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ORIENTALARCHIVE81,2013•555
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFiction
fromTaiwan1
DarrylSterk
Introduction
AccordingtoKarenThornberinhermonographEcoambiguity,theTaiwanindigenous
writerTopasTamapima’slasthuntercharacterindulgesin“sporthunting.”2Thelast
hunterBiyariisreluctanttochangehis“lifestyle.”3He“believesheshouldbeableto
uselandscapestofulfilhispersonaldesires,evenwhenthismeanshuntingtheforest’s
mostendangeredanimals,”4Thornberwrites,asifBiyariisaselfishconsumerwho
choosesthemostpleasurablelifestyleinwilfulignoranceoftheenvironmentalcost.
InthisarticleIputindigenoushunterslikeBiyariintoculturalcontextandappreciate
whattheyhavetooffertoanenvironmentalethic.WhereThornberdoes not find
“significantly different perceptions of ideal relationships with the nonhuman”5 in
TopasTamapima’s“TheLastHunter,”Iseeinindigenoushuntingstoriessurvivalsof
a“giftculture”thatspeakstoissuesofsustainabilityandcommunity.Iinterpret“the
hunter’sgift”inthreestories–AuviniKadresengan’s“EternalKabalhivane”(Home
toReturnTo),TopasTamapima’s“TheLastHunter,”andBadai’s“GingerRoad”–as
asymbolofecologicalandsocialintegration,whichcanbeunderstoodincontrastto
appropriationaswellasalienation.
ThesociologistHelmuthBerkingarguedthatearlymanperceivedappropriation
from nature as a problem. The solution was to reconceive appropriation as “an
exchangerelation”–anexchangeofgifts–inwhichhuntersrituallyreturnedthe
soulsofanimalstothelordofthehuntandsharedthemeat“amongthemothersand
children.”6Ritualsharingconsecratedthecommunityandintegrateditintonature.
1 This article builds on research I published in Studia Orientalia Slovaca, as noted in the
References.ThankstoHenningKlöter andAnnHeylenforinvitingmetotheInternational
SymposiumonTaiwanLiterature OfftheMainstream at RuhrUniversity Bochum on5–6
November,2010,wherethefirstversionwaspresented,to four anonymous reviewers,and
tomany friends forcomments.This research wassupported byan ROC NationalScience
Councilgrant(No.1012410H002206).
2KarenLauraThornber,Ecoambiguity:EnvironmentalCrisesandEastAsianLiteratures,133.
3 Ibid.,134.
4 Ibid.,135.
5 Ibid.
6 HelmuthBerking,SociologyofGiving,57.
ArOr–Issue81.3ISSN00448699©2013OrientalInstitute(ASCR),Prague
556•DARRYLSTERK
The consumption of meat bought in plastic wrapped styrofoam trays no longer
carriessuchmeanings.Thoughweappreciatethesocialvalueofaturkeydinner,
weofteneatalone,andtendtothinkofturkeyintermsofprice,pleasureorcalories.
IncontemporaryindigenousvillagesinTaiwan,however,huntingremainsaritual
actperformedinaccordancewiththetraditionalmoralorder,whichencompasses
natureandhumanity.AccordingtotheanthropologistScottSimon,oblationsmust
bemade,andtaboosrespected,whenTrukuhuntersinHualianCounty“goupthe
mountain.”Whentheycomedown,huntingis“asignofmasculinity,asourceof
prestige,andproofofone’smoralstanding,”whichmeansitisabout“sharingand
communitybuilding.”7
Yet,today indigenoushuntersoftenbreak thelawbyselling wildgame.They
maydenythatthestatehasanyrighttointerfere,butinappropriatingandselling
the gift of nature they have accepted “alienation,” the logic of capitalism. For
modernindigenouswriters,then,huntingisnotjustasymbolofintegrationitis
alsoasiteatwhichtoexploretheeffectsofmodernity.ThethreeauthorsIdiscuss
inthisarticledramatizeconflictsbetweencultural,social,ecologicaloreconomic
valuesinexchangesbetweenhuntersandtheirfamilies,businessmen,policemen,
andconsumers,inordertoworkouttheirownmixedfeelingsaboutmodernity.As
eachhadamodernupbringing–AuviniKadresenganbecameanaccountant,Topas
Tamapimaadoctor,Badaialieutenantcolonel–nonerejectsmodernityoutright.
Yet whilethey appreciate theconvenience ofthe commodity andthe need for a
stateauthority,theirstoriesinscribeadesireforselfsufficientsocialandecological
integrationinagifteconomy.
GiftEconomy,Alienation,Ecorealism
Withthegoalofbuildinganinterpretiveframework,Ibeginbycontextualizingthe
anthropologyofgifteconomy.IshowhowMarcelMauss’snotionof“thespiritof
thegift”resistsalienationbyweavingpeopleandthingstogetherintonetworksof
relationshipsorwebsofmeaning.ThenIconsider“(magic)ecorealistfiction”asa
genreofintegrationthatsometimesliterallyspeakstocontemporaryecologicaland
socialconcerns.
EversinceMarcelMauss’sTheGift,publishedinFrenchin1923–24,problems
ofliberalcapitalismhavebeeninthebackgroundofthestudyofgiftculture.Inhis
greatmonograph,Maussaddresses the“crisis”inliberal theoryifnotin “liberal
society.”8Liberalphilosophershadclaimedasocialroleforhomooeconomicus–
forrational,free,selfinterestedmarketagentsexchangingcommoditiesaccording
to“icy,utilitariancalculation.”9Theinvisiblehandwouldmakesocietyricherand
7 SimonScott,“Animals,Ghosts,andAncestors:TraditionalKnowledgeofTrukuHunterson
Formosa,”90,93.
8 MarcelMauss,TheGift:Theformandreasonforexchangeinarchaicsocieties,5,84.
9 Ibid.,98.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•557
allow everyone to give more gifts in private life, thereby melting the ice of the
market.Inliberalism,giftgivingwasalsosupposedtobevoluntary(eventhough
weareobligedtoreciprocateonspecificoccasionslikebirthdaysandChristmas).
Mausswantedtotosstheliberalfictionofthefrostyfreeindividual,alongwiththe
distinctionbetween gift andcommodity,“into themelting pot once more.”10 He
suggestedareturntoamoresocialnotionofmanandtothearchaicorprimitive
gift.
Intheoldendays,andincertainremoteplaces,therewasnodistinctionbetween
giftand commodity.Allexchange wasgift exchange,and thegiftwas akind of
unwritten,involuntary,sociallyenforcedcontract.Like a legalcontractitcarried
obligations. According to Mauss, there were three obligations: one had to give,
toreceive,and,attheappropriatetime,toreturnthegiftinsomeotherform.Gift
obligationstiedpeopletogetherinnumerousways:“theobjectreceivedasagift,the
receivedobjectingeneral,engages,linksmagically,religiously,morally,juridically,
thegiverandthereceiver.”11InthekindofcommunityMausshadinmind,there
wasnofreemarketinwhich“[a]simpleexchangeofgoods,wealth,andproducts
intransactionsconcludedbyindividuals”couldoccur.12Theonlysiteofexchange
wasthe“economy oftheexchangethroughgift,” andanyexchange inthis“gift
economy”wasmeaningfulinmultipleways.13Giverandreceiver,asrepresentatives
ofclans notindividuals,were tiedmore andmore tightlyas theyexchanged the
rolesofgiverandreceiver,passingwealthbackandforth.Tradewasnotanendin
itself.Thepointwastheexchangeof“politeness”andthe“recognition”ofsocial
roles.14Unfortunately,in thepotlatchin the latenineteenthcentury,superiorand
inferiorroleswererecognized:chiefsgaveawayvastamountsofwealthtoputtheir
peerstoshame.Thepotlatchwasastatuseconomy.Yet,thoughgiftculturewasnot
entirelyunproblematic,Maussstillpreferredittoliberalism.
One of the attractions in gift culture for Mauss was the spiritual or religious
dimension.Inagiftcultureareturngifthastobemadebecauseofthespiritofthe
giverremainsinthegift.Togiveagiftistogive“apart”ofone’sliving“spiritual
essence.”15Inacultureinwhichallexchangeisgiftexchange,“[e]verythingpasses
to and fro as if there were a constant exchange of a spiritual matter, including
thingsandmen…”16 Like thewhole,the partsarealive: theyevenhavefeelings
anddesires.Theycanroamaround,butultimatelythespiritofthegift“wishesto
returntoitsbirthplace.”17Thus,thingsare“personified,”bothinthemselvesandas
10 Ibid.,93.
11 MarcelMauss,“Gift,Gift,”29.
12 Idem,TheGift:Theformandreasonforexchangeinarchaicsocieties,6.
13 Ibid.,92.
14 Ibid.,6,52.
15 Ibid.,16.
16 Ibid.,18.
17 Ibid.,15.
558•DARRYLSTERK
synecdoches,aspartsofalargerwhole.Personifiedthingscantalk,ofcourse,or
atleasttheycould.“Everythingspeaks…”saidoneTrobriandislander.18Wehave
verygoodreasonsformakingthedistinctionbetweenthingsandpersons,butwe
mighttrytohearthingsspeak,atleastinourimaginations,asawayofovercoming
alienation.
