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The curious feminist: Searching for women in a new age of empire

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"In this collection of lively essays, Cynthia Enloe makes better sense of globalization and international politics by taking a deep and personal look into the daily realities in a range of women's lives. She proposes a distinctively feminist curiosity that begins with taking women seriously, especially during this era of unprecedented American influence. This means listening carefully, digging deep, challenging assumptions, and welcoming surprises. Listening to women in Asian sneaker factories, Enloe reveals, enables us to bring down to earth the often abstract discussions of the global economy. Paying close attention to Iraqi women's organizing efforts under military occupation exposes the false global promises made by officials. Enloe also turns the beam of her inquiry inward. In a series of four candid interviews and a new set of autobiographical pieces, she reflects on the gradual development of her own feminist curiosity. Describing her wartime suburban girlhood and her years at Berkeley, she maps the everyday obstacles placed on the path to feminist consciousness-and suggests how those obstacles can be identified and overcome. The Curious Feminist shows how taking women seriously also challenges the common assumption that masculinities are trivial factors in today's international affairs. Enloe explores the workings of masculinity inside organizations as diverse as the American military, a Serbian militia, the UN, and Oxfam. A feminist curiosity finds all women worth thinking about, Enloe claims. She suggests that we pay thoughtful attention to women who appear complicit in violence or in the oppression of others, or too cozily wrapped up in their relative privilege to inspire praise or compassion. Enloe's vitality, passion, and incisive wit illuminate each essay. The Curious Feminist is an original and timely invitation to look at global politics in an entirely different way.".

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... Within an Arab Muslim context, the existence of Women's Studies as an independent unit in the university is often viewed as a strategic move to endorse a 'modern' image of the university. As argued by Enloe (2004), "patriarchy is not old hat. And it is not fixed. ...
... Weedon (2004), Flax (1990), Frazer & Nicholson (1990), Hekman (1995), Di Stefano (1990) and others have impinged on the relations that feminism can have with postmodernism. Kamuf (1991), Eagleton (1991), Harding (1990), Enloe (2004), Rosen (2006), among others, contested the notion of a grand theory subsuming the diverse subjectivities in various cultural locations. ...
... Those include works by thinkers including Edward Said (1993), Leila Ahmed (2011Ahmed ( , 1992, Saba Mahmood (2005), Homi Bhabha (1995), Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (1987), Asma Barlas (2002), and many others. Works by Western intellectuals like Slavoj Žižek (Žižek & Gunjevic, 2012), Cynthia Enloe (2004), Isobel Coleman (2010) and others have also been concerned with Islam, political ethics, globalization and their impact on women in a range of contexts. The literary and intellectual work of some Arab and Muslim feminists is seen as having contributed directly or indirectly to reinforce an orientalist image of Islam as inherently oppressive to women and incompetent with modernity. ...
... Such an argument surely refers to the motivation of intervention which can be regarded as the nature of state institution (Khalid, 2015, pp. 632-647;Enloe, 2004). However, feminist approach extensively criticises state-centric views and argues that security discourse has long been maintained as a "practice" of state and state-centric mechanisms (including internationalist ideas in the 20 th century). ...
... Security is accordingly constructed through a language of strategy, legitimacy, control, protection and prevention in the same way state utilises security discourses in domestic and external environment (Foucault, 2007;Tickner, 2001). The UN, which derives its legitimacy from states ideologically embraces the notion of "militarised masculinity" (for the term "militarised masculinity" see Enloe, 2004). 7 For example, the UNSCR 1325 raises a question whether it can be paradoxically used for the legitimisation of intervention as a part of the UN system in the name of "protection of women" and consequently for the "victimisation of women" (Engle, 2014, pp. ...
... Although the EU uses an "equality" discourse, its call for women's inclusion in all the aspects of peace processes can be reduced to the confines of the male-dominant strategy making alongside the patriarchal characteristics of the system (Enloe, 2004). The inclusion of women is possible when women become those who "think, explain the problem or even reshape the order" and with the achievement of equality between women and men (Enloe, 2014, pp.97-98). ...
... The stance encouraged by Vrasti's narrative approach fosters research that reorients the questions of authority and subjectivity in international and global affairs through efforts that may start from questions as simple (and simultaneously ground-breaking) as "where are the women?" -as Cynthia Enloe [2004;2014] has emblematically done in her work. Moreover, it may help to open up the field to "the multiplicity of unauthorized narrators and voices -collective, singular, fragmented and unsigned -that continue to creep in the cracks of the interstate relations" [Moulin 2016: 142]. ...
... In what concerns critical engagements with a discursive approach in IR, see, for example:[Campbell 1992; Der Derian, Shapiro 1989;Milliken 1999].3 In what concerns critical engagements with the tropes of class, gender and race in the study of international and global politics, for example, see:[Anievas, Manchanda, Shilliam 2015;Enloe 2004;2014;Henderson 2013;Vitalis 2005; Wibben 2011]. ...
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Narrative strategies have gained growing attention in IR. One key promise is mobilizing a diversity of interpretations and exploring the politics contestedness in ways that support the view of IR as focused on the multiplicity of the world(s) of international and global affairs. This article brings a broad map of the use of narrative approaches in IR and connects it with Edward Said’s notion of “worldliness” in order to highlight the political aspects of writing and representation within academia. It situates this “narrative turn” within the complexities of a broader context of crisis in Eurocentric forms of knowledge and representation. In addition, it reveals a double movement of scholarly disenchantment and re-enchantment that signals towards the productivity of intellectual unease about representational practices and the place of the “I” voice in academic writing. Bearing in mind these reactions and shared pursuit of a more empathetic relationship between researcher and researched, scholars and the public in general, teachers and students, I thus briefly tell the experience of openly discussing and practicing a narrative approach in the classroom and how students tended to engage (or not) with narrative as a way of making sense of their “I” in IR.
