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MINI REVIEW
published: 07 January 2016
doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01987
Edited by:
Tifei Yuan,
Nanjing Normal University, China
Reviewed by:
Belinda Pletzer,
University of Salzburg, Austria
Brenda R. J. Jansen,
University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
*Correspondence:
Emma Carey
ec475@cam.ac.uk;
Dénes Szûcs
ds377@cam.ac.uk
Specialty section:
This article was submitted to
Cognition,
a section of the journal
Frontiers in Psychology
Received: 25 July 2015
Accepted: 12 December 2015
Published: 07 January 2016
Citation:
Carey E, Hill F, Devine A and Szücs D
(2016) The Chicken or the Egg?
The Direction of the Relationship
Between Mathematics Anxiety
and Mathematics Performance.
Front. Psychol. 6:1987.
doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01987
The Chicken or the Egg? The
Direction of the Relationship
Between Mathematics Anxiety and
Mathematics Performance
Emma Carey*, Francesca Hill, Amy Devine and Dénes Szücs*
Centre for Neuroscience in Education, Department of Psychology, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
This review considers the two possible causal directions between mathematics anxiety
(MA) and poor mathematics performance. Either poor maths performance may elicit
MA (referred to as the Deficit Theory), or MA may reduce future maths performance
(referred to as the Debilitating Anxiety Model). The evidence is in conflict: the Deficit
Theory is supported by longitudinal studies and studies of children with mathematical
learning disabilities, but the Debilitating Anxiety Model is supported by research which
manipulates anxiety levels and observes a change in mathematics performance. It
is suggested that this mixture of evidence might indicate a bidirectional relationship
between MA and mathematics performance (the Reciprocal Theory), in which MA and
mathematics performance can influence one another in a vicious cycle.
Keywords: mathematics anxiety, mathematics performance, debilitating anxiety, deficit theory, cognitive
interference, working memory, educational psychology
INTRODUCTION
A pertinent question in mathematics anxiety (MA) research is whether MA causes poor maths
performance, or whether poor maths performance elicits MA. This paper will review the extant
literature to consider the possible models, and to provide greater insight into the nature of the
MA-maths performance relationship.
Mathematics anxiety can be defined as a state of discomfort around the performance of
mathematical tasks (Ma and Xu, 2004), and is generally measured using self-report trait anxiety
questionnaires. There is broad consensus that MA is linked to poorer maths performance, with
studies typically observing small to moderate negative correlations (Ashcraft and Krause, 2007;
Devine et al., 2012;Zakaria et al., 2012;Jansen et al., 2013). For example, two meta-analyses found
correlations of −0.27 and −0.34 between MA and maths performance (Hembree, 1990;Ma, 1999).
Similar correlations have long been observed in non-maths specific anxiety, for example, between
test anxiety and performance (Mandler and Sarason, 1952).
However, studies attempting to elucidate the direction of the MA-maths performance link are
in conflict (Devine et al., 2012) and there is a paucity of longitudinal studies on the subject.
Furthermore, the question is not trivial, since it should feed directly into educational policy. Beilock
and Willingham (2014, p. 29) note that some believe “math(s) anxiety is just another name for ‘bad
at math(s);”’ if policy-makers share this belief, to reduce students’ MA, effort and money will be
targeted at courses to improve their maths. If the relationship is in fact in the other direction, such
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Carey et al. Mathematics Anxiety and Mathematics Performance
efforts are likely to be ineffective and it would be better to focus
on alleviating MA to improve maths performance (Beilock and
Willingham, 2014). On the other hand, if poor performance
causesMA,itispossiblethatalternative teaching methods could
mitigate this.
Knowing the direction of the MA-maths performance
relationship has further implications for education and
psychology research. For example, if poor performance is
seen to increase MA, computer-adaptive programs may offer a
way to ensure that students do not experience excessive failure
in their maths learning, by adjusting the difficulty level to an
individual student’s ability (as in Jansen et al., 2013). On the
other hand, if MA reduces maths performance, further research
is required into remediation of MA, particularly methods which
may be undertaken in the maths classroom. For example, writing
about emotions prior to a maths test has been seen to increase
performance in those with high MA (Park et al., 2014).