FromaMarxistperspective,alienationisoneofthebasicproblemsofliberalism,
inwhichmarketagentsbuyandsell(i.e.,alienate)commoditieswithoutformingor
acknowledgingsocialties.AccordingtotheearlyMarx,theworkerinacapitalist
regimeconfrontstheproductofhislabour as “analienobjectexercisingpower
overhim.”19Hefindshimselftrappedinaworldofobjectstowhichheisinthrall.
Heisalienatedfromhimself,somuchsothathedoesnotrealizeheisalienated.
Heisalienated fromnature, too.“Man/lives/ onnature –meansthat natureis
his/body/,withwhichhemustremainincontinuousinterchangeifheisnotto
die.”20Theonlycontacttheindustrialworkerhadwithnaturewastheindustrially
processedfoodheate,whichhadnoobviousconnectiontoplantsintheground
oranimalsintheforest.Maussdidnotusetheterm“alienation”inTheGift.Yet
whenhewritesthat,“[t]heeconomicprejudicesofthepeople,theproducers,arise
fromtheirfirmdeterminationtofollowthethingtheyhaveproduced,andfrom
thestrongfeelingtheyhavethattheirhandiworkisresoldwithouttheirhavinghad
anyshareoftheprofit,”heseemstoarticulatearesistancetoalienation,tosocial
andecologicaldisintegration.21Peopleinagifteconomytendnottosuffersocial
alienationasaneffectofexchange,becausethespiritsofthegiftstheyexchange
keepthem tiedtogether.Not makinga strictdistinction between“society” and
“nature,”people did not sufferecological alienation, either.Mauss touchedon
the “thanksgiving rites” whereby premodern people discharged obligations to
thegods.22MarshallSahlinspointedoutin1974thatthetextwhichgaveMauss
theideaofthespiritofthe gift, thefamousdiscourseoftheMaorisageTamati
Ranapiri, was about “a sacrificial repayment to the forest for the game birds
takenbyMaorifowlers.”23Fowlerscouldtakebirdsfromtheforest,butcouldnot
appropriatewithoutreturn.ForMaorifowlers,whatalienationcouldtherebe,in
theory?
Exchangeonthegroundis,ofcourse,morecomplicated,butmanywhomake
useofgifttheoryhavenotdonefieldworkandtendtocontrastmorethancompare.
FortheliterarycriticLewisHyde,forinstance,theprinciplesofagifteconomyare
“flow” and “abundance,” not the “accumulation” and “scarcity” of capitalism.24
18 Ibid.,44.
19 KarlMarx,EconomicandPhilosophicManuscriptsof1844,75.
20 Ibid.,76.
21 Ibid.,85.
22 MarcelMauss,TheGift:Theformandreasonforexchangeinarchaicsocieties,19.
23 MarshallDavidSahlins,StoneAgeEconomics,156.
24 LewisHyde,TheGift:CreativityandtheArtistintheModernWorld,27.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•559
Butanyonewhoengageswithgifttheoryhastorememberthatgiftandcommodity
are“idealtypes,”asare“giftculture”and“commodityculture.”Eveninaliberal
capitalistsociety,inwhichanynumberofgiftculturescanthrive,thereisatleast
littlesocialityinanypurchase,alittleselfinterestinanygift,andalotofsociality
andselfinterestinanybribe.Norshouldoneassumethatthedistinctionbetween
premodern and modern according to, for instance, the presence or absence of
“markets,”is selfevident. Marxists insistthat the market is a modern invention
ofa stateto defendthe interests of a rulingclass.25 Liberalsarguethe market is
avenerable grassroots formof efficientexchange whichmodern states canhelp
regulate,arguingagainstaclearbreakbetweenpremodernandmodernintermsof
theformofexchange.
Regardless,weshouldnotfailtoacknowledgethatforlocalpeoplelivinginsmall
communitieswithout permanent powerstructures, the introductionof capitalism
with state assistance can be an awful imposition. The Marxist anthropologist
Michael Taussig has studied how local people respond to the encounter with
capitalism. Discovering devil worship among miners and plantation workers
in South America, he argued that, “the devil is a stunningly apt symbol of the
alienationexperiencedbypeasantsastheyentertheranksoftheproletariat.”26In
“theAndean version of thestory of Faustus,”a peasant sold(i.e., alienated) his
soul to rationalize appropriation.27 However, according to Taussig, devil belief
might“stimulatethepoliticalactionnecessarytothwartortranscendtheprocessof
commodityformation,”becauseproletarianizedpeasantsmightfightback.28
TheliteraryscholarMarkOsteenhasusedtheOjibwewriterLouiseErdrichas
anexampleinhisowninvestigationofresistancetoconsumeralienation.Osteen
arguesthatthe“discourseofthegift”canstopmodernconsumersfrom“frantically
calculating selfinterest and exchanging commodities that do nothing more than
confirm[their]alienation,”becauseit“recoverssomerespectfortheseimmaterial
qualities– the spiritualityand sociality– ofsubjects andobjects.”29In Erdrich’s
“The Red Convertible,” a used automobile (whose origin the narrator does not
reveal)isconvertedintoaninalienablepossessionwhentwobrotherstakeatripin
it.Itbecomesasymbolinthestoryoftheirbrotherhood.
Taussigstudiedoralnarrativesattheproductionend,Osteenwrittenonesatthe
consumptionend, raisingthe issue ofinterpretive method:how couldthere bea
“onesizefitsall”approachtothereadingofstoriesaboutgiftsfromdifferentkinds
ofsocieties?Thereisattentiontooralnarrativeinanthropologicalwritingaboutthe
gift.Mausswrotethateverygifthas“itsname,apersonality,ahistory,andeven
25 DavidGraeber,Towardan AnthropologicalTheory ofValue:The False Coinof Our Own
Dreams,10.
26 MichaelTaussig,TheDevilandCommodityFetishisminSouthAmerica,xi.
27 Ibid.,208.
28 Ibid.,17.
29 MarkOsteen,“GiftorCommodity,”244.
560•DARRYLSTERK
ataleattachedtoit.”30AnnetteWeiner’s“inalienablepossessions,”whichdefined
aclan’ssocialdistinctiveness,wereinalienablepartlybyvirtueofnarrative:they
wereauthenticatedby“fictiveortruegenealogies,originmyths,sacredancestors,
andgods.”31Butpremodernnarrativesareproblematicforcritique.Theymightbe
“fictive.”Storiesaboutartefactsmightleaveouttheprocessofcreation.32Onthe
otherhand,storiescapitalistsandconsumerstellaboutthecommoditiestheysellor
purchaseareproblematicbecausetheytendtoleaveoutproduction.
I adopt “ecorealism” as an interpretative framework for the modern stories I
discussinthisarticle.Thistermiscurrentlyusedinandoutsideofliterarystudies
tomeanthatecologicaldegradationisreal, buttomyknowledgeithasnot been
usedtodesignateagenreoffiction.Innineteenthcenturyliteraryrealism,athird
personomniscientnarratortellsaputativelyobjectivestory about theintegration
oftheindividualinto society,andin anecorealistworkthere wouldbea further
integrationintonature.Realistfictionwasoriginallyabourgeoisartform,butcan
beputtootheruses,orinterpretedwithotherconcernsinmind.Thus,accordingto
FredricJameson,momentsof“daydreaming”inrealistnarratives“tellusaboutthe
otherwiseinconceivablelinkbetweenwishfulfilmentandrealism,betweendesire
andhistory.”33Readingallegorically,JamesonunearthsutopiandesireinaBalzac
novel. In other words, realism is capacious, capacious enough I would argue to
includesocialandecologicalcritique.Anecorealistnarratorwouldplaceindividual
andcollectivehumanactioninbothsocialandecologicalcontext,withoutneglecting
the“sociallives”ofthings.34Nomereprop,eachthingwouldhaveownroletoplay
inanecorealiststory.
Isee a special role formodern indigenous writers in thedevelopment of this
critical and possibly utopian genre. Modern indigenous writers have often
experienced proletarianization and have almost certainly encountered socialist
andenvironmentaldiscourses,whichtheymayunderstandintermsofthemodes
of perception and the morality of the gift economy. To simplify greatly, if Juan
Valdez’sson becameawriter,hewould tendtotell a storyaboutthe production
implicitinacupofcoffee.Heorshemightaddamagicrealisttouch:themyriad
presencesinthecoffeemightbegintospeak,drowningoutthepopularmusicand
thetrafficnoiseinthecurbsidecafé.Readinganecorealiststoryaboutcoffee,you
woulddiscoveryouareplayingaroleinacoffeedrama.Youhavetointeractwith
theotheractorsonthestage,fromthegoodearthandthefarmertothedistributor
andthebarista.Youareobligedtoallofthesepeople,fortheyhavegivenyouagift.
Ifyouviewacoffeeasacommodity,bycontrast,youdonothavetolistentoany
30 MarcelMauss,TheGift:Theformandreasonforexchangeinarchaicsocieties,30.
31 AnnetteWeiner,InalienablePossessions:TheParadoxofKeepingWhileGiving,33.
32 DavidGraeber,Towardan AnthropologicalTheory ofValue:The False Coinof Our Own
Dreams,185.
33 FredricJameson,ThePoliticalUnconscious:NarrativeasaSociallySymbolicAct,182.
34 ArjunAppadurai,“Introduction:commoditiesandthepoliticsofvalue,”3.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•561
stories.Youhavepaidforyourcoffee.Youcandecide,basedon“marginalutility,”
ifthepleasureofanothercupisworththeprice.
