-se-á a condição do solidarismo na própria obra de Grócio e sua relação com as noções de justiça internacional e de sociedade internacional. Em seguida, será sustentada a hipótese teórica de que o solidarismo teria assumido a condição de princípio normativo de um possível constitucionalismo transnacional no século XXI. O método histórico-analítico é utilizado para a primeira seção do artigo, enquanto o método crítico-propositivo norteia as duas seguintes seções, buscando sustentar a atualidade e compatibilidade, notadamente por obra da adaptação de neogrocianos, como Hedley Bull, do solidarismo com uma possível concepção de constitucionalismo transnacional.
Bu çalışma, devlet merkezli dünya siyaseti yaklaşımına karşı çok aktörlü, katmanlı ilişkileri savunan transnasyonalizm açısından devlet dışı ilişkilerde alternatif rota olarak transnasyonel toplumu analiz etmektedir. Transnasyonalizmin sonucu olarak devlet dışı aktörler, dünya siyasetinde öne çıkarken literatürde devlet dışı ilişkiler gölgede kalmaktadır. Vatandaşlık bağı aranmaksızın belli bir amaç için gönüllü oluşturulan topluluk olan transnasyonel toplum ise devlet dışındaki bu transnasyonel denklemlerde önemli bir değişkendir. Bu değişken, devlet dışı aktörler tarafından alternatif rota olarak seçilebilmekte ve dünya siyasetinin loş yönünü oluşturabilmektedir. Bu çalışma da alternatif rota olarak transnasyonel toplumun devlet dışı aktörlerin birbiriyle ilişkilerindeki etkisini transnasyonalizmin mantığına uygun şekilde ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu kapsamda birinci bölümde transnasyonalizm, kökeni ve eleştirileriyle birlikte ele alınmıştır. İkinci ve üçüncü bölümde; transnasyonel ilişkiler aktörleri ve ilişkileri açıklanmaktadır. Dördüncü bölümde ilk üç bölümün çizdiği çerçevede örnek vakalar üzerinden transnasyonel ilişkiler değerlendirilmiştir. Böylece literatürün nispeten karanlıkta kalmış bir perspektifinin aydınlatılması amaçlanmıştır.
Throughout modern history, internationalism has been one of the most powerful forces that drives global political changes. While existing research focuses exceptionally on liberal internationalism, studies devoted to internationalism beyond its liberal and Western forms remain relatively scant. Building on a conception that perceives internationalism as a form of human practices, this article explores the evolution of the concept of internationalism in the Global South through a series of political practices from the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 and the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung to the proposal of the New International Economic Order in 1974 and the BRICS’s contestation over NATO’s Libyan intervention in 2011. It is argued that the normative core of internationalism in the Global South is constituted of three major components – pluralism, solidarism, and developmentalism, each in its particular form. Taken together, it envisions an international order rooted in the solidarity of the post-colonial peoples based on their shared colonial past, underpinned by a pluralistic outlook of political life, and places emphasis on redistributive justice in structuring the international economic order. Though some argue that with the rise of the BRICS countries, there will be a revival of Global South internationalism, this article concludes that this is not likely to happen at present.
The Chinese initiatives proposed in aspect of this vision, is the most recent one that points to how the US sees the world and its role in it. The countries of Southeast Asia (SEA), the region where these two great powers directly interact with each other through overlapping spheres of influence, are particularly concerned about how these two contrasting visions affect them. The paper aims to determine how the SEA countries will respond to the new global initiatives launched by China and how these initiatives will impact relations in the region between local actors and great powers alike, particularly in the context of regional stability and the balance of power in the region. The paper draws from the works of Michael Leifer and the concepts of the English School of International Relations, primarily the writings of Hedley Bull, by which Leifer was greatly influenced, and is based on the idea that the balance of power is a strategy willingly employed by the states to achieve regional order. The paper will argue that the SEA countries will find aspects of China's initiatives appealing, especially those aligned with the core principles of ASEAN, while remaining careful to avoid being pulled into the binary division in the battle between democracy and autocracy.
This chapter sets the scene for the volume International Relations and Area Studies: debates, methodologies and insights from different world regions by setting out the research questions and structure of this edited volume. Specifically, this chapter reviews the state of the art of the dialectics interweaving International Relations and Area Studies. In doing so, it focuses on tracing the genealogy of these debates, identifying the actors engaged with them, as well as, mapping those sites where such transdisciplinary knowledge is produced and circulated. Overall, this chapter provides a twofold contribution: first, we provide an account of the globalization of knowledge production and circulation that has also increasingly decentred, valuing local peculiarities and epistemological traditions beyond the Western academia. Second, we assess and discuss how Western and non-Western academics have contoured concepts which demand and entail site-intensive techniques of inquiry, exposure to complexities on the grounds, ethnographic sensitivity, and, at the same time, comparative endeavours going beyond area specialisms.
