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New Modes of Governance in Europe: Increasing Political Capacity and Policy Effectiveness?
Abstract
Explores the efficiency and effectiveness of new modes of European governance that are not based on legislation and include private actors in policy formulation. Focusses on the emergence, functioning, and impact of these new modes of governance, which include the open method of co-ordination, voluntary accords, and regulatory fora. Héritier answers important theoretical and normative questions by identifying when and how new modes of governance become institutionalized, as well as specifying conditions under which new modes of governance offer improved policy performance. The general aim of the chapter is to raise the various issues regarding the new modes of governance, and the general question is posed as to why these new modes have become more popular among policy makers, arguing that this is because the new modes are putatively considered to have greater political capacity and policy effectiveness. Based on political transaction cost theory, principal-agent theory, and political science policy analysis, claims are developed regarding the political institutional capacity as well as the instrumental policy effectiveness of the new modes of governance in different policy areas; these general claims are then explored against the background of four empirical cases in different policy areas, and the general insights gained are used to modify and refine the original claims. © European Union Studies Association 2003. All rights reserved.
... e.g. Bartolini, 2011;Borrás & Conzelmann, 2007;Héritier, 2004;Héritier & Lehmkuhl, 2011;Lawn, 2006;Usui, 2007). Governance processes of this form were called new in the sense that several other methods were used and different actors were able to be more involved in decisionmaking than before Kohler-Koch & Rittberger, 2006). ...
... Héritier, 2002;Trubek & Trubek, 2005, p. 356). On the one hand, the nature of the policy area at stake might lend itself more or less to being solved by soft modes of governance (Héritier, 2004). As the EU MSs constitute a very heterogenous group of countries, particularly sensitive issues that touch upon salient political topics, traditional state power, and "core area[s] of national sovereignty" (Héritier, 2004, p. 118/119), such as topics of resource redistribution, might result in strong political resistance from individual MSs and thus can be difficult to deal with effectively using SG and voluntary means only (Héritier, 2002). ...
... 9). Héritier (2004) dealt with this problematic in a similar way by analysing the links between political capacity, as she calls it, and policy effectiveness. She defines political capacity as a policymaking process that achieves decisions and other outcomes "without long negotiations … [and which] enjoys the political support of all concerned actors and therefore has a high consensus capacity" (Héritier, 2004, para. ...
This thesis provides an in-depth analysis of EU nuclear safety governance (NSG) using a single case study approach. For the first part, the EU's nuclear safety architecture was examined applying a governance-theoretical framework. For the second and third part of this thesis, the central features of EU NSG were evaluated concerning EU NSG's effectiveness and legitimacy. Looking at the central features of the EU's nuclear safety architecture, it was found that EU NSG exhibits strong features of experimentalist governance. Broad safety goals are determined, the national regulatory authorities and nuclear operators are responsible for the implementation of those provisions, several peer reviews and reporting obligations are in place, and the results of those reviews are used to revise and improve the initial safety goals. A hierarchical element exists in form of the European Commission's ability to launch infringement proceedings. However, this poses no real threat to the MSs' autonomous decisionmaking concerning the concrete implementation as they remain the sole executives for EU nuclear safety directives. The evaluative analyses brought to light that the EU's performance concerning its effectiveness is suffering from a gap between the experimentalist manner in which policies and safety provisions are formulated and their actual implementation on the ground. Nevertheless, most of the obligatory measures are implemented and various good practices throughout the EU were documented over the years. As experimentalist governance blurs the boundaries between input, throughout, and output legitimacy, EU NSG was examined regarding its transparency and opportunities for public participation. It was found that the overall transparency level is quite positive. Particularly sensitive issues, such as complete incident reports, are not publicly available, which decreases the public's ability to hold the industry, governments, and the EU institutions fully accountable. In terms of EU NSG's input legitimacy a mixed picture emerged. While manifold opportunities exist for the public to take part in decision-making or review processes, EU citizens are not using them as much as they could. It was concluded that the overall performance of EU NSG is good, regarding both its effectiveness and legitimacy, but improvements should be made in the future on a continuous basis.