... Holbrook et al. (2016) found that issue-specific factors accounted for significant differences in political participation by race. Enloe (2004) and Friedman found that the political arena is perceived differently by men and women based primarily on their societal beliefs concerning the heteronormative gender roles and expectations of men and women. Lawless (2003, 2011) specifically found that such gender norms impact women's self-perception of being qualified to engage in politics (Enloe 2004;Freedman 2002). ...
... Enloe (2004) and Friedman found that the political arena is perceived differently by men and women based primarily on their societal beliefs concerning the heteronormative gender roles and expectations of men and women. Lawless (2003, 2011) specifically found that such gender norms impact women's self-perception of being qualified to engage in politics (Enloe 2004;Freedman 2002). ...
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Purpose Various international and national social work ethical principles call social workers to participate in politics, although not all social workers in the United States and Switzerland embrace politics in their professional practice. A growing body of social work literature addresses social workers’ participation in politics. This article presents a comparative study of political participation, political efficacy, and political ideology among social workers in the United States and Switzerland. Methods This study used two separate cross-sectional surveys to better understand the political participation, political efficacy, and political ideology of social workers in the United States (n=3033) and Switzerland (n=1242). Results The results indicate that US social workers are more politically active and have a higher internal sense of political efficacy than Swiss social workers. Regarding political ideology, the Swiss participants position themselves more clearly on the left-wing than their US colleagues. Conclusion As one of the few international practice comparison pieces, this article aims to further stimulate research on the political activity of social workers. For this purpose, starting points is by further developing the political efficacy of social workers and further educating social workers during and after social work education about engaging in justice-related activities to better society and the lives of their clients.
... sacrari, monumenti ecc.) viene quindi a collegarsi alle dinamiche di militarizzazione, ed intesa come estensione dei processi di trasferimento dei valori militari all'ambito civile (Woodward, 2014). Il militarismo, viene quindi a confi gurarsi come un'ideologia, un insieme di valori che esulano dalla mera attività militare per estendersi alle relazioni ed alle attività civili (Enloe, 2004;Woodward, 2014). Come tale esso assume una propria geografi a, che travalica la disposizione e le attività militari, sia in fase di confl itto che in fase di non confl itto; attraverso differenti modalità di trasferimento, infatti, i valori militari si estendono all'ambito civile, caratterizzandone le dinamiche quotidiane. ...
... Le tematiche militari, anche quando non direttamente connesse al confl itto, sono per loro stessa natura ad esso riconducibili. Allo stesso tempo, occuparsi di militarizzazione implica necessariamente il coinvolgimento in analisi che tengano conto della violenza e dell'utilizzo della forza per la risoluzione dei confl itti (Enloe, 2004;Woodward, 2005). La geografi a delle attività militari non può essere politicamente neutrale e, quindi, suggerisce una rifl essione sulla posizione che l'osservatore debba assumere a cospetto delle tematiche d'analisi e, in seconda battuta, dell'utilizzo della conoscenza prodotta. ...
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Riassunto: Il contributo delinea la crescente attenzione che la letteratura geografica sta destinando alle tematiche militari ed al militarismo, in particolar modo attraverso una prospettiva critica che ne evidenzia le connessioni con gli spazi civili, e la loro concettualizazione. Contestualmente ne sottolinea alcune specificità metodologiche, nonché le principali implicazioni etiche, che potrebbero interessare anche altri filoni della ricerca geografica.
... I have done so in order to trace the practice and possibility of feminist curiosity from within an expressly coalitional and intersectional framework. Feminist curiosity must begin, at some level, with women (and non-normatively gendered people) themselves, tracking what they want to know or are forbidden to know, and under what conditions their inquiries flourish or wane (Cottegnies et al., 2016). But feminist curiosity must equally begin by situating inquiry in a broad political frame and within an expressly critical matrix (Papastephanou, 2016;Swidler, 2018Swidler, , 2020. ...
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What is feminist curiosity? Or better yet, how is feminist curiosity practiced, where is it practiced, and with whom is it practiced? In this essay, I develop a philosophical account of feminist curiosity by drawing on direct contributions from the feminist philosophical tradition, but also by interweaving scattered testaments to feminist curiosity from critical race theory, intersex studies, disability studies, and trans studies. What surfaces in this inquiry is an account of feminist curiosity that goes far beyond the act of asking feminist questions. Feminist curiosity proper, I suggest, reconfigures not simply what gets asked, but with whom, where, and how inquiry happens. Feminist curiosity is rooted in companionship (with self and others), reorients time (a visionary future, but also a material past and present), and resists oppressive forms of inquiry such as spectacularization and the presumptions of access. As such, feminist curiosity is committed not only to a relational world but to a relational investigation of that world.
... Pointing to the often high prevalence of violence against women in postconflict societies, we emphasise the need for a gendered approach not only to global or national security, but also to human security in the aftermath of war. As put by Ní Aoláin, Cahn and Haynes (2014: 210), '[s]ocieties that are not safe for women are not safe' (see also Enloe 2004). Importantly, securitisation is not the equivalent of experienced security. ...
... The social sciences need to reckon with curiosity. 6 It has been clear to the left for a long time that the contours of knowledge are politically drawn: who knows what, how they come to know it, why they care to know it, how well they know it, from what point of view they know it, are all acknowledged to be realities created by social formations and social position. 7 Already in 1934, Upton Sinclair remarked that "(i)t is difficult to get a man to understand something, when his salary depends on his not understanding it," making a direct case for what we would now call a standpoint theory of ignorance. ...
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... The central suppressed and silenced subject within the feminist framework is the woman in a masculinist world with her gender often subsumed into other layers of her identity such as race, class or religion. bell hooks (2015 [1989]; see also bell hooks, 1984, 1994) is one of the most significant proponents of this approach, which seeks to capture the complexity of gender and race dynamics in relation to silence as marginality, powerlessness, and suppression, followed by Cynthia Enloe (2004Enloe ( , 2014Enloe ( [1990), as they both call for a ''multiyear, transnational feminist activist campaign'' (Enloe, 2014(Enloe, [1990: 366) emphasizing that ''[t]he formation of a liberatory feminist theory and praxis is a collective responsibility, one that must be shared'' (bell hooks, 1984: 15). Their work, however, was undertaken by many scholars who would then take it upon themselves to speak for the (silent) international by drawing on communalities and qualities of all women around the world (see as examples Elshtain, 1981;Nussbaum, 1999), threatening to reproduce the same silence that feminism sought to fight. ...