An ethical reading of the Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters (Aarhus Convention) indicates the feasibility and normative worth of solidarisation, a process that propagates solidarist values within pluralist, statist power frameworks. It demonstrates the benefit of retaining statist arrangements and infusing them with a cosmopolitan impulse of human empowerment, co-creation and “humankindness”. Under solidarisation, sovereignty is subjected to ethical agitation by incremental solidarist reform. But sovereignty is not usurped; in fact it serves to temper and regulate solidarist progress. Pluralism, solidarism and solidarisation are ideas related to the English School of IR. This chapter offers an English School framework, using its historical continuum of realist international system, revolutionist cosmopolis and rationalist international society. Realism and revolutionism occupy the continuum’s extremes; rationalism is roughly equidistant therebetween. Each part of the continuum offers an imaginary of IR against which to assess “real world” developments. International society, an English School signature, is a pragmatic, cautious middle way: mindful of anarchy, the absence of world government, but conscious of the feasibility of propagating lesser (pluralist) or greater (solidarist) degrees of ethical progress. The chapter finds value in the innovative concept of solidarisation, and gauges the latter’s indicators, in preparation for the substantive analyses to come.
This chapter aims to show the diversity of the concerns and strategies employed by Southern states vis-à-vis multilateralism, mainly over a recent period. During the past decade, the focus has been on the contentious actors among permanent UN Security Council—be it the United States under the Trump administration, Russia or China. What about the so-called South? Does this set of heterogeneous actors, through a variety of strategies and practices, balance the multilateral game, diminish the power of the powerful and promote collective bargaining against inward-looking or unilateral attitudes? Our answer is not categorical. The participation of the South in multilateral entities certainly represents a pluralization of international cooperation, but it does not necessarily mean its consolidation, let alone a shift toward more balanced institutions and practices. To this end, we begin by reviewing the diversity of the South’s relationship to multilateralism in its ideologies, representations and forms of participation. Then, we address the issue of the disadvantaged representation of these actors, which new research shows in a renewed way beyond institutional schemes, through diplomatic practices and informal modes of governance. Finally, we look at the institutional and normative innovations that stem from the aspiration to a more consolidated presence of the South in the decision-making processes of international cooperation.
Drawing on recent debates in English School (ES) theory, this article develops an analytical framework for examining how states use multilateral institutions, or what ES theorists call ‘secondary institutions’, to reshape ‘primary institutions’, i.e. fundamental practices in international society. The framework highlights the role of states’ agency in international institutional change by shedding light on strategies that they employ to bring about changes in primary institutions. It posits that, although they can seek to directly remould primary institutions, states in practice often seek to bring about primary institutional changes through existing or newly formed secondary institutions and that this is especially the case at the level of regional international societies (RISs). The article demonstrates the utility of the framework by using it to analyse the case of Russia’s peacekeeping policy in the post-Soviet regional international society (PSRIS), focusing on its efforts to institutionalise the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) as an alternative ‘peacekeeping’ actor.
Among the founding figures of the English School of International Relations (ES) and the British Committee (BC), Adam Watson is perhaps the least studied and researched. How, for example, did his past as diplomat informed his Weltanschauung and his understanding of combining theory and practice? How did his academic relationship and friendship with other members of the BC and colleagues shaped his outlook on international politics? What was his political theory and philosophy? And what have his contributions been, not simply to the ES, but to IR writ large? This paper offers an intellectual portrait of Adam Watson and his persona, making use not only of his published written production, but also of so far unexplored archives and materials. Specifically, the paper situates Adam Watson within the ES and the broader IR panorama, taking into account the professional, academic, and human material that the extensive research for this paper has uncovered.
This paper argues that humanitarian logics have been integral to the constitution and historical evolution of international society and its primary institutions. Whilst Watson was chiefly interested in the raison de système which brought states together in the consolidation and preservation of an international society, he did not dedicate as much attention to how humanitarian concerns have historically been embedded in the structure of both statehood and international society. We introduce the concept of raison de l’humanité to capture this fundamental concern for protecting human lives, alleviating human suffering and mobilising compassion and solidarity in politics. We show how this raison de l’humanité has historically complemented and reinforced (rather than undermined) the workings of international society and its raison de système. We illustrate this argument by examining the humanitarian responsibilities historically associated with sovereignty and their contemporary expression in the responsibility to protect (R2P) doctrine. Instead of uncritically celebrating this raison de l’humanité as a universal and morally progressive force in global politics, however, this paper stresses the need to attend to the hierarchies, exclusions and sacrifices produced by appeals to humanity and humanitarian logics. Taking this raison de l’humanité seriously therefore requires tracing how throughout history, appeals to humanity have oscillated between solidarity and violence, inclusion and exclusion, equality and hierarchy. This brings us back, in turn, to Watson’s project of historical documentation of the varying workings of international society.
