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Positive self-evaluation versus negative other-evaluation in the political genre of pre-election debates
Abstract
The present study explores the language of evaluation in a sub-genre of political discourse, pre-electoral debates, and its potential persuasive function for gaining voters via a contraposition of positive self-evaluation and negative evaluation of the other candidate. A further aim of this research is to check whether the candidate's ideology has a bearing on the entities that get evaluated. After a brief examination of the characteristics of the sub-genre at hand, specifically in the Spanish context, we present the results of an evaluation analysis carried out in a corpus of 19,849 words, which is the extension of the most recent pre-electoral debate held in Spain between the candidates of the two main political parties. Taking into account Van Dijk's CDA framework (2005) for parliamentary debates as global semantic strategies of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation, Martin and White's (2005) method was adopted as an analytical tool. The results showed that, although each candidate had different preferences in the choice of evaluative devices, they both used them as a strategy to win electoral votes while deprecating the opposing party and, therefore, minimizing their opponents' chances of winning the elections. On the other hand, and despite their opposing ideology, they both seem to defend those policies that are more widely accepted in order not to risk losing voters: public services and egalitarian social policies.
In this chapter we explore different understandings of self-praise within the Mexican Spanish-speaking context. After an examination of Mexican concepts of face (Goffman, 1967)Goffman, E.and self-presentationSelf-presentation (Goffman, 1959)Goffman, E. where interactants present both positive and submissive images of themselves, discussion centres on Mexican politeness and impoliteness practices with a focus on self-praise as acceptable or improper behaviour. In the Mexican context, national, group and individual acts of self-praise are carried out through self-face boosting acts or self-enhancementSelf-enhancement (Dayter, 2014; Garcia, 2018)Dayter, D.. Whilst frowned upon in classic politeness approaches where the focus is normally on the addressee (e.g., Leech, 1983)Leech, G., self-praise in the Mexican Spanish context is researched in terms of national, individual and group faceGroup faceand self-presentationSelf-presentation and the patterns and practices that were adopted by Mexican interlocutors.
This paper offers a formally driven quantitative analysis of stance-annotated sentences in the Brexit Blog Corpus (BBC). Our goal is to identify features that determine the formal profiles of six stance categories ( contrariety, hypotheticality, necessity, prediction, source of knowledge and uncertainty ) in a subset of the BBC. The study has two parts: firstly, it examines a large number of formal linguistic features, such as punctuation, words and grammatical categories that occur in the sentences in order to describe the specific characteristics of each category, and secondly, it compares characteristics in the entire data set in order to determine stance similarities in the data set. We show that among the six stance categories in the corpus, contrariety and necessity are the most discriminative ones, with the former using longer sentences, more conjunctions, more repetitions and shorter forms than the sentences expressing other stances. necessity has longer lexical forms but shorter sentences, which are syntactically more complex. We show that stance in our data set is expressed in sentences with around 21 words per sentence. The sentences consist mainly of alphabetical characters forming a varied vocabulary without special forms, such as digits or special characters.
Located within the framework of systemic functional linguistics (Halliday, 1994; Iedema, Fezz y White, 1994; Martin, 2000; White, 2003) Appraisal Theory constitutes a valuable theoretical and analytic tool in the study of evaluation in language. This approach elaborates on the notion of interpersonal meaning and explores, describes and explains the way language is used to evaluate, to adopt stances, to construct textual personas and to manage interpersonal positionings and relationships. More particularly, Appraisal is concerned with the language of attitude and emotion. In this context, this work examines evaluative resources in the broad semantic domain of attitude, focussing upon the data provided by British national newspapers comment articles. Further, this paper intends to show the role evaluative meanings play in the dissemination of ideology, in the constitution of textual styles and authorial identities, and in the negotiation of writer/reader relationships.
Este artículo busca describir y comparar las estrategias discursivas utilizadas en los debates televisados, así como las de los candidatos ganadores de las últimas elecciones presidenciales de México y Estados Unidos, y las elecciones generales españolas. Para lo anterior, se realizó un análisis de contenido donde se aplicó la Teoría Funcional del Discurso de Campaña Política. Se observó que la aclamación fue la estrategia predominante en los debates de México y Estados Unidos, mientras que en los de España
fue el ataque. Sin embargo, los tres candidatos ganadores emplearon más la aclamación que otras estrategias. Además,en los debates se abordaron más los temas de política que los de candidato.