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Prevailing studies on silence and democracy, in spite of silence’s inherently ambiguous nature, focus on subscribing meaning(s) to silence. Such attempts of turning silence into speech, point to an adversary relationship between silence and democratic theory. First, this article conducts an onto-epistemological critique of democratic theory’s treatment of silence (as meaning). Second, it suggests that there are self-reflective analytical benefits for scholars of democratic theory should they broaden up their gaze from silence as meaning toward silence-as-doing. This article argues that this can be done by shifting the epistemological focus from interpreting possible meanings behind the nonvoters’ silence into analyzing the context and/of interpretations of silence as ambiguous. Third, to illustrate this, the article uses the 2018 name referendum in North Macedonia which shows how the speech-centered approach of democratic theory is utilized to serve political goals rather than reaching the democratic ideal of “everyone having a vo-ice/te.”
... The absence and invisibility of the reproductive and maternal aspects of women's experiences of conflict and of CBW are not just 'curious' (Enloe, 2004) but also reflective of the gendered hierarchies of war experiences that have emerged in scholarship and global policy (Cohn, 2013;Ramji-Nogales, 2011). It has thus become 'possible to theorize women's situations and experiences, or to theorize gender, in ways that minimize the issue of mothering, or do not address it at all' (Diquinzio, 1999). ...
Article
There is growing acknowledgement of the need to address the impacts of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), with less recognition of conflict-related reproductive and maternal harms and children born of war (CBW). An intricate set of common as well as distinctive interests arise for both victims/survivors and their children that remain unfulfilled. National Action Plans on Women, Peace and Security (NAPs-WPS) present an opportunity to redress these gaps. This article examines to what extent are NAPs-WPS responsive to the specific rights and gendered interests of victims/survivors of CRSV and their children? It advances thinking on gender planning for peace and security and makes three significant analytical contributions: a ‘Typology of Impacts and Losses’ advancing understanding of CRSV; a ‘Gender Interests Analysis’ framework, identifying the practical and strategic gender interests of victims/survivors and their children; and application of these frameworks to produce a critical analysis of the NAPs-WPS of Indonesia, Nepal, Philippines and Timor-Leste. It finds that planning under WPS is failing to ensure that multi-sectoral services are available, while reproductive and maternity issues and CBW are completely neglected in the selected NAPs-WPS. The article discusses the implications of these findings for gender planning through NAPs-WPS going forward.
... Discourse has also exposed how appeals to security are often couched in the language of protection, replete with the gendered myths of women at the home front and men at the front lines, even when women have long served on the front lines and men on the home front (Wibben 2018). However, many women are willing to play the military role expected of them (Enloe 2000(Enloe , 2004 and tend to frame gendered militarism in terms of the idealized or hegemonic masculinity in a given state or at a given time (Via 2010). As such, the nexus linking war, militarism and masculinities have remained an enduring and consistent feature of societies and their cultures across time (Higate and Hopton 2004). ...
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Since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Israel has known seven wars, seven prominent violent operations and numerous military conflicts. During this period (1948-2019), 86 Israeli screen stories have engaged with the motif of Israel's military/wars. However, only two of them were written by women and focused on the female Israeli soldier. The marginal position of screen stories based on Israeli women's experience in the military presents a unique opportunity to unravel the notions female screenwriters have of women's conduct in a patriarchal military culture. Our findings suggest that female Israeli screenwriters (a) propose a dual vision for women-on the one hand, they are portrayed as silenced, while on the other they use silence as a coping tactic; (b) represent the hegemonic male as silencing women's voices even though in some cases women silence hegemonic men; and (c) depict military service as an opportunity for women to unravel their femininity.
... As noted by Baines (2015: 320), however, the study of gender-based violence 'would do well to incorporate a conceptualization of victim agency, and to avoid reducing men's and women's experiences of sexual and gender-based violence to acts solely done to them'. Seeking to dismantle these essentialist views on gendered victimhood and guided by feminist curiosity to challenge the heteropatriarchal manifestations of gender violence (Enloe, 2004), feminist scholars in particular (Alison, 2004;Coulter, 2009;MacKenzie, 2012) have sought to 'collapse the often gendered opposition of agency and victimhood that typically characterizes the analysis of women's coping strategies in war zones' (Utas, 2005: 403). Various studies thus began to bring specific attention to women's agency, focusing on how women and girls resist, subvert, and navigate the opportunities and constraints that characterize their everyday lived realities of war and coercive relationships (Baines, 2017). ...
Article
In dominant global conceptions of conflict-related sexual violence, the experiences of male survivors, if attended to at all, have thus far almost exclusively been analysed in terms of vulnerabilities. Drawing on empirical evidence from two different cases (Uganda and Croatia), in this article we argue that essentializing and static generalizations of ‘emasculation’ fail to do justice to the complexity of male survivors’ experiences. We show that, in the two cases we examine, male survivors exercise agency and find different ways of engaging with their harmful experiences. Survivors’ agency is shaped and conditioned by different opportunity structures, and thus largely dependent on local gender relations and constructions of masculinity. To build our argument, we take inspiration from feminist international relations scholarship highlighting the active roles of women and girls as agents within the context of armed conflict, extending such analysis to the experiences of male survivors of sexual violence. By systematically analysing the forms and conditions of the agency of male survivors of sexual violence, we offer a more holistic examination of the dynamics of wartime sexual violence, contributing conceptually and empirically to research both on local/civilian agency in wartime and on conflict-related sexual violence.