The anxiety-performance link has two possible causal
directions, which have been extended into the specific field of
MA (Hembree, 1990). The first of these directions is encapsulated
by the Deficit Theory, which claims that poor performance, for
example in tests or maths, leads to higher anxiety about that
situation in the future (Tobias, 1986). Proponents of the Deficit
Theory believe that prior maths performance deficits lead to
memories of poor maths performance, generating MA (Hembree,
1990).
The second causal direction is that anxiety reduces
performance by affecting the pre-processing, processing,
and retrieval of information (Wine, 1971;Tobias and Deutsch,
1980;Tobias, 1986), henceforth referred to as the Debilitating
Anxiety Model. Prior to information processing, MA may
influence learning by disposing individuals to avoid maths-
related situations (Hembree, 1990;Chinn, 2009). Later, at the
stages of processing and recall, MA may influence performance
by cognitive interference. For example, MA may tax working
memory resources, which are vital for the processing and
retrieval of mathematical facts and methods (Ashcraft and
Kirk, 2001;Ashcraft and Krause, 2007;Krinzinger et al., 2009).
Indeed, research indicates that positive emotions enhance
learning by increasing the persistence, strategy and recruitment
of cognitive resources (Pekrun et al., 2002;Sabourin and Lester,
2014;Verkijika and De Wet, 2015) and that negative emotions,
including anxiety, do the opposite (Meyer and Turner, 2006;
Sabourin and Lester, 2014;Verkijika and De Wet, 2015). The
multitude of studies indicating that emotions have an effect on
general achievement supports the application of this theory to
MA more specifically.
It is important to notethat regardless of causal direction, other
factors may well mediate or moderate the relationship between
anxiety and performance. For example, academic self-concept
has been identified as a factor related to academic performance
(as in Guay et al., 2003), and low maths self-concept is related
to MA (Ahmed et al., 2012). This mini-review focuses only on
the direction of the relationship between MA and performance,
rather than its many possible mediators and moderators.
Additionally, since deficit and debilitating anxiety theories
may be applied to anxiety outside of the field of maths, we
sometimes examine research into anxiety more generally. Whilst
this forms a theoretical basis for deficit- and debilitating anxiety-
based models, it is possible that MA and maths performance have
a different causal relationship than do other forms of anxiety.
Researchers have identified certain key beliefs held about maths
(see Theoretical Review in Jackson, 2008 for a summary), which
could moderate causal relationships, making MA different in
nature from other forms of anxiety. Thus we focus on research
on MA specifically, using research into other anxiety types only
where similar research on MA is unavailable but may be useful to
carry out.
THE DEFICIT THEORY
Evidence revealing that children with mathematical learning
disabilities are often found to have disproportionately high
levels of MA, provides support for the Deficit Theory. It is
likely that, in at least some cases, having especially poor maths
performance in early childhood could elicit MA. In Italian fourth
graders and Canadian 7–13 year-olds, those with mathematical
learning disabilities display higher levels of MA than typically
developing children (Rubinsten and Tannock, 2010;Passolunghi,
2011). However, whilst these studies of developmental dyscalculia
and mathematical learning disabilities indicate that specific
cases of MA are related to poor performance, with only 1–
6% of the population suffering from developmental dyscalculia
(Devine et al., 2013), such findings cannot straightforwardly
be generalized to the typically developing child. It should also
be noted that cognitive resources are not the only possible
deficit which could cause poor maths performance and MA.
For example, self-regulation deficits have been associated both
with MA (Jain and Dowson, 2009;Kramarski et al., 2010)and
decreased maths performance (Lee et al., 2014).
Longitudinal studies of typically developing children and
adolescents also provide support for the Deficit Theory. One of
few longitudinal studies in this area looked at adolescents in
the United States, and found significant correlations (−0.11 to
−0.2) between a student’s academic performance in one year
and their MA in the following year (Ma and Xu, 2004).
These correlations were stronger than those found between a
student’s MA in one year and their academic performance in
the following year, indicating that maths performance may cause
MA, thus providing support for the Deficit Theory. Nevertheless,
these results should be taken with caution. The mechanisms
of influence proposed by the Debilitating Anxiety Model,
particularly cognitive interference, may be more immediate than
from one academic year to the next, since the effect of anxiety on
recall would cause a fairly immediate performance decrement in
those with high MA. If the Debilitating Anxiety Model were in
operation, the effect of MA on performance may not be visible
in MA-performance correlations from one year to the next. Thus
whilst this research supports the idea that low maths performance
may cause anxiety, it says nothing about whether there is also a
relationship in the other direction.