Billig (1995) wrote that politicians often evoke nationalistic views when delivering their speeches – they do this through the use of simple words (as personal pronouns) in a specified context. The context, and the way personal pronouns are utilized, creates decisive turning points for any politician, especially one on the electoral road (Johnson, 1994; van Dijk, 1997, 2002). A politician must decide which stance to take on given issues, which constituents to support, and with which group/ideology to self-identify. This paper analyzes self-identifications that particular American politicians develop through their employment of pronominal choice. The period that was of particular interest was during 2008 elections in the US and the subsequent year. We compared how the 1st person plural pronoun was used during the interviews and during the debate. This paper finds that American politicians make use of personal pronouns to evoke nationalistic emotions and achieve their career goals differently, depending whether it is during the interview or during a debate. We argue that the role of the venue as an external characteristic of context is underestimated in the political discourse research.
This article deals with the sequences of irony in TV debates during the Finnish presidential election in 2006. The aim of the article is, within the framework of Conversation Analysis, to analyse how irony is accomplished in the interaction: how it is constructed, used and dealt with in the sequential context. We analyse instances which ridicule the opponent and shift the serious modality of the setting. Although the target or the victim of irony is the opponent, in public discussion, the talk is always designed for an overhearing audience. In the analysed debates, irony is used as a defence in response to criticism and as an attack; in both cases it provides a resource for the participants to improve their own position against their opponents. In most cases, irony is easily recognisable, but owing to its ambiguity, it is sometimes difficult to assign a specific function to it. In a staged debate, this ambiguity is a resource which can be exploited for positive self-display. The recipient typically treats irony-implicative utterances literally, which is a means to ironise the original ironist who in his/her turn shifts back to the serious mode as if not having been ironic at all.
In the discourse of political interviews, references to coparticipants can be expressed explicitly by proper nouns and forms of address, and they can be expressed implicitly by personal pronouns and other indexical expressions. The meaning of personal pronouns is context dependent and retrievable only by inference, and therefore is less determinate. Furthermore, it can shift as the status of the participants shifts in interaction. This may occur both in terms of social roles and in terms of roles in talk and footing. In this context, an analysis was conducted of televised political interviews broadcast during the 1997 and 2001 British general elections and just before the war with Iraq in 2003. Question-response sequences were identified in which politicians made use of pronominal shifts as a form of equivocation. These sequences were analyzed in the context of Bavelas et al.'s (1990) theory of equivocation and Goffman's (1981) concept of footing. In all but one of the questions, the interviewers sought to establish the politicians' authorship, whereas the politician typically responds in terms of the principal; in the other instance, the questioner sought to establish the position of the principal and the politician responds in terms of his own authorship. Possible strategic advantages of these forms of equivocation are discussed.
Speakers regulary use modality and other resources from the appraisal system of engagement to position themselves intersubjectively. In doing so, they modify the discursive space for the voices of others. This is particularly relevant in political media interviews, especially in questions with topics that are potentially face-threatening to the interviewees' public face. This paper compares the use of modality and other engagement resources in British and German political interviews and discusses the differences in frequency and function. Data is taken from videotaped and transcribed political interviews conducted during British and German election night broadcasts. Their analysis is based on recent studies in contrastive pragmatics, appraisal theory and pragmatically oriented studies on media discourse, bearing in mind that cross-cultural comparison of data taken from a particular genre has to take into account a broad range of contextual factors including genre-specific constraints.
This article offers a framework for analysing the linguistic resources of intersubjective positioning, meanings which have elsewhere been treated under such headings as modality, polarity, evidentiality, hedging, conces-sion, intensification, attribution and consequentiality. Drawing inspiration from Bakhtin/Vološinov's dialogic perspective, it proposes that this lexico-grammatically diverse grouping can be brought together on discourse semantic grounds, namely that they all provide the means for speakers/ writers to take a stance towards the various points-of-view or social posi-tionings being referenced by the text and thereby to position themselves with respect to the other social subjects who hold those positions. The paper offers a typology of these resources, with categorizations attending to differences in the way the textual voice engages with the alternative voices and/or points-of-view being referenced or activated by the text. It argues, for example, that these resources can be broadly divided into those which entertain or open up the space for dialogic alternatives and, alternatively, those which suppress or close down the space for such alternation. The typology has emerged from continued research into the interpersonal functionality of discourse, research interested in how language construes social roles and relationships and in the potential of language to operate rhetorically to influence beliefs, attitudes, expectations and modes of inter-relating. In order to demonstrate the application of the typology to the exploration of such questions, the paper singles out one issue for close attention—the linguistic mechanisms by which texts naturalise certain value positions and construct for themselves ideal, model or compliant readerships.