Ratherthanacupofcoffee,themetaphorIexploreinthisarticleisthehunter’s
gift,ofmeatorarticlesobtainedinexchangeformeat.Thehunter’sgift,whichcan
begiven,taken,stolenorsoldinserviceofmanydifferentvalueagendas,seemsto
havemanysymbolicpossibilities,buthasreceivedalmostnoscholarlyattention.
The anthropologist Christopher Hill argues that the hunter founder story about
thehunter’sgift of meat“servesinMendeoralhistoriesasasymbolicstatement
validatingcontemporaryauthoritypatterns.”35ThethreeecorealiststoriesIdiscuss
are clearly not intended to naturalize hierarchy. Rather, they serve as reminders
that the land and community are inalienable possessions, not sources of natural
resourcesandlabourpower.
Asatrilogytheytell astorythatmovesoutwardinspaceasittravelsforward
intime.Itisastoryinwhichapremodernhunterwalksahundredkilometresfrom
hometoalienatethegiftoftheancestors,inwhichamodernhunterwhohastried
andfailedtomakeitinthebigcityhopestogivethegiftoftheforestonlytohave
itconfiscated,andinwhichacontemporaryhunterwhocanreadthebusinessnews
aboutbillionaireinvestors indistant citiesgives thegiftof natureeven whenhe
has the chance to sell. It seems to be a story about accommodation to scarcity,
alienationandcontrolinthelongFormosanindigenousencounterwithmodernity,
butitisalsoastoryaboutthecriticalpotentialofresistanceanddesire.
TheHunter’sGiftandtheIndigenousEncounterWithModernity
In1624,theDutchEastIndiaCompanyestablishedacolonyinsouthwestTaiwan.
Chinesefarmersworked thefieldsand therewas alivelytrade betweenforeign
guestsandaboriginalhosts.Tradecontinuedthrough the Zheng(Cheng)era and
intotheQing(Ching)dynasty.InJohnR.Shepherd’saccount,
Tradewas necessary to acquire the shot and powder needed foraborigine hunting
guns,aswellasthetextilesandornamentsthatsatisfiedanexpandingneedforcreature
comforts.Toacquirethesegoodsandtomeetthedemandsofthestateandinterpreters
forrevenueandsqueeze,theplainsaboriginesoverhuntedthedeerherds.36
This“deereconomy”wasexhaustedbythefirsthalfoftheeighteenthcentury.
Bythenineteenthcentury,theplainsaborigineshadmostlySinified.Althoughthe
peopleswholivedinthemountainsweremoreisolated,theytradedforthesame
commodities,bycashorbarter.Meanwhile,gifteconomymusthavepersistedwithin
thecommunityasitdoesinthemodernfamily.Thisisthehistoricalgeographyin
whichIwishtodiscussthefirstliteraryhunter’sgift.
35MatthewHill,“WheretoBegin?ThePlaceoftheHunterFounderinMendeHistories,”654.
36JohnR.Shepherd,StatecraftandPoliticalEconomyontheTaiwanFrontier,1600–1800,365.
562•DARRYLSTERK
1.TheAlienatedGiftinAuviniKadresengan’s“EternalKabalhivane
(HometoReturnTo)”
Auvini Kadresengan was born in southwest Taiwan in the Rukai hamlet of
Kochapongan,locatedaday’shikeintothemountainsfromthenearesttownonthe
plains.Theauthorrecallsgatheringherbs,schleppingthemdowntotowntosell,
thenusingthemoneytotakeabustoPingtung(Pingdong)City,justtoseeamotion
picture.Itisundeniablethatheshouldbeunderstoodinacontextofmechanized
transportandmassentertainment,andItakeuphismodernitybelow.Idiscusshis
storyfirstbecauseitappearstorecreateapremodernvillagewithminimalmarket
contactandamodeofperceptionthatrecallsMauss’sspiritofthegift.
Atthestart of thestory,the narratorconveysan animisticsenseofbeneficent
vocalpresences.Stonesspeak,thefallingleavesspeak,thestepsthehuntertakes
speak–eventhehunter’scallusesspeak–ofthebrevityoflife.Everythingspeaks,
orsings,andallspeech,orsong,isagift:abirdsingsofblessings,andwhenthe
horticulturalisthunterheroEsaiaskstheancestorstobestowblessingsuponhim,
theancestorssingthroughthebirdcalls,assuringhimthathishuntwillgowell.
Esai seems innocent of the modern world, but he carries a gun, an industrial
productandamarketcommodity.Hedidnotusemoneytobuyit,butobtainedit
throughbarter.EsaiandaneighbourtraveldownfromthehillstotheplaininTai
tung(Taidong)insoutheasternTaiwantotradewithaheadman,whohasinturn
beentradingwith“peoplefromelsewhere.”37Mostofthedescriptionconcernsthe
ritualsofhospitalitysurroundingthebarter.Themontagnardspresenttheplainsman
withmountainproducts.Thesethingsweregivenbytheancestors nowtheyare
given away. The hospitable headman receives them with sweet rice wine. Then
thebarteritselftakesplace“amidexcitedsmilesthatwouldproducesingingina
dream.”38TheyoungdeerandsetofantlersthatEsaihasbrought,alongwithhis
“belovedDutchrifle,”areworthoneshellshoulderbelt,arollofwire(forsnares),
andanAmericanrifle.39ThenEsai andhisneighbour gointo thehillsand bring
back a log for a new mortar for the headman (presumably to pound sweet rice
to make more wine). In return, the headman gives them food for the road. The
barterisembeddedinagiftexchange,followingnormsofhospitalitythatmodern
consumershavemostlyforgotten.
“Eternal Kabalhivane” does not, however, describe a way of life that is
predominatelybased onbarter.It is about alargelyselfsufficient communityin
whichcalculatingselfinterestapparentlyneverfigures.Communitymemberslive
inaworld notof commoditiesbutof inalienablepossessions. On theway home
fromTaitung,Esaidreamsofanoldwomanwhopresentshimwithgifts.When
laterEsaibringsdownayoungbuck(perhapstoreplacethedeerhetradedaway),
37 AuviniKadresengan,“EternalKabalhivane(HometoReturnTo),”101.
38 Ibid.,102.
39 Ibid.,101.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•563
hethinkshis dreamhascome true.Observing tradition, Esaiand hiscompanion
showgratitudetotheancestorsbyconductingthefallenleafritual,whichinvolves
asacrificialoffering–apartofthepreythatisreturnedtotheoriginalgiver–anda
liturgy:“Wearestillimmature,butourheartsarepious,weofferthissmallheartfelt
gift.”40Theygoontoasktheancestorsforwisdom,love,calmspiritsandgrateful
hearts. In this way, they return the gift in verbal and material form. When Esai
arriveshome,theproceedsofthebarter,alongwiththeyoungbuck,arewelcomed
into the community. They are offered to the ancestors in a ritual in which they
take on personalities: the gun, for instance, is given a life, a soul and a name.
Meanwhile, Esai’s wife admires the craftsmanship of the shoulder belt. In John
Balcom’stranslation,“alotoftime had goneintomakingit.”41Translatingmore
literally:everydetail“showedthetimebehindthelifeofthisthing.”42Theoriginof
thelifeofthethingisnotincludedinthestory,thoughEsai’swifemusthavesome
ideaofhowmuchworkwentintoit.Sherecitesablessing,thankingtheancestors
forwhatthefamilyhasbeengiven,thankingthegun,eventhankingthesteelwire,
“likeadogcurledinsleep.”43Oncetheseobjectshavegainedmembershipinthe
community,theybecomeinalienablepossessions.Thebelt,forinstance,istobea
betrothalgiftforwhenEsai’syoungsongetsmarried.
This belt gives us reason to question the romantic assumption that economic
considerationsdid notapply in oldKochapongan. Esaireflects thatthe beltwill
sufficeifhissonmarriesanaristocrat’sdaughter,butifhemarriesachief’sdaughter
anancestralceramicvesselwillhavetobeadded.Thebelthasvalueinthelocal
statuseconomy.Evenso,thegiftwillnotbeusedtopurchasethebride.Thegift
is not a “bride price.” It will be given, as will the bride, along with gifts from
the bride’s family. Rukai marriage was a Maussian gift exchange.Yet it is also
importantthatthebetrothalgiftisobtainedthroughbarter.
Indeed, the story seems to be as much about the influence of markets and
technological modernity on social and ecological relations as about “tradition.”
(Though the author projects eternity upon the community or the landscape in the
titleofthestory,all culturesand ecosystemsarein astateof change.)Following
Esai’sreturntothevillage,thenarratorlaunchesintoalistofthepreyanimalsEsai
huntsandtrapswithrifleandwiresnare:120deer,over70boar, and3bear.This
huntingorgygivesEsaitherighttocounthimself“amongthegloriouslilybearers,”
toparticipateinapublicceremonyinwhichthechiefconfersalilyheaddressupon
him.44ButEsai’shuntingexploitsareoverkill.Only6boarswererequiredtobear
40 Ibid.,103.
41 Ibid.,106.
42 AuviniKadresengan,“Yongyuandeguisu(Kabalhivane),”167.
43 Idem,“EternalKabalhivane(HometoReturnTo),”106.
44 Ibid.,108.
45 Taiban Sasala, “The Lost Lily: State, Sociocultural Change and the Decline of Hunting
CultureInKaochapogan,Taiwan,”68.