... A fifth capacity the literature has discussed is political capacity (e.g., Anguelovski & Carmin, 2011;Berman & Wang, 2010;Héritier, 2003). Berman and Wang (2010) highlight that counties with higher political capacity are more likely to use performance measurement. ...
... Those counties are also more likely to undertake strategies to gain the support from elected officials on the need for performance measurement. When nonprofits adopt outcome measurement, political capacity helps establish a consensus to adopt the practice, convince stakeholders, assign funding for the new practice, and legitimize it (Berman & Wang, 2010;Héritier, 2003). Following this line of logic, we expect: H 6e: Political capacity is positively associated with the adoption of outcome measurement. ...
... Fifth, as for political capacity, while it can comprise diverse elements, we focus on bargaining and negotiation abilities because adopting outcome measurement may involve a process for engaging and negotiating with stakeholders. We measure political capacity through the survey item, "Our organization frequently discusses operational issues with stakeholders" (Héritier, 2003). Lastly, given that outcome measurement may require various resources from external help networks, network capacity is measured by asking "Our organization seeks help from other organizations to improve decision making" (Christensen & Gazley, 2008;Eisinger, 2002). ...
Performance measurement has received increasing attention in the nonprofit sector. While the current scholarship has emphasized the balanced use of performance measures, only a limited number of nonprofits have adopted outcome measurement. In this study, we investigate what factors explain a variation in the adoption of outcome measurement based on survey data from 263 human service nonprofits. The results of logistic regression find that human service nonprofits are more likely to adopt outcome measures when they are more risk-taking, influenced by institutional pressures, and have higher human resource and political capacities.
... Dies hängt nicht zuletzt mit der geringen Effektivität indirekter oder horizontaler Europäisierungsformen zusammen, die nicht über rechtlichen Zwang, sondern über weiche Mechanismen des wechselseitigen Lernens, des Wettbewerbs und der Sozialisierung wirken (Zohlnhöfer und Ostheim 2007;Radaelli 2018;Töller 2004). Die Methode der offenen Koordinierung, freiwillige Politikkoordination oder Anreize für einen regulativen Wettbewerb kommen vor allem in den Politikbereichen zum Einsatz, in denen die Mitgliedstaaten nicht bereit sind, Gesetzgebungskompetenzen an die EU abzugeben (Héritier 2003;Borrás und Jacobsson 2004;Hodson und Maher 2001;Radaelli 2008). Der Widerstand gegen die Vergemeinschaftung nationaler Politikkompetenzen übersetzt sich in den Widerstand gegen die Europäisierung nationaler Politik. ...
... -inhalte, die das Resultat der korrekten Um-und Durchsetzung von Gemeinschaftsrecht und damit weniger überraschend sind? Oder ist die Konvergenz von Politikinstrumenten, Politikstilen und Problemlösungsansätzen gemeint, die nicht zwingend aus der Befolgung europäischen Rechts (Europäisierung) folgt, sondern beispielsweise durch neue Formen des Regierens erzeugt wurden, wie etwa die Offene Methode der Koordinierung (Héritier 2003;Borrás und Jacobsson 2004;Hodson und Maher 2001) oder der freiwilligen Selbstregulierung der Industrie (Héritier und Eckert 2008)? ...
... Relevant contributions have conceptualised possible governance modes on a continuum from centralised hierarchical steering by the state to societal self-coordination (Mayntz 2005). Definitions of new modes of governance, moreover, have incorporated the role of private actors, stipulating that new modes are characterised by non-hierarchical steering and/or the involvement of private actors in policy-making (Héritier 2003;Héritier and Lehmkuhl 2008). Compared to a public coordination body, public-private interactions will involve a far lower degree of institutionalisation and formalisation (Börzel 2010), and often take the form of non-hierarchical policy networks (Börzel 1998). ...