Dada la escasa tradición de los debates políticos electorales en España, el que ha tenido lugar este año entre Rodríguez Zapatero y Rajoy reviste singular importancia. Desde la perspectiva del lenguaje político (que se proyecta sobre el periodístico), conviene analizar lo más sobresaliente de su contenido para examinar aquellos puntos peculiares (que se ponen al servicio de la persuasión y la propaganda). Este análisis es realizado en el nivel sintáctico (empleo de deícticos, estructuras repetitivas y esquemas ordenadores) y semántico (eufemismos, metáforas, palabras símbolo y valoración de la sufijación). Given the lack of tradition in Spain for presidential debates, the one which took place earlier this year between Rodríguez Zapatero and Rajoy is of great importance. From the perspective of political language (seen trough the journalistic language), it would be convenient to analyse the most important details from its content in orden to examine those special points (which are at the service of persuasion and propaganda). This anlysis is carried out on a syntactic level (use of deictic, repetitive structures and ordering schemes) and on a semantic level (euphemisms, metaphors, symbol words and valuation of suffixation).
This is an accessible and wide-ranging account of current research in one of the most central aspects of discourse analsysis: evalution in and of written and spoken language. Evalution is the broad cover term for the expression of a speakers - or writers - attitudes, feelings, and values. It covers areas sometimes referred to as stance, modality, affect or appraisal. Evaluation (a) expresses the speakers opinion and thus reflects the value-system of that person and their community; (b) constructs relations between speaker and hearer (or writer and reader); (c) plays a key role in how discourse is organized. Every act of evalution expresses and contributes to a communal value-system, which in turn is a component of the ideology that lies behind every written or spoken text. Conceptually, evaluation is comparative, subjective, and value-laden. In linguistic terms it may be analysed lexically, grammatically, and textually. These themes and perspectives are richly exemplified in the chapters of this book, by authors aware and observant of the fact that processes of linguistic analysis are themselves inherently evaluative. The editors open the book by introducing the field and provide separate, contextual introductions to each chapter. They have also collated the references into one list, itself a valuable research guide. The exemplary perspectives and analyses presented by the authors will be of central interest to everyone concerned with the analysis of discourse, whether as students of language, literature, or communication. They also have much to offer students of politics and culture. The editors open the book by introducing the field and provide separate, contextual introductions to each chapter. They have also collated the references into one list, itself a valuable research guide. The exemplary perspectives and analyses presented by the authors will be of central interest to everyone concerned with the analysis of discourse, whether as students of language, literature, or communication. They also have much to offer students of politics and culture.
This is an accessible and wide-ranging account of current research in one of the most central aspects of discourse analsysis: evalution in and of written and spoken language. Evalution is the broad cover term for the expression of a speakers - or writers - attitudes, feelings, and values. It covers areas sometimes referred to as stance, modality, affect or appraisal. Evaluation (a) expresses the speakers opinion and thus reflects the value-system of that person and their community; (b) constructs relations between speaker and hearer (or writer and reader); (c) plays a key role in how discourse is organized. Every act of evalution expresses and contributes to a communal value-system, which in turn is a component of the ideology that lies behind every written or spoken text. Conceptually, evaluation is comparative, subjective, and value-laden. In linguistic terms it may be analysed lexically, grammatically, and textually. These themes and perspectives are richly exemplified in the chapters of this book, by authors aware and observant of the fact that processes of linguistic analysis are themselves inherently evaluative. The editors open the book by introducing the field and provide separate, contextual introductions to each chapter. They have also collated the references into one list, itself a valuable research guide. The exemplary perspectives and analyses presented by the authors will be of central interest to everyone concerned with the analysis of discourse, whether as students of language, literature, or communication. They also have much to offer students of politics and culture. The editors open the book by introducing the field and provide separate, contextual introductions to each chapter. They have also collated the references into one list, itself a valuable research guide. The exemplary perspectives and analyses presented by the authors will be of central interest to everyone concerned with the analysis of discourse, whether as students of language, literature, or communication. They also have much to offer students of politics and culture.
The present work offers a discursive analysis of questions in mce to face political
debates. From a corpus of five debates held in Spain during the General
Elections of 1993 and 2008, the author analyses a wide range of question types which differ from other speech genres both from a quality and quantity standpoint.