In further support of the Deficit Theory, additional
longitudinal research into MA in early adolescence similarly
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Carey et al. Mathematics Anxiety and Mathematics Performance
found that one year’s perceived maths ability was moderately
correlated with the following year’s MA (Meece et al., 1990).
However, MA was only measured in the second year of the
2-year study, and again MA and the same year’s performance
were not compared, making comparison between the Deficit and
Debilitating Anxiety models unfeasible.
Some researchers have suggested that MA in adults may result
from a deficit in basic numerical processing, which would be
more in line with the Deficit Theory. For instance, Maloney
et al. (2010, 2011) have revealed that adults with high MA
have numerical processing deficits compared to adults with low
MA. The authors tentatively stated that the findings from these
studies indicate that “MA may result from a basic low-level deficit
in numerical processing that compromises the development of
higher level mathematical skills” (Maloney et al., 2011, p. 14).
However, as these studies did not follow the developmental
trajectory of MA or the acquisition of mathematics skills in their
participants, the authors could not determine the direction of the
MA-maths performance relationship. Importantly, these results
do not preclude the possibility that highly maths anxious adults’
basic numerical abilities were impaired because they have avoided
mathematical tasks throughout their education and in adulthood
due to their high levels of MA, which would be more consistent
with the Debilitating Anxiety Model.
Genetic studies may help to elucidate whether maths
performance deficits do in fact emerge first and cause MA to
develop. One such study suggests that 9% of total variance in MA
stems from genes related to general anxiety, and 12% from genes
related to maths cognition (Wang et al., 2014). This may indicate
that for some, MA is caused by a genetic predisposition to deficits
in maths cognition. However, it does not preclude the possibility
that the relationship between MA and performance is reciprocal.
It may be useful to study those individuals who experience MA
but do not have the genes associated with maths performance
deficits, in order to see whether performance deficits can emerge
from MA alone.
THE DEBILITATING ANXIETY MODEL
Many alternative studies across childhood, adolescence, and
adulthood provide support for the Debilitating Anxiety Model,
suggesting that MA can impact performance at the stages of
pre-processing, processing and retrieval of maths knowledge.
Hembree’s (1990) meta-analysis included evidence suggesting
that adolescents with MA may avoid maths-related situations,
pointing to the idea that MA is likely to exert an influence
on performance by reducing learning opportunities. Similarly,
Ashcraft and Faust (1994) found that adults with high MA
answered maths questions less accurately but more quickly than
those with lower levels, and Morsanyi et al. (2014) found that
MA was associated with decreased cognitive reflection during
mathematics word problems. Such data suggest that adults with
MA may avoid processing mathematical problems altogether
which could lead both to reduced maths learning and to lower
maths performance due to rushing. Further support comes from
the wealth of evidence indicating that adults with MA are
less likely to enroll on college or university courses involving
mathematics (for a review see Hembree, 1990). Even in young
children, task-avoidant behaviors have been found to reduce
maths performance (Hirvonen et al., 2012). Furthermore, recent
research suggests that anticipation of maths causes activation of
the neural ‘pain network’ in high MA individuals, which may help
to explain why high MA individuals are inclined to avoid maths
(Lyons and Beilock, 2012b). This strongly suggests that MA is
likely to influence adults’ maths outcomes at the pre-processing
level, providing support for the Debilitating Anxiety Model.
Additionally, there is evidence that MA impairs maths
performance during maths processing by taxing processing
resources. Eysenck and Calvo’s (1992) Processing Efficiency
Theory suggests that worry reduces working memory’s
processing and storage capacity, thus reducing performance.
Ashcraft and Kirk (2001) found a negative correlation between
college students’ MA levels and their working memory span.