O presente artigo analisa votos de Cançado Trindade para identificar como eles promoveram a discussão sobre a humanização do direito internacional nos procedimentos perante a Corte Internacional de Justiça. O trabalho discute que a estrutura institucional da Corte, fundada no contencioso interestatal, privilegia a manutenção de uma ordem internacional estatocêntrica, destacando como os votos de Cançado Trindade, ao trazerem a dimensão dos indivíduos e dos direitos humanos, desafiaram essa ordem e promoveram uma abertura ao debate sobre direitos que extrapolam a dimensão interestatal. O trabalho se vale do arcabouço teórico da Escola Inglesa das Relações Internacionais para discutir a relação entre “ordem” e “justiça”, sustentando que enquanto a Corte adota uma postura condizente com uma preocupação com a “ordem”, Cançado Trindade se posiciona no espectro do debate sobre “justiça”. Ao final, traz considerações acerca da importância do pensamento do jurista para a jurisprudência da Corte e para ampliar o entendimento de seu papel na garantia de Direitos Humanos no plano internacional.
Following the 2021 Zapatista tour in Europe, this article offers a reconstruction of the genealogy of the practice of diplomacy from below, based on the meeting between the Italian post‐autonomous collectives and the Zapatista rebel communities of the state of Chiapas in southern Mexico, and sets out its continuity after more than two decades. The research hypothesis is that this practice was born as a joint political construction thanks to the collaboration between two collective political subjects, organized and structured in their respective territories as constituent expressions of counterpower and in opposition to the hegemonic neoliberal model. How these collective actors relate to each other demonstrates the existence of two different political identities and cultures that, in the reciprocal encounter, recognize and feed each other—changing, hybridizing and, finally, strengthening each other.
The close ties between religion and diplomacy are not new, yet in the past decades, religion has gained visibility in world affairs for various reasons, ranging from terrorists claiming to act in the name of religion to religious leaders calling for climate protection. This spectrum also reflects a shift in the international society, with states no longer pursuing traditional, solely state-centred foreign policies. Instead, and as indicated in other chapters of this volume, foreign policies are constantly adapted and have become more transnational. This chapter presents one area of foreign policy in general—and diplomacy in particular—that has become more transnational: faith-based diplomacy. This chapter presents the concept and different types of faith-based diplomacy, identifying its relevant actors, settings, and objectives and focusing on how interreligious dialogue as a diplomatic tool has evolved. Based on the typology devised here, empirical cases are presented for each of these types in order to discuss the added value that can be learned from this particular type of diplomatic practice.
Barry Buzan proposes a new approach to making International Relations a truly global discipline that transcends both Eurocentrism and comparative civilisations. He narrates the story of humankind as a whole across three eras, using its material conditions and social structures to show how global society has evolved. Deploying the English School's idea of primary institutions and setting their story across three domains - interpolity, transnational and interhuman - this book conveys a living historical sense of the human story whilst avoiding the overabstraction of many social science grand theories. Buzan sharpens the familiar story of three main eras in human history with the novel idea that these eras are separated by turbulent periods of transition. This device enables a radical retelling of how modernity emerged from the late 18th century. He shows how the concept of 'global society' can build bridges connecting International Relations, Global Historical Sociology and Global/World History.
Autori rada istraživački fokus stavljaju na bezbednosni paradoks koji nastaje usled kauzalne veze odvraćanja i bezbednosne dileme. Suština ovog paradoksa ogleda se u činjenici da odvraćanje, kao izraz težnje za bezbednošću, može biti inicijalni okidač za pokretanje bezbednosne dileme, čime se postiže efekat suprotan željenom – umesto da bude osigurana, bezbednost biva ugrožena. Centralno pitanje rada glasi: Kako realizovati odvraćanje, a da ono pritom ne isprovocira pojavu bezbednosne dileme? U prvom delu rada autori su se pozabavili osnovnim karakteristikama odvraćanja, njegovom kauzalnom logikom, bazičnim pretpostavkama na kojima ono počiva i klasifikacijom tih pretpostavki. Potom je pažnja preusmerena na perceptivnu i diskurzivnu dimenziju odvraćanja – aspekte u čijem se pravilnom razumevanju (i upotrebi), prema mišljenju autora, krije ključ za otklanjanje bezbednosne dileme i recept za uspešnu realizaciju ove strategije. U završnom delu autori argumentuju tezu prema kojoj se sepercepcija može posmatrati kao razdelna linija između uspešnog odvraćanja i upadanja u klopku bezbednosne dileme, dok kreiranje jasnog i nedvosmislenog bezbednosnog narativa, kao dela šireg strateškog diskursa, može voditi ka rešenju pomenutog paradoksa.
This research explores the potential theorization of the English School of International Relations (ES) in understanding the intersection between technology and International Relations. This research examines the case of the European Digital Sovereignty as a geopolitical vision by the European Union by instrumentalizing two important analytical frameworks introduced by ES theorists: International Society and Standard of Civilization. The analysis highlights how ES frameworks are helpful in capturing the constitutive nature and expansive character of the European Digital Sovereignty. Yet, this research also shows the limitations of the use of ES frameworks in understanding the case. This, subsequently, calls for further research avenue for ES, particularly in incorporating non-state actors and non-Great Power actors in theorization.KeywordDigital sovereigntyEuropean UnionInternational relationsEnglish School of International RelationsInternational societyStandard of civilization
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