Next to questions meant by the speaker to get a reply and obtain information from
his/her interlocutor, there are others that don't follow that pattern. However,
among the latter we should distinguish between traditional rhetorical questions
which do not need reply and others of a mixed nature since ~hey share some characteristics
ofboth types. On the one hand,just like rhetorical questions, they don't
look for the interlocutor's response but, unlike these ones, they follow the usual
search for information of standard questions. Their peculiarity lies on the fact
that this information is provided by the speaker and not by the opponent. At the
same time, institutional constraints ofthese debates are such that the answer is not
meant to solve the cognitive gap of the speaker or the interlocutor, but that of the
audience, the final target of the politicians' messages in electoral campaigns. In
addition to the interactional and informational analysis, the article reviews other
functions of the referred and other questions, botli at argumentative and interpersonallevels,
as well as the influence ofvarious con textual fuctors that help to
explain the varied distribution of these utterances in the corpus.
A state-of-the-art collection of works on institutional discourse across the Spanish-speaking world. This volume focuses on how language is used in the media, politics and the workplace; what discursive identities are constructed; and how interpersonal relations are negotiated.
Acollection of empirical studies on gender and the acquisition, development, meaning and use of vocabulary by female and male adult, adolescent, and young learners of English and Spanish as a second or foreign language. Up-to-date researchidentifies relationships between gender and vocabulary in a language classroom context.
The focus of this chapter is a speech made on 2 November 2005 by Mariano Rajoy, leader of Spain’s Partido Popular (henceforth PP), during the parliamentary debate on the then draft Catalan Statute of Autonomy, a proposed replacement for the statute ratified in 1979. I have chosen to analyse this particular speech for two reasons. The first is its key importance in the parliamentary debate of one of the most highly publicised and contentious pieces of legislation approved by the Spanish Parliament in this decade — the Statute of Autonomy for Catalonia that came into force in 2006. The second reason is that it illustrates the construction of in-groups and out-groups within the institutional activity type (cf. Chapter 7) of parliamentary speeches in Spain. My aim, however, is not just to describe the rhetorical construction of these groups in the speech selected but also to offer an explanation of this construction by means of van Dijk’s (2005b) concept of political implicature. Clearly, in democratic political systems, parliamentary debates are a key component of the process of ‘doing politics’ and, as such, an important source of data for analysis of political discourse. As van Dijk furthermore argues, access to privileged social resources by elites is a fundamental aspect of the power wielded by politicians through ‘preferential access to the mass media and public discourse’ (2006: 362). This has become increasingly true of parliamentary debates in recent years in Spain through their television coverage and the availability of parliamentary speeches on the Internet. Moreover, parliamentary debates are highly performative in the sense that their results can lead to concrete action including, as in this case, legislation that affects people’s daily lives.
Since Lakoff’s (1975) early efforts to connect language and gender by studying what women and men do or do not do in conversation, gender studies have moved away from regarding the language of women as a deficient version of men’s language towards constructivist and poststructuralist frameworks.1 Over the past two decades, the understanding of the relationship between gender and Second Language Acquisition has led to the flourishing of different studies on language learning as a gendered experience (see Sunderland, Introduction, this volume). In the same way, there is an abundance of literature that shows the many implications of gender in the teaching-learning process: differential teacher treatment according to gender (Sunderland, 2000a, Baxter, 2002); different ways children construct their gender identities and establish public alliances through same-gender friendships (Hruska, 2004); or potential teachers’ gender bias when assessing students (Sunderland, 2000b) or when interacting with boys and girls (Sunderland, 1998); among others.
This is the first comprehensive account of the Appraisal Framework. The underlying linguistic theory is explained and justified, and the application of this flexible tool, which has been applied to a wide variety of text and discourse analysis issues, is demonstrated throughout by sample text analyses from a range of registers, genres and fields.
The topic of Language and Ideology has increasingly gained importance in the linguistic sciences. The general aim of critical linguistics is the exploration of the mechanisms of power which establish inequality, through the systematic analysis of political discourse (written or oral). This reader contains papers on a variety of topics, all related to each other through explicit discussions on the notion of ideology from an interdisciplinary approach with illustrative analyses of texts from the media, newspapers, schoolbooks, pamphlets, talkshows, speeches concerning language policy in Nazi-Germany, in Italofascism, and also policies prevalent nowadays. Among the interesting subjects studied are the jargon of the student movement of 1968, speeches of politicians, racist and sexist discourse, and the language of the green movement. Because of the enormous influence of the media nowadays, the explicit analysis of the mechanisms of “manipulation”, “suggestion”, and “persuasion” inherent in language or about language behaviour and strategies of discourse are of social relevance and of interest to all scholars of social sciences, to readers in all educational institutions, to analysts of political discourse, and to critical readers at large.