Further, Ashcraft and Krause (2007) found an interaction
between adults’ MA and their performance on high and low
working-memory load maths problems, with high working-
memory load questions being more affected by MA. Thus, MA
appears to exert an effect on performance by compromising the
working-memory functions of those with high MA. It is also
possible that MA affects strategy selection, leading individuals
to choose simpler and less effective problem-solving strategies
and thus impairing their performance on questions with a
high working-memory load (Beilock and Decaro, 2007). This is
supported by evidence suggesting that those with high working-
memory, who usually use working-memory intensive strategies,
are more impaired under pressure than those who tend to use
simpler strategies (Beilock and Carr, 2005;Ramirez et al., 2013).
Experimental studies attempt to solve the problem of the
causal ordering of MA and maths deficits by manipulating MA
only and observing whether this has an impact on performance.
For example, it has been observed that engaging in free-writing
about emotions prior to a maths test, in order to alleviate
MA-related intrusive thoughts, increases performance (Park
and Ramirez, 2014). Furthermore, MA is observed to be less
linked to maths performance when maths tests are not timed,
indicating that anxiety resulting from time-pressure reduces
test performance (Faust et al., 1996). Both of these studies
provide support for the cognitive interference proposed within
the Debilitating Anxiety Model, since they highlight the negative
effects MA can have on maths test performance.
Stereotype threat studies manipulate anxiety levels in the
opposite direction, and also indicate that the Debilitating Anxiety
Model may best explain the causal ordering of the MA and maths
performance relationship. Stereotype threat is the situation in
which members of a group are, or feel themselves to be, at risk
of confirming a negative stereotype about their group. Under
stereotype threat, individuals are seen to perform more poorly
in a task than they do when not under this threat. It is posited
that this is due to anxiety elicited by the potential to confirm or
disconfirm a negative stereotype about one’s group (Steele and
Aronson, 1995;Schmader et al., 2008).
Whilst not all studies of children and adolescents demonstrate
the effect of stereotype threat on maths performance (see Ganley
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Carey et al. Mathematics Anxiety and Mathematics Performance
et al., 2013 for discussion), it appears that at least under some
conditions, certain populations show an effect from stereotype
threat based anxiety manipulations. For example, Galdi et al.
(2013) found that Italian 6–7 year-old girls showed a performance
decrement after completing a task to elicit stereotype threat
prior to their maths assessment. The effect of increasing anxiety
by stereotype threat can be seen in adults as well as children.
For example, it has been observed that presenting women with
a female role model who doubted her maths ability reduced
their performance in maths problems compared with a control
group who were presented with a non-doubtful female role
model (Marx et al., 2013). This finding has been supported by
other studies in adults (Spencer et al., 1999;Schmader, 2002;
Gerstenberg et al., 2012;Seitchik et al., 2012). Deficits seen in
women under maths stereotype threat appear to be mediated by
a working-memory impairment, supporting the idea that MA
influences performance by taxing working-memory resources
(Beilock et al., 2007). Further, stereotype threat based maths
performance decrements have been observed based on race and
income level as well as gender (Tine and Gotlieb, 2013). Such
data is in accordance with the Debilitating Anxiety Model, since
anxiety manipulations demonstrate the deleterious effects of MA.
Neuroimaging data also suggest that the Debilitating Anxiety
Model is in operation. Lyons and Beilock (2012a) carried out
an fMRI study on high and low MA adults. Whilst there
was a significant performance difference between high and low
MA individuals, within-group correlations between MA and
performance were not observed. This raises the question of
how some individuals with very high MA outperform those
with slightly lower, but still relatively high, MA. Neuroimaging
revealed that in high MA individuals, increased activity in
frontoparietal regions (involved in the cognitive control and
reappraisal of negative emotions) prior to performing maths
tasks was correlated with higher performance. This indicates
that some high MA individuals are able to use higher cognitive
functions to mitigate the effect of MA on performance, and may
reveal why correlations between MA and performance tend to
be relatively low, albeit significant. This is highly supportive of
the Debilitating Anxiety Model: it appears that individuals who
are better able to suppress their negative emotional response to
maths have less of a performance deficit, and therefore suggests
that the original performance deficit was caused by negative and
intrusive thoughts (Lyons and Beilock, 2012a). A more recent
fMRI study reached a similar conclusion after finding that MA
did not affect activation in brain areas known to be involved
in numerical processing (Pletzer et al., 2015). MA was instead
linked with reduced deactivation of the Default Mode Network
(see Pletzer et al., 2015 for details), indicating a preoccupation
with the emotional value of numerical stimuli. This suggests that
performance deficits in high MA individuals are more related to
emotional interference than cognitive deficits.