... I specifically investigate conflict-induced social and structural changes through the lived experiences of women tempo drivers, war widows, women ex-combatants and women politicians. Building on my previous work, in which I argued that women are not just victims but also beneficiaries of war due to 'the rupture in restrictive gender norms' (Yadav, 2016a: 171), and guided by Cynthia Enloe's (2004) model of feminist curiosity, I ask additional questions about these ruptures, considering, for example, their transformative quality, the durability or sustainability of the ruptures, and the impetus towards a return to pre-conflict gender norms. This article contributes to the current debate on women's agency in conflict and post-conflict contexts (e.g. ...
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Women’s agency in Peace and Conflict Studies has received increased policy attention since the formulation of UN Security Council Resolution in 2000. Academic attention regarding this question has, as a result, also increased dramatically in the intervening period. Women today, as a consequence, are not just seen as victims of conflict, but also as agents of change. Despite their vulnerabilities in the situations created by conflict, women may be exposed to new knowledge and opportunities, which may have positive impacts on their lives. Therefore, it is important to recognize the lived realities and the multiple stories of postwar societies to address the new needs of people and build a sustainable peace. This article examines the everyday lives of women in post-conflict Nepal to demonstrate the significant transformations that have taken place since the war. It specifically investigates conflict-induced social and structural changes through the lived experiences of women tempo drivers, war widows, women ex-combatants and women politicians. This article is based on the analysis of 200 interviews and six focus group discussions (FGDs) carried out over a period of 12 years in seven districts of Nepal.
... That is, while we focus primarily on men's violence against women, we also include violence enacted as a form of gender enforcement (regardless of the gender of the target) or as a resource to affirm a sense of gendered dominance. While there are valid and important arguments for including gendered state violence (Enloe, 2004;Elizabeth et al., 2012;Fahlberg & Pepper, 2016), in the interest of space and specificity this article excludes them; for similar reasons, it focuses primarily on research in the United States and United Kingdom. ...
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Men's relationships to gender‐based violence (GBV) have long been an area of sociological inquiry, but until recently men have primarily been framed as perpetrators of violence against women. More recently, research on men and GBV has broadened to include studying men as victims/survivors, as investigators and law enforcement officers, as passive or active bystanders, and as allies in working to address this social problem. We review this research in an effort to bridge these divergent bodies of work; we identify methodological trends and gaps in existing research, make recommendations for improved theoretical and methodological robustness, and suggest that research perspectives on men and GBV have shifted over time as wider understandings of gender and masculinities become more hopeful and more inclusive. While we see optimism and promise in new directions of GBV research, we urge ongoing research to retain the wisdoms and critical perspectives that marked the beginnings of GBV inquiry.
... Många feministiska forskare har analyserat klass, genus och etnicitet under den globala kapitalismen (Enloe 2004;Federici 2014;Gibson-Graham 2006;Mohanty 1997Mohanty , 2003Nagar m.fl. 2002), inklusive de sätt på vilka intersektionella sociala relationer positionerar kategorin kvinnor i olika kombinationer av dominans och exploatering (Ferguson 2016;Glenn 1992;Grabham m.fl. ...
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In this research anthology, inequality in Swedish working life in a Sweden marked by increased inequality, is studied. Racialised inequality, racism and discrimination in individual workplaces are focused, but inequalities based on class and gender are also studied. The concept of inequality regime is used by several of the authors to analyse work organizations. The workplaces studied are found in different sectors, not least in healthcare. The book also includes contributions that provide comparative international perspectives and studies of the development of inequality over time. The anthology contains 12 chapters based on empirical studies of working life, one chapter that analyses working life inequality from a political theory perspective, an introduction and a closing chapter that frames and draws conclusions from the different studies, as well as an afterword. The authors are 22 researchers from different social science disciplines.
... De esa firma, perjudica la posibilidad de construir y mantener una arquitectura de seguridad sudamericana. Asimismo, la militarización se conjuga con un aumento del militarismo, en tanto proceso de normalización de la violencia, las jerarquías sociales, la masculinidad y la cultura de amenaza permanente (Enloe 2004). ...
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El artículo analiza el desarrollo de una comunidad de seguridad en América del Sur y el impacto que tuvo sobre ella la pandemia provocada por el coronavirus. A partir de un enfoque constructivista, en la primera parte del trabajo se explica cómo la crisis del regionalismo, la dificultad para definir amenazas comunes y la erosión de la identidad colectiva atentaron contra la maduración de la comunidad de seguridad sudamericana. Sobre este escenario, se argumenta que la crisis sanitaria originada por la COVID-19 dio lugar a un movimiento de resecuritización que profundizó el retroceso de la comunidad y se manifestó en tres indicadores: 1) la proliferación de discursos que identifican a los vecinos como una amenaza a la seguridad y la salud; 2) la fortificación de las fronteras; 3) el incremento de la militarización de la seguridad ciudadana y otras esferas de la arena pública. Como conclusión, se sostiene que ese tipo de prácticas y discursos da lugar a un tipo de comunidad política parecida a una sociedad anárquica, en la que los Estados se identifican más como rivales que como amigos.
... Dawson & Hanley, 2016;Krastev, 2016;Kubik, 2012). Comparing the developments in post-2010 Hungary under the Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége (FIDESZ) -Kereszténydemokrata Néppárt (KDNP) coalition government and post-2015 Poland under Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS) we argue that the illiberal transformation cannot be fully comprehended without employing what Cynthia Enloe (2004Enloe ( , 2007) calls a feminist curiositythe critical tool of inquiry about the gendered nature of political processes. In this paper, we therefore propose to conceptualize illiberalism as a deeply gendered political transformation which is reliant on a certain gender regimeconstructions of gender as well as institutionalized relations of power between themand which transforms the meanings of human rights, women's rights and equality in a way which privileges the rights and normative needs of families over women's rights. ...
... The most apparent feature of Morocco's deconstruction and refutation of the extremist discourse is the inclusion and repositioning of women in the religious sphere. Ever since the 2003 Casablanca terrorist attack, the government has made a concerted endeavor to challenge the masculinities of the Moroccan war on terror (Enloe, 2004) by incorporating and engaging women and gender. ...