564•DARRYLSTERK
thelilies.45Esaihuntsforindustrialgoodsandforstatus.Theformerheobtainsby
barter,thelatterasrecognitionforcontributionstothecommunity.Whetherornot
theimprovementsinhuntingtechnologyhadanyimpactonthenormsofthestatus
economy, they seem to have had an ecological effect: Esai laments a “decline in
nature.”46 Though Esai respects taboos against the hunting of smaller animals as
wellasthecloudedleopard(whichaccompaniedthefirsthuntertoKochapongan),
ecologicalequilibriumhasbeenlost.Butthehunterscarryonhuntingallthesame.
Overtwodecadeslater,Esaireturnstotheplaintotrade,withthesonoftheheadman,
forsaltandmatches,needleandthread,handwovenfabric(abetrothalgiftforhis
daughter),andanewrifle.Therifleisthethirdinthestory.Thelatesttechnology,it
bearswhatsoundslikeabrandname.Esaihasbecomeaconsumer,perhapsevena
technophile.Unfortunately,heisunabletoenjoyhisnewtoy,orwelcomeitintothe
community:hegoesmissingonthewayhome.
Thelosstothecommunitygoesuncompensatedbyanywideningofperspective.
Esaiwasgrantedavisionof ancestralbattlesandjourneysonhis firsttriphome
throughtherealmoftheancestors,butheknowsnothingoftheprovenanceofthe
productsheobtainsthroughbarter,nordoesthenarratordisplayanycuriosity.They
aremerelyboughtobjectsofdesirebroughtfromfaraway.Yetthefactremainsthat
Esaitrades ancestral giftsfor industrialproducts.AuviniKadresengan explained
thatthe soul of the deermight migrate into the gun,which would thenbear the
deer’sbiography.Butwhatabout theultimatefateofthe antlers?Evenifstories
attachtothem,partoftheirbiographywillbelost,andastoryabouthowthelives
ofdifferent beings are interconnected will be incomplete.The narrator does not
confrontthisissue.Esaidiedinalocalworldthatmodernitywasonlyjustbeginning
tochange.
GiventhattheauthorwasbornsixteenyearsaftertheJapanesehadestablisheda
policestationinthevillage,thissettingmakesthestoryseemlikepartlyimaginary
nostalgia.TheauthormissesoldKochapongan.SasalaTaiban’sPh.D.dissertation
fillsinsomeofthedetailsaboutthiswayoflife.Societywasstratified,withchiefs,
aristocratsandcommoners.Accordingtolegend,thelandwasdivinelygiventothe
chiefs.Thechiefsgavehunterstemporaryuseoftractsofland,andinreturnreceived
thefirstfruitsoftheforest,whichtheythenredistributed,alongwithrecognition
forthehunters:“theculturalprincipleofsharingrenders[sic]theaccumulationof
wealthunnecessary.”47Inthisway,“[p]eople,spirits,andanimalshaveformed[sic]
an ecological system that is [sic] based on sharing.”48 Taiban’s dissertation also
seemsnostalgic.
Oneof thefirst actsof theJapanese policewhen theyarrived in1929 wasto
confiscate rifles. Hunting and swidden farming were discouraged in favour of
46 AuviniKadresengan,“EternalKabalhivane(HometoReturnTo),”109.
47 Taiban Sasala, “The Lost Lily: State, Sociocultural Change and the Decline of Hunting
CultureInKaochapogan,Taiwan,”170.
48 Ibid.,117.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•565
intensivecultivationforthemarket,whicheventuallyleftpeopledependentonthe
market.Thecommonswereprivatized.Thecultureofsharingdeclined.Wagelabour
wasintroduced.Thechiefslostpowertothepolice.Localleaderswerecoopted.
Childrenwere sent to school toturn them intoloyal Japanese subjectsand later
patrioticChinesecitizens.TheKuomintangcontinuedJapanesepoliciesafter1945,
theyearAuviniKadresenganwasborn.By1965,indigenouscommunitieswitnessed
“thereplacementofartisticallyenhanceddailyusegoodswithcheapcommodities
purchased on the market.”49 There was a labour outflow from Kochapongan. In
1979, remaining community members moved to a site in a nearby river valley.
After1973,huntingwaspermittedonlyonreservelands,notintraditionalhunting
grounds,manyofwhichwereturnedintopreservesordevelopments.Bythe1980s
youngerhuntersnolongeraspiredtobearthelilies.Theyweremakingmoneyin
thebushmeattrade.
In 1961, Auvini Kadresengan had left the old villageat sixteen years of age
to go to school. He worked as an accountant for Christian organizations on the
plainsuntil,inhismidforties,inresponsetothe“returntotheland”and“cultural
revitalization”movementsinthelate1980s,hereturnedtowriteaboutthetraditional
Rukaiworld,asakindofculturalsalvageeffort.Thevillagewasgreatlychanged.
Buttheslatehousehehadgrownupinwasstillstanding,upinoldKochapongan.
Heinstalledsolarpanelsandbeganwritingonalaptop.Everythinghewrotewas
aboutaworldbeforecomputers,solarpower,cornerstores,policestations,buses,
churchesandschools.
The only psychological trace of the modern world in “Eternal Kabalhivane”
appears to be counting: the numbers of hunted animals seem too large and too
preciseforapremodernsubsistencehunter.Esaiwasabletocountintothehundreds,
anabilitynecessaryinacasheconomy.Thereisnomoneyinthestory,butthere
isbarter,andthecurrentanthropologicalconsensusisthatbarteremergesonlyif
currencyhas:currencysupplies anabstractstandardfor thecalculationofvalue,
andbarteroccursintheeventofalackofliquidity.50Barteristhereforeoutsidea
gifteconomy,andrequiresaheadfornumbers,notjustasenseofvalue.“Eternal
Kabalhivane”is inthis respect aboutthe creepinginfluence of accountancy.At
thesame time, itseems to preserve anolder,animist consciousness. In the next
twostoriesthemagiciswearingoff,though,asweshallsee,ithasnotlostallits
force.
49 StevanHarrellandYushihLin,“AestheticsandPoliticsinTaiwan’sAboriginalContemporary
Arts,”4.
50 DavidGraeber,Towardan AnthropologicalTheory ofValue:The False Coinof Our Own
Dreams,222.
566•DARRYLSTERK
2.TheConfiscatedGiftinTopasTamapima’s“TheLastHunter”
Topas Tamapima was born in 1960 in the Bunun village of Loloko in Nantou
(Nantou)County,nearthe geographical centreof Taiwan.By thetime he wasa
child,daily life had beencommoditized, technologized, andpoliticized. He was
a twentysix year old medical doctor when he wrote “The Last Hunter.”Topas
Tamapima shows how modernity diversifies the professional possibilities for
indigenouspeople.In“TheLastHunter,”though,hewritesaboutamarginalfigure
andadisintegratingcommunity.
ThelasthunterBiyari,likeAuviniKadresengan,hasleftthevillageandcome
back.ButthesortoflabourhedidwaslessspecializedBiyariwasproletarianized.
Afterthewar,moreandmoreaboriginalyouthleftthevillageinsearchofwork.
Mostofthemfounditinfactoriesorminesoronconstructionsitesorfishingboats.
Wherever they went they encountered nonindigenous Taiwanese society. This
wasnotexactlyaliberalcapitalistsociety:Taiwanesepeoplehadtheirown“petty
capitalist” or familybased gift economies.51 But members of Taiwanese society
tendedtobeuninterestedingiftrelationswithmarginalaborigineslikeBiyari,who
usuallyenteredthewagelabourmarket.Ifthingsdonotgowellinthecity,young
menreturntothe“littleworld”ofthetribalcommunity,“whichretainsbothsocial
andemotionalsaliencedespiteitspartialbreakdown.”52Marginalmentendtohunt
whentheygohome.
Biyarihasdonetemporaryworkpackinggoodsforashippingcompanyinthe
city.Presumablyhewaspackingcommoditiestobeshippedandsoldtomiddleclass
consumers.Buthewasfiredafterfivedaysonthejobbecausethebosswantedto
savemoney,andheevenleft800dollarsinpaybehind.Thebossfiredhimforthe
sakeofanabstraction,aquantityofmoney,160dollarsaday.Thesensuousworld
ofritual,personalityandmoralityof“EternalKabalhivane”hasbeenmonopolized
bya utilitarianmentality,byaccountancy.Totheboss, theamount ofmoney he
willsaveseemsmorerealthanaperson.Esai’shuntingyieldedgifts,butBiyari’s
labourisanextractablecommodity.Inotherwords,themoderndiversificationof
employmentpossibilitiesforindigenouspeoples maysimplyjamthemintoslots
inthecapitalistdivisionoflabour.Therewasevenapressuretospecializebefore
Biyarileft.Whereas Esaisaw nocontradiction in beinga horticulturalisthunter,
Biyari’sfatheralwayssaidyouareeitherahunterorafarmer:youhavetochoose.
Biyariexplored anotheroption, andfor five days he hada bitpart inthe drama
ofthemoderneconomy.NowhehasreturnedhometoLoloko.Mostlyhehunts.
Afterall,hewasborninthemonthoftheBununriteofpassage,theearshooting
ceremonyhefeelshewasborntobeahunter.
