Before discharging the jury in the Belfast Rape Trial (BRT), Judge Patricia Smyth told them that this had probably been “the most difficult trial that any jury in Northern Ireland (NI) has had to sit on” (Gallagher, 2018g, para. 147). The BRT lasted for about 40 days, with more than 30 witnesses giving evidence. Two of the four defendants, Patrick Jackson and Stuart Olding, were rugby stars at the time, and, as a result, the BRT became “the most talked about court case on the island of Ireland” (Kelly & O’Brien, 2018, 00:15), sparking a national debate on consent, victim blaming and male entitlement.
To what extent may the BRT itself be regarded as representative of rape cases in general, according to the literature on the investigation of sexual violence cases, on victim blaming, and rape myths more generally? May the media coverage of the case have accounted for the exceptional reaction to, and consequences of, the trial itself ? To what extent is it consistent with the literature on the coverage of sexual violence cases? To what extent may the existing literature on the connections between masculinity, sports and sexual violence, inform our understanding of the alleged rape as well as of the framing of the defendants by the media ?
Existing literature highlights the prevalence of sexual violence : In Northern Ireland, for instance, 46% of participants in a study on sexual violence in intimate partner relationships indicated that they had been raped by their partner (Doule & McWilliams, 2018), and Irish figures from 2002 indicate that one out of ten women experience rape at some point in their lives (McGee et al., 2002, pp. 69-70). Besides, the mishandling of rape cases and the secondary victimisation of rape complainants by the criminal justice system, and the influence of rape myths in the courtroom has long been documented (Estrich, 1987; Ehrlich, 2012; Grubb & Turner, 2012; Gillen, 2019; Kennedy, 2021), as well as the victim-blaming attitude of the media when covering rape cases and its influence in defining sexual violence and in setting the public agenda, (McCombs & Shaw, 1972; Benedict, 1992; Cuklanz 1995; Ardovini-Brooker & Caringella-MacDonald, 2002; Thacker & Day, 2017). Finally, the relationship between sexual violence, masculinity and sports has also been long established by researchers (Messner, 1990, 1992, 2005; Sabo, 1994a, 1994b; Connell, 2005). However, literature on most of these topics in Ireland and Northern Ireland is scarce. Thus, I believe that this work may contribute to the growing body of literature on these specific issues on the island of Ireland, especially given the renewed interest which they seem to have been benefiting from in the last few years.