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This paper examines Morocco's manifest and latent use of women in its counterterrorism strategy. The first section provides an overview of terrorism and counterterrorism in Morocco, with a special focus on the escalation of women's involvement in Islamic terrorist organizations. The second section examines the restructuring of the Moroccan religious sphere as a gendered response to local, regional, and global processes and discourses surrounding the relationship between Islam and terrorism. The third presents a thematic analysis and argues that Morocco's gendered counterterrorism strategy is effective in using a localized inclusion of women in religious roles of authority. This strategy offers a valuable counter-narrative that challenges the patriarchal fundamentalist discourses and centralizes the role of women in the prevention of terrorism. However, as progressive as these policies are for women's rights and counterterrorism policy, the paper also argues that these strategies are designed to consolidate the monarch's religious legitimacy and increase Morocco's regional and international soft power claims.
... Similar to Bexell (2012) findings, these public-private partnerships regard ''poor women in developing countries as a pool of resources with a potential for self-improvement waiting to be unleashed" (401). Both approaches promote adding (and stirring) women to militaristic, capitalistic structures and therefore reinforcing the problematic assumptions and values of hegemonic masculinity that feminists have long warned against (Enloe, 2004(Enloe, , 2018. The solution is then to recode empowerment to make it market-embedded and re-emerge as a business opportunity where the market is the organizing principle and the rational individual actor is the subject (Shamir, 2008: 6-14). ...
Article
This article examines partnerships to support development causes related to women, specifically in the area of gender security. Drawing from feminist international political economy and feminist security studies, this research investigates the gendered ways in which configurations led by NGOs and businesses use cause-related marketing models to build solidarity among women to address conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Through the concept of sisterhood partnerships, this article theorizes the nature of the relationships formed between female consumers in the North and female recipients in the South. A discussion of three sisterhood partnerships that address CRSV in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will reveal the specific and gendered ways in which businesses fuse neoliberal agendas in development and feminism by linking female consumers to female beneficiaries through notions of solidarity and empowerment. We argue that while sisterhood partnerships may bring the benefits of raising awareness and funds for CRSV, the reliance on consumer strategies for Northern audiences and economic empowerment models for Southern beneficiaries valorize individual actions that fail to effect broader social change. At stake, the notion that feminist “sisterhoods” between north and south are being co-opted by corporations and marketed in de-politicized ways that fail to address systemic concerns related to gender security and women’s emancipation. We find that these examples of “sisterhood” partnerships exhibit superficial engagement with local and global politics, empower their consumers and beneficiaries in limited ways, and draw upon gendered tropes of advocacy and charitable engagement while failing to address the collective and protection needs of a vulnerable population. This article contributes to surfacing neoliberal trends in development and feminism that hold implications for gender security.
... The works of American scholars like Miriam Cooke and Margot Badran are exceptions in this matter. 2 See, for example:Cohn (1987);Enloe (2004Enloe ( , 2014; Ackerly, Stern and True(2006);Tickner (1997Tickner ( , 2010. ...
Article
Depois de décadas de debate entre estudiosas feministas, ainda há uma resistência generalizada a relações sérias entre as perspectivas ocidentais e não ocidentais de feminismo e gênero. Isso é ainda mais sintomático quando se trata de estudiosas feministas islâmicas. Com isso em mente, examino a obra da socióloga marroquina Fatema Mernissi. Argumenta-se que sua “dupla crítica” às representações das mulheres muçulmanas nos discursos das autoridades locais orientalistas e marroquinas realiza uma abordagem interseccional do gênero que está atenta a como ele se relaciona com classe e raça, mas que também é condicionado por encontros culturais. A atenção de Mernissi aos encontros culturais Leste/Oriente e Ocidente como constitutivos das relações de gênero contemporâneas em Maghreb oferece uma visão mais histórica e culturalmente informada sobre a questão de gênero nas sociedades de maioria muçulmana e ajuda a facilitar as conversas entre feministas ocidentais e islâmicas.
... Il contributo si sviluppa principalmente all'interno del quadro teorico fornito dall'approccio critico alla geografia delle attività militari (Woodward, 2004;2005; Paragano, 2015) e del militarismo (Enloe, 2004;Farish, 2007;2013;Bernazzoli, Flint, 2009). Seguendo tale approccio, il militarismo può essere considerato come l'estensione dell'ideologia militarista alla società civile. ...
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Certificazione scientifica delle Opere I contributi pubblicati in questo volume sono stati oggetto di un processo di referaggio a cura del Comitato scientifico e degli organizzatori delle sessioni della Giornata di studio della Società di Studi Geografici Hanno contribuito alla realizzazione di questo volume: Creative Commons Attribuzione-Condividi allo stesso modo 4.0 Internazionale L'immagine di copertina è tratta dal volume di Emma Davidson Omnia sunt communia, 2015, p. 9 (shopgirlphilosophy.com)
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Humour and laughter inform the affective economy of the everyday life in global politics; jokes can occupy an instrumental role in political and diplomatic communication, while various practices of comedy embody and enact hierarchies of power within society. This Special Issue on Humour and Global Politics situates the politics of joking and laughter within the disciplinary debates and emergent research dilemmas of International Relations (IR). In different ways, the articles explore the important and sometimes difficult role played by humour in ordering, performing and—in certain circumstances—subverting the theory and practice of global politics.
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Objective This research examines how undocumented Latina mothers negotiate work–family conflict amid restrictive immigration policies. Background Women in the United States continue to contend with tension between work and family and poor women face particular constraints. Latina immigrants have increasingly settled and formed families in the United States and joined the labor market in low‐wage occupations. Unlike U.S.‐born women, these women must contend with restrictive immigration policies, suggesting new areas for understanding the intersectional inequalities that shape work–family conflict. Method Findings are based on in‐depth interviews conducted with 45 Latina immigrant mothers in North Carolina who had paid labor market experience. Interview topics included family, work, and migration across women's life histories. Results Place‐specific policy contexts, working conditions, patriarchal expectations, and lacking access to care networks challenge Latina immigrants' ability to fulfill the dual motherhood roles they occupy as both family providers and caregivers and nurturers for their children. Conclusion The social expectations of motherhood add a dimension of precarity to women's vulnerable status as undocumented workers and demonstrate the gendered impact of immigration policies. Implications Restrictive policies make it increasingly difficult for undocumented women to obtain or move between jobs in the low‐wage labor market. Findings highlight the importance of considering immigration status in studies of work–family conflict, particularly as policies targeting immigrants intensify.