51 HillGates,China’sMotor:AThousandYearsofPettyCapitalism,204–42.
52 StevanHarrellandYushihLin,“AestheticsandPoliticsinTaiwan’sAboriginalContemporary
Arts,”18.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•567
However,theentirecontextinwhichthetraditionalhunterlivedisgone:daily
lifehasbeencommoditized.Villageinhabitantsnowrelyonthemarketfordaily
necessities.WhereasEsaihadtotravelaweektobarter,Biyaricanbuyricewine,
betel,matches,andgasforhismotorcycleatthelocalstore.Shoppinginthisstore
isconvenientbuthumiliating.TheHakkaproprietorsuggestsexpensivesorghum
wine,saying,“Ilikeitmyself,thericewineistooplain,”likeanactorinatelevision
commercial.53Biyarireplies,
“Thestrongstuffisforthosewhoaredying.Keepitandsellittothosesadpeopleto
washawaytheirsuffering.Ijustwantplainoldricewine.Here’sthirtyyuan.”Biyari
feltaroundinhispockets.Fortunatelyhehadthethirtyyuan.54
Biyari’srelationshipwiththeproprietorisnotfleshedoutbygiftgiving,either
material or verbal. The proprietor’s words are manipulative, intended to tempt
Biyari to spend beyond his means while Biyari’s words are bluster, meant to
uphold his wounded honour.All speech in “Eternal Kabalhivane” was a ritual
gift that conferred recognition and expressed respect in Biyari’s world, words
areinstrumental.The proprietorand Biyari recognizeeach other,butthere isno
enduringconnectionbetweenthem,becausetheydealwitheachotherasbuyerand
seller,notashumanbeings.Theremaybedramaherebutitishardlysocial.
Biyari, like Esai, has possessions, including a home, and at least one personal
connection,whichhetriestomaintainbycontributingtoaconnubialgifteconomy.
Hismostprizedpossessionisajacket,whichhefirstsawinashopwindow.Having
noideaoftheproductionofthegarment,heregardeditasanobjectofdesire.He
purchasedit,formingnorelationshipwithanyone.Butunlikeatypicalconsumer,
whosedailylifeissurroundedbyquantitiesofthingsthatcanbetossedoutwithouta
secondthought,thejacketisoneoftheonlypossessionsBiyarihasgot.Ithasworn
throughinplaces,buthecherishesit.Asaninalienablepossession,ithasabiography
–Biyarihashuntingstoriestotellaboutit–thoughthestoryonlybeginswhenhe
putdownhismoney.Hishouseisasinneedofpatchingashisjacket.Unfortunately,
thesituationathomeisprecarious.HiswifePasulahassufferedamiscarriageand
hasyettorecoverherhealth.ThefirstgiftinthestoryisachairBiyarihadhoped
togivetohisunbornchild.Probablyhemadethechairfromscratch,acceptingthe
giftofnatureandcreativelyshapingitintoanartefact.But,angryatBiyariforhis
inabilitytoprovide,Pasulathrowsthechairathim,almostbreakingoneofthelegs.
Biyariexplicitlyidentifiesthelegofthechairwiththelegoftheirunbornchild.This
isanapparentliterarypersonificationandmetaphor(thechairstandsforthechild),
buttoBiyarithereis amagicalconnection.Pasuladoesnot takemagicseriously
anymore,andthe hunter’s marginalityismostimmediatelyandpainfullyobvious
inhisrelationshipwithhiswife.Allhehastoofferisaffectionshewillnotaccept.
53 TopasTamapima,“TheLastHunter,”6.
54 Ibid.
568•DARRYLSTERK
Pasula’sverbaltreatmentofhimshowshowfraughttheconnubialgifteconomyhas
become.Sheissarcastic,andeventhreatensto leavehimunlesshegoeshunting,
sellssomemeattotheHakkaproprietor,andfixestheleakyceiling.However,she
continuestogivehimmaterialgifts,suchasasweetpotato(whichIliketothinkshe
hasgrownherself)forhimtoeatintheforest.
So,afterreceivingamessageinadream,Biyarisetsout.WhereasEsaiwouldhave
huntedinahuntingparty,Biyarigoesalone.Traditionally,thehuntertookwhatthe
forestgaveasagiftoftheancestors.ButthoughtheymaycommunicatewithBiyari
in a dream, the ancestors have fled the forest. What remains? Only the Christian
imageofEden,whichisironicallyprojectedupontheforest.Biyariandthenarrator
seepeopleintermsofnaturalfeatures,aliterarysuggestionthatpeoplecomefrom
nature.ToBiyari,Pasulais“likemapleleavesthatturnredinautumnandloseall
theircharm in winter.”55Tothenarrator, Biyari’sfaceislikean alpinelandscape
Biyari(alsospelledQobiaz)isakindofplant.Butthelandscapeitselfisnotexplicitly
personified.WhereasAuviniKadresengan’slandscapewasalive,TopasTamapima’s
is aestheticized, described as like “a painting.”56Whenthenarratorreachesat the
poetic he growsvague:“thebeautyof the forest isharmoniousandgreen”inthe
Balcom translation.57 More literally: “a green, harmonious integration,” quite an
abstractformulationcomparedwithAuviniKadresengan’svocalcalluses.58However,
thisunity,whichisalsodescribedas“allonegreenblur,”suggestsanorganicholism
thatresiststhe capitalistwillto chopupthe forestandextract theresources.59The
birds,whopaynoheedtohumanterritorialdivisions,oncetoldthehunterwhether
thehuntwouldsucceed,butnow,whenthebirdscry,itdoesnotsoundlikeamessage
fromtheancestors,orevenlikeasong:itsoundslike“atruckhorn.”60Development
isapparentlykillingtheforest,forthoughitretainsits“magic,”theforestisnolonger
asfertileasitoncewas.61Thehunter’sfailuretocatchanythingmeansthat“theforest
isshamed.”62Thisistheonlypersonificationofthelandscapeinthestory.
Biyari blames the forest’s shame on the Chinese government officials who
abstractandcalculatenature,asthefactoryownerdidBiyari.Biyarithinksthey:
shouldcomeandlistentothebirdsandbeastsandthewindandfallingleavesthey
shouldgotothevalleytoseethemagnificentcliffstheyshouldtakeofftheirshoes
andputtheirfeetinthewaterandwatchthefishswimmingintheunpollutedwater,
unafraid of people. They would unravel the enigma of the forest and, like sinners
55 Ibid.,9.
56 Ibid.,5.
57 Ibid.,9.
58 TopasTamapima,“Zuihoudelieren”[TheLastHunter],17.
59 Idem,“TheLastHunter,”16.
60 Ibid.,12.
61 Ibid.,16.
62 Ibid.,12.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•569
condemnedtohell,theywouldregrettheirpreviouslackofunderstandinginseeing
theforestasnothingbutasourceoftimber.63
“Asourceoftimber”intheoriginalChineseismoreliterally“thethicknessof
thelogs.”64Butthesenseissimilar:theofficialshaveonlythecrudestutilitarian
conceptoftheforestandareunabletoappreciateitqualitatively,asBiyaridoes.
TheForestryBureaumissestheforestforthetrees,butindigenouspeoplemaybe
contributingtotheproblem.Theforestryofficialsmayincludesomebrownskinned
Bununwhonowcalculatetheeconomicvalueoftheforest.Otherlocalpeoplemight
betoblameforaforestfireadecadebefore.Huntersclaimthatforestryofficialsset
thefirethemselvesafterextractingallthevaluabletrees.Itwouldbereassuringto
thinkthatthehuntersburnedtheforesttoforestallappropriation,butthefiremight
havebeenlitbyanindigenoustreepoacherorhunter,perhapsbyaccident.Biyari’s
illegal,extramarketuseofwoodinstovesandcampfiresmightalsocontributeto
deforestation.KarenThornberdiscussesthecomplexitiesofecological,socialand
economicvalueconflictsinthevillageintermsofecoambiguity.Idonotthinkthat
ecoambiguityislostonTopasTamapima,thoughitmaybeonBiyari.Puttingaside
foramomenttheissueofwhetherornotBiyarisharesThornber’senvironmental
concern,IwouldarguethatBiyari’svaluesarethoseoftheoldgifteconomy,and
thatthesevalueshaveanecologicalandsocialbenefit.
Biyariclaimsthathunters“knewlifeintheforestaccountedforhalfthelifeon
earth,mostofwhichwascloselyboundupwiththehunters,”indicatingawareness
of interdependency.65 Unfortunately, in a time of environmental scarcity, the
hunter’ssocialobligationsarehardtomeet,becauseifnaturedoesnotgive,how
canahunter?Biyari,walkingdownaslope,meetsanotherhunter,walkingup.This
isapotentialsharingsituation,amomentthatmightrestorearelationship.Butthe
wordsBiyari and Luka exchange areironic. “If itisn’t the great hunter…”says
Luka.66Biyari calls Luka theForest Chief in return, and reminds him that, “the
hunterwalking downhill should sharehis meat withthe hunter walking uphill,”
hopingtoshamehimintosharingwhenallLukahasisasquirrel,agiftforhisson.67
(ToLuka,asonisgiven,andifLukaisahunter,thenobviouslyBiyariisnotthelast
hunter.)BiyarieventhreatenstolayacurseuponLuka.Indeed,Biyariisthescion
ofafamilyofshamans.Shamanry,aremnantoftheoldmagicalworld,isnowjust
words.OnceBiyari’sgrandmother’scursecompelledfivehunterstodelivermeat
toherdoor–areminderthatfearwasasmuchanemotionofthegifteconomyas
gratitude – but now Luka does not take the threat seriously. When Luka finally
offerstoshare,Biyarihumiliateshimbyrefusingtoaccept.