Following some previous lines of thought held by the author on the role of politeness and related phenomena in face-to-face electoral debates, this article deals with a series of linguistic devices frequently used by participants in this adversarial genre, and commonly characterized as mitigated aggression, in order to determine their main strategic values in the context of both current politics and the mass media spectacle. By making use of a methodology which combines both qualitative and quantitative analysis, it is demonstrated that the meaning and context in which these resources appear in electoral debate often contradict their literal meaning, and hence weaken the moderating function which is operative in non-adversarial genres. This, as well as other structural facts discussed in the article, allows us to understand some apparent contradictions in the fact that more aggressive participants could make the greatest use of both polite and impolite strategies; or that apparently polite strategies appear mainly in the core phases of the debate where aggressiveness and rudeness are the norm, and much less in the peripheral parts, where the dialectic war tones down.
While previous research on political interviews has concentrated on strategies of evasion and non-commitment, this paper aims to show that a complementary and equally important feature of interviewers' discourse is the use of modal certainty. An examination of modal selections in a British corpus of political interviews further reveals that the choices are functional and can be related to the speakers' aims, their position in the discourse and their affinity with the thesis. On a more theoretical level this paper aims to demonstrate that interpersonal meanings structure texts just as much as ideational ones and that macro-modalities contribute to coherence in important ways. Finally, it is argued that a fruitful analysis of modality in discourse must be based on the view that modal choices in a strict sense are closely linked with other choices expressing the speaker's intrusion upon the thesis.
This paper looks at the way in which politicians use radio interviews to present an image of themselves as fully committed to their cause. In previous research the focus has been on strategies of evasion which are developed by interviewees in response to face-threatening questions. In this article I aim to complement the picture of the hedging politician by concentrating on the equally important linguistic devices employed for conveying intellectual power. The desirable image is created through the use of expressions emphasizing cognitive certainty as well as emotional and social commitment. The investigation is based on a corpus of radio interviews with British politicians recorded between 1985 and 1990.
In this paper we examine some of the properties of the speeches by former Prime Minister José María Aznar held in Spanish parliament in 2003 legitimating his support of the USA and the threatening war against Iraq. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary CDA approach relating discursive, cognitive and sociopolitical aspects of parliamentary debates. It is argued that speeches in parliament should not only be defined in terms of their textual properties, but also in terms of a contextual analysis. Besides an analysis of the usual properties of ideological and political discourse, such as positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation and other rhetoric devices, special attention is paid to
political implicatures
defined as inferences based on general and particular political knowledge as well as on the context models of Aznar’s speeches.
In this paper, the author analyzes the main reference meanings of personal deixis in a sub-genre of political speech, a debate between two Spanish political leaders held during the 1993 general elections. From the point of view of some theoretical concepts like frames and discourse spaces, he distinguishes three main domains of reference (the world of the speaker, the world of the interlocutor, and an intermediate world between them) giving rise to some major subdivisions such as the presidential I or the partisan we. Then, in the second part of the article, he compares the use of deixis by the two main participants in the debate; here, he reveals some pertinent differences. While the president and socialist candidate, Felipe González, appears more balanced in his criticism of his opponents and the description of his own political agenda (in which the presidential I and the partisan we have a special importance), the conservative candidate, José Maria Aznar, spends most of his time attacking his rival without leaving himself much time to explain his own political proposals.
The Critical Discourse Analysis is often applied to analyze political discourse including the public speech, in which the speaker wins favorite response from the audience. This paper, based on Critical Discourse Analysis theory and Systematic Functional Linguistics, analyzes Barack Obama’s presidential speeches mainly from the point of transitivity and modality, in which we can learn the language how to serve the ideology and power. Moreover, we can have a better understanding of the political purpose of these speeches.
In this paper the author analyses the repetitions in a political discourse type, the debates between two Spahish political leaders in the 1993 general elections. From the formal standpoint several classes of repetition and their discursive conditioners in the debate are analyzed. Functionally it is shown how repetition carries out important roles at diverse levels of the analysis. From favouring the production and understanding of linguistic messages to the creation of various interactional effects that have a profoundly negativa and conflictive nature in the debate. It performs also the textual functions of opening, recovering, or concluding topics during the political argumentation and is used as a sing that allows speakers to signal diverse stages in the turn-taking system. Finally, it cant not be forgotten the stylistic factor that retoric has in the study of political oratory and that is also present in political debates. Some final considerations about the productivity of this discourse strategy are also considered.
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