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In the context of the global financial crisis, remittances have become linked to the global financial inclusion agenda in a phenomenon called the ‘financialization of remittances’ (FOR). This article conceptualizes the FOR as a dispositif to analyze how heterogeneous ways of linking remittances to finance form an ensemble that governs things and people and legitimizes particular policy interventions. We combine the concept of the dispositif with insights from the literature on emotions to analyze how the FOR governs through an emotional regime to constitute particular objects and subjects—such as the ‘remittance market’ and the ‘remittance family’. Through this emotional regime, the FOR establishes particular narratives regarding migration, remittances, and transnational families to embed remittances in the global financial architecture; and normalizes practices of turning transnational families into financial customers and entrepreneurs, and entrenching financial logics into their lives. Yet, emotions are also mobilized to subvert and resist the FOR and its emotional regime. More broadly, our analysis suggests that analyzing emotional governance is crucial to better understand financialization processes and expose their (fragile) nature and limits.
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This is the introductury article to the Gender & Development issue marking Beijing +25.
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International Relations (IR) tends to ignore children in general and girls in particular. Where they have been included it has most often been under the conflation of ‘womenandchildren’ used to represent an agentless, victimized shorthand for non-combatants. Feminist IR scholars and critical peace and security scholars have engaged with children as they have sought to break up ‘women and children’ into separate, distinct entities. For feminists, these claims typically rely on the premise that women should be seen as equal to men, not relegated to the private world of children. However, gendered hierarchical notions may permeate feminist theories of peace and security when they rely on adult-centric models of agency and fail to acknowledge the presence and actions of girls. Theoretical advancements through intersectional feminism are needed to better understand and account for girls in relation to peace and security. Pursuing this approach makes it possible to acknowledge that the needs and experiences of women and children can both differ and overlap, rather than (re)creating age- and gender-based hierarchies that rely on false oversimplifications, which hamper peacebuilding and further insecurity for people of diverse ages and genders. To demonstrate this, the chapter engages with UN Security Council Resolutions, related debates, and empirical examples from Colombia.
Article
Like childhood, thinking critically about militarism can entail a great deal of unlearning before coming to a more nuanced understanding of what lies beyond the signifier. Just as childhoods are multiple, overlapping, contingent, and bound up in many more aspects of our social worlds than is apparent if we look only for the child, so too militarism. The ways in which militarisms intersect childhoods and vice versa, therefore, call us to reflect not only on the conspicuous presence of militaries as institutions or on life in zones of conflict, but on the everyday lives of children everywhere in all their complexity and diversity.
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שילוב נשים בתפקידי לחימה בצבא מעורר דיון ציבורי סוער ומעסיק את החברה הישראלית בעשורים האחרונים. ויכוחים חריפים על סוגיה זו ניטשים בזירות שונות — צבאיות ואזרחיות כאחד. האם נשים מסוגלות למלא תפקידים אלו? והאם ראוי שנשים ימלאו תפקידים אלו? הן רק שתיים מהשאלות, אשר השיח עליהן משפיע על חיי הנשים בישראל, על מבנה הצבא ועל החברה בכללותה. בספר מובא, באמצעות סיפורן של עשרות חיילות, סיפור הקרב הכפול של נשים ששירתו בתפקידי לחימה ובתפקידים תומכי לחימה בצה"ל. הקרב הכפול שלהן מתרחש בשדה הקרב (בו הן חשופות לטראומה כתוצאה מהפעילות המבצעית), וכן בחזית המאבק בכוחות המתנגדים להשתלבות נשים בתפקידי לחימה. הספר מבקש להרחיב את היריעה האקדמית והחברתית שאפשר להפיק מניסיונן של נשים כשהן עומדות במרכז ולא כתוספת שולית לנושא הנחקר. הניתוח תקף לא רק לישראל, אלא מציע תובנות משמעותיות הן על שירות נשים בתפקידים קרביים והן על סוגיות רחבות יותר הבוחנות את הקשרים שבין מגדר למלחמה, לטראומה ולפוליטיקה. יתרה מזו, באמצעות הבלטת נקודת המבט של נשים בצבא, הספר מלמד גם על השירות הצבאי ועל החוויות של גברים לוחמים בצבא. הספר מדגיש את הדיכוטומיות הפגומות הרווחות בחקר המלחמה, האלימות והקרב, ומערער עליהן על ידי הצגה וניתוח של נרטיבים מפי מאה לוחמות משוחררות, המספרות את חוויותיהן בסביבה של סכסוך ומלחמה. https://www.pardes.co.il/?id=showbook&catnum=978-1-61838-804-9
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El objetivo del capítulo es, en primer lugar, proporcionar una visión general de la metodología en las Ciencias Políticas. Con ese fin se abordan aspectos clave como la construcción del conocimiento y de los conceptos, y los principales métodos en uso en la disciplina. En segundo lugar, se pretende utilizar las investigaciones realizadas con perspectiva feminista con dos finalidades. En aquellos apartados en los cuales la perspectiva feminista ha supuesto un claro desafío para el conocimiento establecido, se profundizará en el modo en que esta ha aportado nuevas preguntas y respuestas a la disciplina. Cuando esto no sea posible, se tomarán ejemplos relacionados con la igualdad para ilustrar los conceptos a explicar. Ambos ejercicios permitirán por un lado visibilizar las aportaciones de las mujeres y de los estudios de género. Y por otro poner de manifiesto en qué medida han puesto en cuestión algunos de los presupuestos básicos de la disciplina.