63 Ibid.,16.
64 TopasTamapima,“Zuihoudelieren,”26.
65 Idem,“TheLastHunter,”9.
66 Ibid.,10.
67 Ibid.
570•DARRYLSTERK
Biyariimmediatelyregretshis cruelty toLuka,butit isreturnedtohimat the
endofthestorybyaforestpoliceman,adecommissionedsoldierfrommainland
Chinawhoappealsnottothehunter’scodebuttothelawofthelandtomakeBiyari
coughuptheprizeofhis catch, amuntjachewantstogiveto Pasula.What was
oncecommunionhasbeenreconceptualizedasstealing.Thepolicemansays,“The
governmenttakescareofyoupeoplesothatyoudon’thaveacare,”implyingthat
welfareis a freegift and Biyari is unableto take careof himself.68 Pathetically,
Biyariappeals forsympathy,explaining, “Ihad afight withmy wife.She looks
downonmeandlaughsbecauseIcan’tfindwork.”69Butthepolicemandoesnot
care,becausehehasnoneedforarelationshipwithBiyari.Hispositionmaynotbe
entirelysecure,ashefeelstheneedtoexplainwhyheneedstotaketheanimal–so
hecanreporttohissuperiors.EmphasizingBiyari’sagency,LiouLiangyareads
theexchangeasa“bribe.”70KarenThornberthinksthepoliceman“confiscates”the
muntjac,locatingBiyari’sagencynotintheexchangebutinhisdeterminationto
continuehunting(ofwhichshedisapproves).71
While Biyari is standing there, the policeman points at a purchased piece of
porkhangingonahook,asifthecapitalistsupplyofmeatisthemostnaturalthing
intheworld.IfBiyarihasmoneyforbetelandwine,itisplausibletoassumehe
has money for pork as well, but wanted to give Pasula something more potent,
something wild – something from outside the commodity economy. Indeed, he
hopes,byfeedingherfreshmuntjacmeat,to“putsomemeatbackonherbones.”72
ToKarenThornber,Biyariishuntingforpersonalreasons,butitseemstomethat,
likeLuka,heishuntingbothtoupholdhisdignityandforanother’ssake.ForBiyari
andLuka,culturalandpersonalvaluesareinextricable.Pasulaismoremodernthan
her husband and would probably prefer to purchase industrially produced meat
(thoughBiyaridoesrecallhowfondsheisofwildgoatintestines).Herultimatum
–thathemustsellthepreyorshewillleave–isademandforBiyaritoturnthegift
ofnatureintoacommodity.InatraditionalMaussiangifteconomy,economicand
symbolicorsocialvalueswereintertwined.In“TheLastHunter,”inwhichthere
arestateregulatedcommodityandgifteconomies,thereisadivisiveandcomplex
clashofvaluesoverthefateofamuntjac.
Huntinghadbeenseverelyrestrictedbeforethe1980s,butitwasnotuntilaround
thetimeof“TheLastHunter”thatitbecameacauseforindigenousintellectuals.
TheradicalindigenousjournalHunterCulture(Lierenwenhua人文化),published
on the 27th of the month from 1990 to 1992 (to commemorate Mona Rudao’s
68 Ibid.,19.
69 Ibid.
70 LiouLiangya,“AutoethnographicExpressionandCulturalTranslationinTianYage[Topas
Tamapima]’sShortStories,”814.
71 Karen Laura Thornber, Ecoambiguity: Environmental Crises and East Asian Literatures,
134.
72 TopasTamapima,“TheLastHunter,”17.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•571
resistanceagainst the Japanese in1930) used the hunter as a symbol to express
hostilitytomodernity.Ifindigenouspeoplehavebeensellingthefruitsoftheforest
for over three hundred years, the claim that they have been resisting modernity
isproblematic.But resistanceto modern lifeis notallor nothingBiyari ridesa
motorcycle,evenifhetriestoevadestatecontrolofatraditionalculturalpractice.
Inthe late 1980s,the returnmy land(huanwo tudi 還我土地)movement tookto
thestreets,demandingsovereignty.Clearly,“TheLastHunter”raisestheissueof
indigenous use of traditional hunting grounds under the control of the Forestry
Bureau.However,published inearly1987,this storydoesnotseem toarticulate
ademandforsovereignty,thoughitappearsto beacritique of developmentand
governance (as well as a Bunun selfcritique). The final story, Badai’s “Ginger
Road,” addresses the opposite issue to state interference – state neglect – while
greatlyenlargingtheeconomiccontextofindigenouslives.
3.TheReturnedGiftinBadai’s“GingerRoad”
Badaiwasbornin1962inthePuyumavillageofDamalagaw,locatedwestofTai
tungCityinsoutheasternTaiwan,atthefootof themountains.He servedinthe
SpecialForcesforovertwodecadesbeforeputtingdownthe gunandpickingup
thepen.Publishedin1987,theyeartheMartialLawwaslifted,“TheLastHunter”
emphasizedthestatesocietyproblem.Publishedin2000,threeyearsaftertheAsian
FinancialCrisis,Badai’s“GingerRoad”placescharactersinamuchlargereconomic
contextthantheycanpossiblycomprehend.Asin“TheLastHunter,”thecharactersin
“GingerRoad”arechallengedtobalancethevaluesofgiftandcommodityeconomy.
But Badai’s characters are not as marginal as Biyari. They have possessions and
occupations.Theyhavecapital,anintactcommunitythatrelateswithdignitytoHan
Chineseoutsiders,andenoughcashtobuycommoditiestogiveasgifts.
AnagingfarmernamedLuben,towhomHeavenhasgivenastrongbody,grows
gingerinapreternaturallyfertilefieldontheothersideofthemountain.Whereas
Biyarirodetohishuntinggroundalonganindustrialroad,Lubencanonlyaccess
hisfieldbythegingerroad,afootpaththatthecommunityhastomaintainitself.
Lubenownslandonthissideofthemountain,butthefertilegingerpatchbelongs
tohisbrotherinlaw,who has givenLubencultivation rightsinexchange for 30
daysofserviceayear.Thissoundslikeapremodernlandtenurearrangement,but
thepartiestotheexchangemightseeitasagiftexchange.Thoughthatis all we
learnaboutthebrotherinlaw,itseems unlikelythathisrelationshipwith Luben
isa purelycontractual relation.Atany rate,it isclear thatLuben is acapitalist,
thegingerfieldhiscapital,andgingerhiscommodity.Biyari’smoralrighttohis
huntinggroundwasrecognizedonlybyfellowaboriginesLuben’scontractualright
toploughwouldreceivelegalprotection.Biyari’shuntingwasatraditionalpractice,
whileLuben’sancestorswouldnot havecultivated gingerforthe market.Biyari
wantedtoprovehimselfto othermenandtohis wifebyhunting,whileLuben’s
headisfullofabstractionsthatallowhimtomakethemostofhiscapital.Hehas
572•DARRYLSTERK
quantifiedtheland,justas theChineseofficialsquantifiedtheland in“TheLast
Hunter.”Moreover,heaccountsfortherateshisbosssaysthefactory(presumably
aproduceprocessingfactory)willpaycommunitymemberstoharvestandhaulthe
gingerthe3kilometresfromthefieldbackalongthegingerroad.
However, this utilitarian mentality coexists with a warmhearted, moral
consciousness.ThegingerroadandpatcharetheobjectsofLuben’saffections.Though
Lubenisfeelinghisage,hecouldnotbeartopartwiththefield.Ithasbeensomany
years!Heisveryproudofwhathiseldestson,themostadventurousofhischildren
–whoisplanningtogowesttoexploretheprofessionalpossibilitiesforuntrained
indigenousmen–describedasthePuyumaSilkRoad.Asin“TheLastHunter,”there
isnolongeranysenseofliving,personalpresencesinnature.UnlikeBiyari,Luben
isnotevengrantedasigninadream.ButLuben’smeaningful,emotionalattachment
makesthelandmuchmorethancapital.Badaisuggeststheexperienceofatripalong
thegingerroadpoetically:theswitchbacksmake itlooklikea“beautifulhundred
pacer snake.”73 A hundredpacer snake is also deadly, but the whole landscape is
burstingwithlife.TherehasbeennodeclineinnatureinthehillsaboveDamalagaw!
Eachrhizomegrowinginthegingerpatch“lookedlikeagiant’shand.”74Theginger
isnomerecommodity,butlikealimbofalivingbeingwhogivespartsofHimself
tothepeople.Thisistheonlypersonificationofthelandscapeinthisstory.Though
Badai,likeTopasTamapima,aestheticizesthelandbydescribingitas“awatercolour
painting,” through metaphors the painting comes to life, with people in it.75 The
narratorconveysnotjustasenseofthelivinglandscape,butalsoacreaturelysenseof
communityascouplesmakedirtyjokesthatgoovertheheadsofthekids.Thetoneis
distinctlyinformal,incontrasttothesacredspeechin“EternalKabalhivane”orthe
sarcasmof“TheLastHunter.”Butitisverysocial.Theeconomicrelationsbetween
thesefolkshavenotseveredanycommunalconnections.