THE RECIPROCAL THEORY
The evidence is conflicting; some studies provide data which
appears to fit the Deficit Theory, whereas others provide more
support for the Debilitating Anxiety Model. However, there may
be an explanation for such conflicting evidence. It may in fact
be indicative of the very nature of the MA-maths performance
relationship; whilst poor performance may trigger MA in certain
individuals, it may further reduce their maths performance in
a vicious cycle (as endorsed in Jansen et al., 2013). Ashcraft
et al. (2007) propose a model in which MA can develop either
from non-performance factors, such as biological predisposition,
or from performance deficits. They argue MA may then cause
further performance deficits, via avoidance and working-memory
disruption, supporting the Reciprocal Theory. The question
of whether the MA-maths performance relationship is in fact
reciprocal is likely to be best answered by longitudinal studies
across childhood and adolescence, since only longitudinal data
can determine whether MA or weak performance is first to
develop.
However, there is limited non-longitudinal data which already
suggests that the Reciprocal Theory may provide the best
explanation for the MA-maths performance relationship. For
example, data collected in Singapore suggest that previous
achievement may affect a student’s MA levels and that MA
in turn affects future performance (Luo et al., 2014). Pekrun
(2006) provides a putative reciprocal model in which control
and value appraisals predict academic anxiety, which affects
performance, and further proposes indirect feedback loops
from performance to appraisals and emotions. In light of the
conflicting evidence discussed, such complex models involving
feedback loops between multiple factors, including MA and
maths performance, are likely to provide the best explanation of
the relationship between MA and maths performance.
Whilst researchers often provide data supporting either the
Deficit Theory or the Debilitating Anxiety Model rather than
endorsing a reciprocal model, it is possible that this relates
to methodological constraints. In particular, the mechanisms
proposed by the Deficit Theory are long-term, with the
detrimental effect of poor performance on anxiety levels
occurring over a number of years. This may be why the
Deficit Theory is often supported by long-term longitudinal
studies (e.g., Ma and Xu, 2004). On the other hand, the
Debilitating Anxiety Model, particularly cognitive interference,
proposes some immediate mechanisms for anxiety’s interference
with performance (e.g., taxing working memory resources, as
discussed in Ashcraft and Krause, 2007). This could explain
why the Debilitating Anxiety Model is best supported by
experimental studies such as those into stereotype threat. It is
quite plausible that the limitations of carrying out just one study
type (such as a long-term longitudinal investigation or a short-
term experimental study) mean that studies reveal only one of
two operational causal directions. Examining a variety of data,
collected using different methods and over varied time scales, is
likely to reveal whether methodological factors explain why the
literature rarely supports the Reciprocal Theory.
To sum, the evidence relating to the relationship between
MA and maths performance is mixed. There is research to
support the Deficit Theory’s claim that poor past performance can
cause MA, with the strongest evidence coming from longitudinal
studies (Meece et al., 1990;Ma and Xu, 2004)andstudiesof
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Carey et al. Mathematics Anxiety and Mathematics Performance
mathematical learning disabilities (Rubinsten and Tannock,
2010;Passolunghi, 2011). Nevertheless, in support of the
Debilitating Anxiety Model, there is evidence to suggest that
anxiety can have a deleterious effect on maths performance.
This is strongly supported by studies across all ages which
manipulate anxiety to reveal either a decrement or improvement
in performance. This effect of MA on performance is
likely to be mediated by working-memory impairments
caused by intrusive thoughts. However, neither theory can
fully explain the relationship observed between MA and
maths performance. The mixture of evidence may suggest a
bidirectional relationship between MA and maths performance,
in which poor performance can trigger MA in some individuals
and MA can further reduce performance, in a vicious
cycle. Nevertheless, more longitudinal and mixed-methods
research is required to provide greater understanding into
this relationship and more direct support for the Reciprocal
Theory.
FUNDING
This project has been funded by the Nuffield Foundation,
although the views expressed are those of the authors and not
necessarily those of the Foundation. The project also received
funding from the James S. McDonnel Foundation.
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