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Thinking about the inconvenience that the theme 'maternity' causes in the (dis)order of the world and the limited attention given by International Relations to the subject, the present research aims to understand the rights of women mothers and treaties related to maternity in the UN sphere. To this end, a critical analysis was carried out of documents arising from the Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (1979) and Conventions No. 3 (1919), No. 103 (1952) and No. 183 (2000) of the International Labor Organization, in conjunction with the narrative review of articles and books that address the subject. As a final result, I identified the limits of the rights acquired by women who are mothers in international treaties in the UN domain and, with that, I explained the need to think about new configurations of a healthy and more collective motherhood.
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Resisting a single-axis framework and adopting intersectionality in gendered security research and practice ensures that more inclusive and holistic security, and thus sustainable peace, is achieved in post-conflict societies. Yet, the way in which intersectionality is used in research and policy-making determines different outcomes that either take us further away or closer to that goal. The aim of this study is to explore how gender intersects with other systems of oppression to create experiences of gendered (in)security in Rwandan communities. My research suggests that the failure to cultivate a thorough understanding of intersectionality in gender security practice results in gender-based violence (GBV), gender discrimination and gender hierarchies, all of which threaten the sustainability of peace in the post-conflict era. The key objective of my study is to critically evaluate the value of analysing the inner workings of intersectionality for the Rwandan context, gendered security research and practice, and Women, Peace and Security (WPS) work. The inner workings of intersectionality refer to the modes, dynamics, contestations and strategies that surround the concept. I use three logics to explore the inner workings of intersectionality. These are the logics of domination, addition, and interdependence. The logics are used in combination to cultivate a holistic understanding of intersectionality. I use a deconstructive discourse analysis to reveal how the different logics, and indeed the inner workings themselves, are (re)produced and the effects that the logics have, and have had, on gendered security in Rwanda. My conceptual exploration of the inner workings of intersectionality draws from examples in colonial, post- colonial and post-genocide Rwanda. I use a multi-level analysis, focussing on the everyday experiences of marginalised women, whose social location lies at the intersection of multiple systems of oppression, while also paying attention to larger structural power differentials that are filtered through the global economy and global security. My study shows that there is a link between the utilisation of intersectionality according to the logics and gendered (in)security. Rwanda is a useful case study for the analysis of intersectionality because the history of Hutu/Tutsi political violence lends itself to an intersectional analysis. In addition, despite Rwanda’s robust gender equality and gender security policy and legal frameworks, gendered iii insecurities, such as persistently high rates of GBV, continue to threaten the sustainability of peace in the post-genocide era. My analysis reveals how intersections have generated complex experiences of violence in Rwanda’s past; how the misappropriation of intersectional thinking can lead to the creation of gendered (in)security silences, which allows gender discrimination to thrive and threaten peace in the contemporary moment; and how positive intersections can be cultivated through community forums for generating positive peace and gender justice at a local level.
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The migratory process is an intense episode in a person's life history, as it produces numerous challenges and an urgency to learn new things and understand the ‘new’ world. Women carry a frame of cultural references that built the way they play their roles in their original culture, as women, workers, and citizens, for example. Therefore, this framework affects their experiences' perception when dealing with a different culture. To understand the way they process their experiences, how they transform them into learning, and how they build a new knowledge base of symbolic references, is necessary to know each trajectory individually. It is also fundamental to know their identities and life histories. Peter Jarvis's Diagram of Transformation of the Person through Learning structured the analysis of the content of the narratives, aiming to comprehend what Brazilian women learned from their migratory experiences in Portugal.
Article
This paper contributes a novel way to theorise the power of narratives of nuclear weapons politics through Kenneth Burke's concept of entelechy: the means of stating a things essence through narrating its beginning or end. The paper argues that the Manhattan Project functions narratively in nuclear discourse as an origin myth, so that the repeated telling of atomic creation over time frames the possibilities of nuclear politics today. By linking Burke's work on entelechy with literature on narrative and eschatology, the paper develops a theoretical grounding for understanding the interconnection of the nuclear past, present, and future. The paper supports its argument by conducting a wide-ranging survey of academic and popular accounts of the development of the atomic weapon in the US Manhattan Project. It reveals a dominant narrative across these accounts that contains three core tropes: the nuclear weapon as the inevitable and perfected culmination of humankind's tendency towards violence; the Manhattan Project as a race against time; and the nuclear weapon as a product of a fetishized masculine brilliance.
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To address social justice in higher education (HE) is a matter of public and ethical responsibility;it can enhance social, cultural and economic opportunities, so disparities in outcomes are reduced.The underachievement in HE of specific social groups has concerned the sector for many years (Mountford-Zimdars et al., 2015).This paper focuses on an intervention, Flying Start (FS) designed at the University ofHuddersfield. It aimed to improve outcomes for local students, travelling to university from the family home. Its design uses principles drawn from adult education practice and is influenced by Transformative Learning Theory (TLT) (Cranton & Taylor, 2012; Mezirow, 2000) particularly with respect to the emotional and psychological risks associated with transformation and its relationship to positionality (Johnson-Bailey, 2012). The initiative was stimulated by local and international research into achievement and equalities.
Thesis
https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/139663/1/aversave.pdf
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Feminist studies in International Relations are no longer a new subject. However, they are still constantly marginalized and despite appearing in events in the area, do not have their practices adopted. So, from the assumption that it is necessary to go deeper into the perspective epistemological feminist, the purpose of this paper is to analyze an ongoing research, seeking, through critical reading of the bibliography on the methodology adopted as the basis of the dissertation, understanding what is the difference in using a feminist epistemological perspective and what is the relevance of their methods, as well as the operationalization of such tools. The result expected is the clarification that the feminist approach in International Relations, especially in the methodology, appears as means of bringing the researcher of her study, understanding the subjectivity of both the researcher and the individual/group/subject researched.