ThemostinterestingconnectioninthestoryisbetweenLubenandNi’en(‘neck’
inPuyuma),alocalHanChinesefarmerwhomarketsproduceforaboriginalfarmers
likeLuben.WithinChinesesociety,Neckismarginal.Hehasfoundhisplaceinthe
nationaleconomicanatomyasamiddlemanconnectingaboriginestothemarket.
Hehasamentalityfinetunedtoacommodityeconomy:
…somepeopleinthevillageregardedhimasalittlestingy.Helikedtoshortchange
peopleandwouldhaggleoverafewcents.Buttherewasnowinningbecausehewas
theonlyoutsidertohandlethesaleofthevillagecropsandofferthemoddjobs.76
ThisdescriptionmakesNeckseemlikeastereotype,liketheunnamedshopkeeper
in“TheLastHunter.”AnditseemstoLubenthatNeckwillalwaysgetthebetter
73 Badai,“GingerRoad,”34.
74 Ibid.,31.
75 Ibid.,26.
76 Ibid.,28.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•573
ofhimbytakingadvantageofhismonopolyposition.ButBadai’scharacterization
ofNeckisnotsosimplistic.TherelationshipbetweenLubenandNeckisnotjust
functional:giftexchangefleshesoutafriendship,producinganeconomichybrid
reminiscent of Mauss’s gift economy. Neck uses Luben’s language, Puyuma, to
greet him, and offers to buy him lunch. Neck asks, “Will you let me take your
gingeroffyourhandsthisyear?”–makingLubenarequest,notabusinessoffer.77
Andheofferstopayforlunchforthewholecrewthefollowingday.Thereisan
added,psychologicalinterestinthescene,becauseNeck’sgenerositycausesLuben
discomfort.Assuming thatLubenmight wantmoremoney,oneof Neck’swives
(yes,Neckhas twowives,suggesting thegreed of theHan Chinesemiddleman)
offers a bit extra, only to meet with Luben’s “insulted and peeved” refusal.78
Literally,the“oldbig(man)”(laoda大)inLuben’sheartisunhappy.79ForLuben,
asforhishunterancestors,givingothersthesenseofone’sendlessabundanceisthe
substanceofaman’shonour.Withhiscapitalist’sscarcityconsciousness,Neckhas
noqualmsabouthagglingLubenfeelshagglingisbeneathhimbutisinfactjustas
muchapennypincherashispatron.
However,thestorywouldremainacharming,keenlyobservedworkofecorealist
fictionwitharuralpalateoflocalcolour, ifitwerenotforthewildgoatcapture,
inwhichthemostcompellingofalltheFormosanliteraryhunter’sgiftsisgiven.
The episode lifts both Neck and Luben out of the sphere of petty selfinterested
calculationinamarketorhonoureconomy.Forthoughheissemispecialized(asa
cultivatorwhodoesoddjobsoffseason),Lubenisnotexclusivelyagingerfarmer
orhandyman.Hestillgoeshunting“withhisfellowvillagers.”80Partoftheprofit
from the ginger crop is for bullets for Luben’s gun. One afternoon at the ginger
patch,duringa momentofdaydreaming,Luben recallstrappingawildgoat live,
thoughhisexperienceoutinhishuntinggroundisagapinthetext,eitherbecause
huntingisnowillegalorbecauseitisnowsuchasmallpartofhislife.Lubenalso
remembershowthrilledNeckwastohearaboutthecapture,becausefreshwildgoat
bloodmightbethesolutiontohisproblem.ForNeckisamiddleagedmanwithtwo
wivesandabeliefinthevitalpowerofblood.Thereisthusaremnantofmagical
thinkinginthisstory,asin“TheLastHunter.”Atthemomentofslaughter,Neck
…cametoaskLubentosell him a bowl of the blood. Luben,ofcourse,knewwhy
he wanted it but said nothing. He mixed the blood with onion flowers, medicinal
herbs,andwineandgaveitto[Neck]freeofcharge.Butthefollowingdayhistwo
wivescameupthemountainand,whentheycametoLuben’sdoor,theyblushedand
presentedhimwithsomefruit.81
77 Ibid.,26.
78 Ibid.,27.
79 Badai,“Jianglu”[GingerRoad],102.
80 Idem,“GingerRoad,”27.
81 Ibid.,36.
574•DARRYLSTERK
Intheoriginal,Luben does notgiveitto Neck“freeofcharge,”whichwould
merelyrejectNeck’sinterpretationoftheexchangeasacommoditytransaction.He
literally“cutsawaywhatheloves”(geai割愛),acommonverbobjectcompound
inMandarinthat concealsan oldermeaningin whichgenerosity hurts,inwhich
youcutawaypartofyourselfwhenyougive.82Thepainofgivingapartofoneself
recallsanotherflashbackinwhichLubenremembersgettingverysickandgoingto
thehospitalandhavinghisbloodtaken.83SeeingthatBiyariidentifiedthelegofthe
chairhemadeforhissonwithhisson’sleg,wemightidentifythebloodLubengave
atthehospitalwiththebloodthegoatgivestoLubenandwhichLubeninturngives
toNeck.IfweseegoatandLubenasseparatecreatures,theidentificationismerely
metaphorical:thegoat’sbloodissimplysimilartoLuben’sblood.If,however,we
seegoatandman aspartsofa largerbeing,forwhicheach isasynecdoche, the
identificationisliteral,andLubenreallygivesapartofhimself,whichisalsoapart
ofthegoatandthegiantwholivesinthehillsaboveDamalagaw,toNeck.There
is“aconstantexchangeofaspiritual matter,includingthingsandmen,”without
alienation.84 Of course, the episode is also a joke at Neck’s expense, because if
Neck wants the blood to restore his sexual vigour his manliness is therefore in
doubt.Butthetoneofthesceneisserious.Thegiftprobablydoesnotfollowfrom
thedictatesofthehunter’scode,inthatLubenisnotobligatedtosharewithNeck
specifically.Itisdiscretionarysharing.Buthismemory’semotionalforce,intimate
andterrifying,derivesfromaprimitivehuntingrite.
Thenthereisthereturngiftoffruit.FruitisatypicalTaiwanesegift.InTaitung
fruitboxesaresoldatroadsidestands.Butthisgiftoffruitisnotpurchased.Noris
itpickedwildfromnature.ItispickedfromacultivatedfruittreeinNeck’sown
orchard.Neckfarmsfruittosellasacommodity,butinthiscasehiswivesmake
agiftofit.Thewivesmustfeelembarrassedinseveralways,atbeingobligedto
Luben and at their domestic relations being publicized. But there is a bloom of
sincerityonthisfruit.ThepoignancyofthegiftstemsfromthefactthatLuben’s
teenageson had stolen fruit from Neck’sorchard in anact of resistance against
someonewho exploits hisfather.The giftof fruit seems to forgive thischildish
transgression against private property. It also returns the gift of the generative
spiritualsubstanceofnaturein adifferentform–fruitforblood –allowingitto
flowandsomehowatoningforappropriation.
However,totheextenttherelationshipbetweentwominoroperatorsinalocal
gifteconomyishumanizedandecologized,thelargersystemisnot.Thenarrator
setsthedramaofthegingerpatchinasmallcornerofthestageofglobalfinance.
NeartheendofthestoryLuben’steenagesonflipsthroughthefinancialnewsby
thesideoftheGingerRoad:
82 Badai,“Jianglu,”116.
83 Idem,“GingerRoad,”36.
84 MarcelMauss,TheGift:Theformandreasonforexchangeinarchaicsocieties,18.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•575
…tradingonthestockmarketwashot.Atmidsessionthemarketwasat11thousand
and by the close of trading it was up another 235 points. 1.5 million shares were
traded,delightinginvestors.”
Hedidn’tunderstandaword.Bored,heflippedtothebackpageandread:
“…inhightech,Forbeslistedfournewtycoonswithanaverageageof36…with
respectivefortunesof$25billion,$22billion…”
“With so much money, how many bikes could they buy?” he asked himself,
puzzled.
…Howcouldhe,livinginamountainous[sic]villagewheretheyslavedplanting
gingerandcarryingbasketsforayear’sincomefarfromthemodernworld,understand
thatariseofacoupleofpointsinthestockmarketmeantpocketsofcash?Hedidn’t
understand. His father didn’t understand. The men and women workers who were
planningondrinking,chattingandsingingthatnightdidn’tunderstandeither.
Abirdreturningtoitsroostflewoverhishead.Ablotofdroppingsfell,punctuating
theendofthesectionofnewspaper.85
The bird seems to have a comment to make about the orgy of capitalist
accumulation.Thereisalsoasuggestionofcommodityfetishisminthispassage,
reminiscent of Taussig’s analysis of The New York Times.86 Especially in the
original Chinese: Balcom’s “the market was at 11 thousand” is more literally
that the stock market index on which the article is reporting “intraday (trading)
at one point stood above 11 thousand points” (panzhong yidu zhanshang yiwan
yiqiandian盤中一站上一萬一千點),asifthestockmarketindexisamountain
climberBalcom’s“inhightech”isliterally“showgratitudeforthebountyofthe
technologyindustry”(baikeji chanyezhi ci拜科技產業之賜),as ifthe investors
arevassals,thetechnologyindustryafeudal lord.87Commodityfetishisminvests
merecommodities,orabstractionscalculatedbasedoncommodities,withagency
whileconcealingproducerslikeLuben.Inthedepersonalizinglogicofthesystem
ofglobalfinance,economic andmoraleconomiesare completely separated.The
narratorunderstandsthelargersystem’slogic,andcaresaboutthecharacters.Luben
probablydoesnotunderstand,buthealsoshowsconcernfordistantstrangers,in
thathe wonders whetherthe long journeys of the ancient silkroad traders were
anythinglikehistreksalongthePuyumasilkroad.Totheinvestors,bycontrast,it
isallaboutthenumbers.