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Gendered violence is experienced personally and systemically, including gender discrimination, domestic violence, sexual violence, conflict related violence, and wartime rape. These continuums of violence exist in times of peace, in times of war, within families, and within state institutions. While continuums of violence vary among cultures and societies, gender-based violence is ubiquitous. How one understands violence is key to understanding how the lived experiences of individuals are at once, personal and political. This chapter focusses on the links between “everyday” gender-based violence and violence associated with war as part of continuums of violence. The authors consider gender-based violence in the public and political realm as manifestations of private and personal violence, not as separate categories of violence, but as reflective of gendered social processes that form continuums of violence.
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In 2014, Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) was announced with a fanfare. This article critically interrogates how Sweden implements the FFP through digital diplomacy by investigating the extent of Sweden's gender equality activities on Twitter since the introduction of the FFP and by tracing gendered online abuse in digital diplomacy. I focus on Swedish embassy tweets towards two countries where feminism is highly contested-Poland and Hungary. The theoretical inspiration comes from discursive approaches to the spoken and unspoken, enriched by feminist observations about the non-binary character of voice/silence. The method applied is gender-driven quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The findings demonstrate that the FFP has not set any significant mark on digital diplomacy in the analyzed cases. The launching of the FFP went completely unnoticed and posts related to gender equality have actually decreased since 2014. There are no traces of ambassadors being subjected to gendered online abuse, but heavily xenophobic and paternalistic language is directed at Sweden as a representative of liberal policies. The article contributes to the literature on digital diplomacy by highlighting the (lack of) links between foreign policy and digital diplomacy and it addresses a gap by focusing on gender in digital diplomacy.
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The article aims to examine how the disputes for the military control during the peace negotiations and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) occurred in 2005. The main arguments are: the main political actores seek to control the armed forces as part of their strategies; the security policy was determined by the political leadership calculation, based in the internal capacity of influence and in the expectations of the armed conflicts; and that the Security Sector Reform programs were manipulated and used in order to increase power. In this case study, we use qualitative methodology with primary and secondary sources, like the CPA document and the United Nations Mission in Sudan reports, as well as previous specialised discussions.
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"Feminism i rörliga bilder" provides an introduction to contemporary feminist thinking departing from the need of bridging the gap between theory, as a set of abstract unworldly texts, and the everyday life. In the book, we suggest that this can be done through the lenses that are provided by popular culture. Besides an introductory chapter where we state the importance of a passionate reading of feminist theory, we discuss five perspectives through scenes from well-known movies such as Thelma and Louise and My life in pink.
Article
Bodomo’s bridge theory describes and predicts the long-term implications of African migrants’ activities and settlement in China. Drawing on research with African retail traders, university students, and corporate executives in China, I show that the bridge theory illuminates how African women and men rationalize their decisions to migrate to China within the context of the rise of Asia. Drawing on the literature regarding African women and work, I explain that structural economic conditions now force more Africans into economic sectors such as trade work that historically were dominated by African women. I demonstrate that African women’s roles as economic providers for their families and children in other sectors, such as university students and company executives, provide evidence of the continued “matricentric” nature of African households that rely on women’s economic productivity. I also examine the possibilities and limitations of building long-standing networks that shape African migrant settlement in China. I show that the historical theorization that characterizes global mobility as male – particularly regarding Africans – has contributed to the misrecognition of African women’s multiple activities in China.
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PIP This article analyzes how a newspaper in Victoria, Australia, represented violence against women in a special series entitled, "The War Against Women." True to the series title, the series appropriated all of the metaphors of war and dealt with violence against women in much the same fashion as it would report a war, speculating as to its causes, mapping its prevalence, reporting deaths, and referring to "explosions" of violence. As in war coverage, the series included findings of a poll of public opinion, told a story of contrition from an enemy who surrendered (a man in counseling), and offered editorials. While it drew attention to one of society's most pressing and intractable social problems, the paper ignored its own previous reports on domestic violence to gain the shock value of the "new" and, therefore, perpetuated a pattern of "discovery, forgetting, and rediscovery" of violence against women. The paper also failed to apply the feminist notion of a continuum of male violence or to breach the chasm between feminist and public understanding of male violence. Finally, the paper used editorial disclaimers to minimalize men's responsibility and distance itself from feminists. Thus, it placed its critique of men's pervasive violence against women within the hegemonic narratives of gender relations, which hold that women acquiesce in domestic violence, feminists vilify men, and men are a much-maligned group not responsible for the bad behavior of a minority. The paper, thus, conveys that idea that this war will not be won.
Article
This paper explores the ways in which Indonesian women workers actively devise strategies through which they can counteract the exploitative practices typical of their working environments and use their labor in ways that are more beneficial to them. These strategies - sometimes dismissed as 'emotional displays' (unjuk rasa) rather than conscious protests - are examined in a manner that de-emphasizes divisions between formal labor struggles and the alternatives that workers devise, since it is clear that women are involved in both. The authors stress that the awareness of the importance of women's strategies should not obliterate the recognition of the personal and structural conditions that may limit and repress women's participation in more collective, formal, and overt labor struggles in Indonesia. This paper makes use of Scott's notion of 'everyday forms of resistance,' pointing out that these forms differ from institutionalized struggles in that 'everyday resistance is informal, often covert, and concerned largely with immediate de facto gains. The paper advocates an actor-oriented approach that shows the agency of individuals and groups in shaping social change, as well as the force of the structural conditions that frame their lives and choices. The authors acknowledge that the scarity of suitable empirical information makes it difficult to document this approach in detail.
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This article investigates how the state shapes economic allocation between the sexes in the family by analyzing nationally applied, codified family laws in South Korea. Through male-centered family laws, the Korean state until recently supported men's economic advantages within the family. However, with increasing women's collective power in the nation and with growing international attention to the advancement of women, the state has changed its role from a reinforcer of gender-based economic inequality to a mediator of and participant in gender struggles. The changing role of the state is reflected in the major revision of family laws in 1989. This study avoids the static conceptualization of the state as an invariable supporter of men's interests in regulating gender relations. Instead, this study focuses on how the role of the state can be transformed by the women's movement at the national and international levels. The findings support a view of the state as increasingly influential in reproducing and transforming economic inequality between men and women in South Korea.