AsIhaveshown,asaneconomicallymarginalfarmer,Lubenalsoworriesabout
thenumbers.Healsohastopinchhispenniesasafatherandhusband.Hehasto
givegifts, tokens of affection(but also status symbols),to his family members,
andthese gifts costquite alot ofmoney.The gingerissold byunit weight,and
ratherthanreturntheyieldtothefield,Lubenuseshisprofitstobuymanufactured
85 Badai,“GingerRoud,”40.
86 MichaelTaussig,TheDevilandCommodityFetishisminSouthAmerica,30–31.
87 Badai,“Jianglu,”123.
576•DARRYLSTERK
commodities, the production of which he knows nothing, to give as gifts. His
teenagesonwantsa2,000NTDbike,almostatenthoftheannualincomefromthe
gingerplot.Hiswifewantsa sewingmachine.SomehowintheendLuben finds
awaytosatisfybothofthem.Thoughthebikeandcertainlythesewingmachine
mightserveascapital,theseinvestmentsturnouttobetoorisky.Forthismaybe
Luben’slastseasongrowingginger,andnotbecauseheisgettingold.TheGinger
Road,whichopenedopportunitiesforLuben’scommunitybutalsoopeneditupto
thealienatingglobaleconomy,getswashedoutthefollowingJuly.IfNeckwillnot
helphimrepairtheroad,thelocalgifteconomywillcollapse,andLubenmayhave
togotoworkinafactory.
Conclusion
Inherarticleon SymanRapongan,anotherprominentTaiwanindigenous writer,
ChiuKueifenwrites,“[a]sanactiveaffirmationandcriticalselection,inheritance
isanattempttoavoidaforeclosureofthepossibilityoffuture–inthiscase,the
dominationofcertainprescribednarrativesinenvisagingthefutureofTaiwan.”88
Thus,modernaboriginescancriticallyselectfromtraditiontoquestionprescribed
narrativesandproposetheirownvisions.Chiustudiedthenarrativeofindigeneity,
inwhichTaiwanesepeopleidentifywithaboriginestodistinguishthemselvesfrom
theChinese.ThethreeauthorsIhavediscussedaddressanothernarrative:Taiwan’s
transformationunder anauthoritarian statefrom thirdworld pauperto hightech
powerhouse.Byendingtheirstoriesinlamentation,grimdeterminationandirony,
in a social or ecological loss – Esai loses his life, Biyari a muntjac, Badai the
gingerroad–theyshowusthattheTaiwaneconomic“miracle”isamystification,
andthatbeneaththestoryofpostwarProgressisasubtextofscarcity,controland
alienation.
Butalthoughinendingtheirstoriestragically,theytakesomethingawayfrom
thereader,theyoffersomethinginreturn:thehunter’sgift,which,Ihaveargued,
“personifie[s]anabstraction.”89Thisabstractioncouldbedescribedassocialand
ecologicalintegration.Ibeganbyclaimingthatthesethreeauthorsdramatizevalue
conflictsinexchangestoworkoutmixedfeelingsaboutmodernity.Mydiscussion
suggests that they also redirect their misgivings into a productive critique of
modernity.Theyrevealinwhatrespectsthestateisfallingshort.Theyalsoallow
us to see – and hear – the factory workers, farmers, hunters, animals, and even
forestsinthecommoditiesweconsume.Indoingso,theyturnobjectsofdesirein
theshopwindoworthesupermarketbackintoMaussiangiftsandtherebyhelpus
overcomeconsumeralienation,atleastinourimaginations.Inthisway,theirtragic
talespartakeof“a‘comic’archetypeora‘romanceparadigm’”aboutanalternative
88 Chiu Kueifen, “The Production of Indigeneity: Contemporary Indigenous Literature in
TaiwanandTransculturalInheritance,”1085.
89 MarcelMauss,TheGift:Theformandreasonforexchangeinarchaicsocieties,55.
TheHunter’sGiftinEcorealistIndigenousFictionfromTaiwan
•577
narrativeof Progress.90Fredric Jameson claimedthat onlyMarxism could, “like
Tiresiasdrinkingtheblood,”personifythemysteryoftheculturalpastandawaken
utopiandesire.91PerhapsinsippingfromLuben’sbowlofwildgoatblood,wecan
trytodigestadifferentculturaltradition,inordertomakeliberalcapitalismmore
socialandsustainable,forthebenefitbothofpeopleandofthings.
Afterword:TheSustainabilityoftheBushmeatTrade
Inhis monograph on thehistory of the representation of hunting, Matt Cartmill
claimsthat,“[t]heimportanceofhuntingliesinitssymbolism,notitseconomics.”92
In this article I have followed Cartmill and explored the symbolism of hunting.
But for many indigenous hunters in Taiwan, hunting is an economic endeavor.
Unfortunately, they sometimes end up “hunting the forest’s most endangered
animals.”93Today,theblackbearisendangered,thesambardeerthreatened.94The
muntjacis“highlyexploited”accordingtotheIUCNRedList.95Mining,tourism,
andBuddhist bird releasesalso havean impacton animalpopulations.96But the
sustainabilityofhuntingremainsanissue.
In addressing this issue, we cannot assume that the hunter is a rational, self
interested,individualsubjectwhomaximizesutility.Hunting,evenforthemarket,
remains a cultural practice with symbolic and social values. Scott Simon has
clarified by email how “gift and commodity logics coexist,” in that gizzards
maybepublicallygiventocertainmembersofthecommunity,andtherestofthe
meatsold.Thiscoexistenceoflogicsshowshowcapitalismissocializedinactual
indigenouscommunities.
Weshouldalsorealizethatindigenousculturalpracticesareselfregulatory.In
astudyoftheRukai,theconservation ecologist KurtisPeiarguesthattraditional
culturalrestrictionshelpmakehunting,even forthebushmeattrade,sustainable.
Huntersharvestanimalsthatreproducerapidly,inthecoldermonths,andinhunting
groundsclose tohuman civilization. Peialso notescustoms likebird anddream
divination. This is not, of course, to say that traditional practice is an adequate
responsetoenvironmentalissues.Culturehastorespondtocurrentconcerns,and
huntersmustconferwithexperts,includingconservationecologists.Biyaricannot
assume that ecologists do not understand the forest just because they number
crunch it. An aversion to numbers, coupled with a cornucopian attitudetoward
90 FredricJameson,ThePoliticalUnconscious:NarrativeasaSociallySymbolicAct,103.
91 Ibid.,19.
92 MattCartmill,AViewtoaDeathintheMorning:HuntingandNaturethroughHistory,28.
93KarenLauraThornber,Ecoambiguity:EnvironmentalCrisesandEastAsianLiteratures,135.
94 KurtisPei,“HuntingSystemoftheRukaiTribeinTaiwan,RepublicofChina,”2.
95 H.Leasoretal.,Muntiacusreevesi.
96 Karen Laura Thornber, Ecoambiguity: Environmental Crises and East Asian Literatures,
140–45.
578•DARRYLSTERK
naturethatledindigenousbuffalohunterstoindulgein“ariotousorgyofkilling,”
isdangerous.97
Indigenoushuntersshouldalsoconferwithlegalexperts.ThelegalscholarCarol
RosearguesthatNativeAmericantraditionscaninformenvironmentalmanagement
practices for hunting specifically and the environment in general. The Rule of
Captureincommonlawgivesahunterownershipoverananimal,whileRosetakes
seriouslytheNativeAmericannotionthataresourcelikeanimalsintheforestcan
beconceivedofasagift,aslongasthisreconceptionisnotusedasanexcusefor
abuse.Weparcelupthelandintoalienableparts,whileRosesuggeststraditional
NativeAmericantemporary land sharing arrangementscan reinvent the concept
ofproperty.Shedisputesthenotionofaninevitabletragedyofthecommons,and
pointsouttheproblemsthattheideologyofexclusiveownershiphascaused.
Rosealsosuggestsaroleforindigenouswriterstoplay.ForRose,poetrymatters
to practice, in the sense of having material effects. She implies that capitalist
appropriation depends on metaphors “of the garden and the zoo.”98 These are
settingsfora“tameandplacidproperty”thatturnsoutnottobesotame,because
“arealtreewilltalkback,eveninagarden.”99Shecallsforanacknowledgement
ofthe wildstreak inproperty byusing (rather Tarzanesque)metaphors like“the
untrammelled,leapingmountainlion,”notingthattothehunters,whodidnotassert
propertyrights,thewildernesswastame.100
ThethreeindigenouswritersIhavediscussedofferthemetaphorofthehunter’s
gift,whichtheyinvestwithasymbolismofintegrationandsetinecorealiststories
thatcontextualize apparently alienable things. In this way,they contributeto an
ethicof“economy”–literally,‘homemanagement’–thathonoursnatureasour
largesthomeandthegreatestgiverofgifts.
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