... The Energy Union aims at realising a fully integrated energy market. The point of departure for institutional change in the governance of electricity markets was the initiation of a forum process in 1999 by the European Commission (Eberlein 2005;Héritier 2003;Vasconcelos 2001). The so-called Florence Energy Forum (FEF) brought together regulators and stakeholders in order to generate expertise in the policy formulation process and to find solutions for cross-border issues. ...
The creation of a European Banking Union and a European Energy Union have been two high-profile integration projects in a decade characterised by multiple crises. While recent research has focused on the direct effects of crisis on European integration dynamics, less attention has been paid to policy outcomes of market integration in sectors such as banking and energy. To address this gap, the study examines how distinct paths of integration, and the types of institutional change they involve, translate into patterns of sectoral gov-ernance. Further, it analyses the consequences of diverging patterns of sectoral governance for policy outcomes, examining whether the existence of supranational coordination bodies and public-private interaction is conducive to market integration. The findings from the analysis of the banking and electricity sectors suggest that while we see resilience and renewed integration in institutional terms, the change affecting policy outcomes appears to be more limited.
... This package both considerably reduced the discretion for member states or private actors. This runs surprisingly counter to trends and policy commitments towards new modes of governance (Héritier, 2002(Héritier, , 2003Knill and Lenschow, 2004;Pallemaerts et al., 2006;Jordan, Wurzel and Zito, 2007), which have been identified as key elements of the new environmental policy of the EU. I tend to share conventional wisdom, that hierarchy is an extremely demanding mode of governance in terms of authority, legitimation, information requirements and actors concertation. ...
... Such a favourable constellation has also been a precondition for other major moves towards European Integration (Schäfer, 2005). In the words of a temporal sorting model one may argue: The u-turn happened, because policy entrepreneurs used a window of opportunity to bring the problem, the solution and the decision-making streams together and by this to form a powerful new coalition (Kingdon, 1984;Zahariadis, 1999) This type of configuration analysis has advantages over functionalist (Héritier, 2003;Knill, C. and Lenschow, A., 2004;Dose, 2008;Héritier and Lehmkuhl, 2008), rational choice or deliberative approaches. Functional analysis contributes little to the explanation of policy and design choices. ...
The rediscovery of hierarchy in climate policy reflects the fact that “sectoral
governance”, relying on network type of governance and self-regulation failed in the context
of climate policy. But functional failure alone does not explain the choice of a more effective
instrument. The correction of functional failure rather is a reflection of an upward policy cycle
in favour of an environmental issue. It leads to “better regulation” in the original sense of the
word, as more effective, efficient, better enforceable European legislation. The use of
hierarchy is integral part of such a smart and innovation oriented environmental policy design
and should not be denounced as outdated command and control, too prescriptive or too
bureaucratic. This lesson should also be drawn for other important environmental policies,
where soft modes of governance prevailed in recent years.
... This debate has also spread into EU research (see e.g. Eberlein and Kerwer 2002;Héritier 2002;Héritier 2003;Joerges, Mény and Weiler 2001;Knill and Lenschow 2003;NEWGOV 2004). However, the existing literature associates a wide variety of different phenomena with these concepts, ranging from different institutional structures and actor constellations in political decision-making to varying types of policy instruments. ...
... Since the Maastricht Treaty, EU-level organisations of labour and industry have assumed the role of formal co-legislators who are able to negotiate on the contents of EU directives in the field of EU social policy (Falkner 1998). Due to the important role of private actors in public policy-making, Adrienne Héritier treats the voluntary negotiations of EU social partner organisations on agreements that may then be turned into legally binding Directives as a new mode of governance (Héritier 2003). Yet, the tradition of rather intense social partner involvement in this policy area goes back far beyond the early 1990s. ...
Recently, political science has seen an intense debate about the phenomenon of “governance”. The aim of this paper is to clarify the basic concepts that are at the heart of this debate, notably “governance” and “modes of governance”. It argues that most contributions share a common concern for the relationship between state intervention and societal autonomy. But different strands of the literature highlight different facets of this continuum. Existing understandings may be classified according to whether they emphasise the politics, polity or policy dimensions of governance. We use these categories to present a structured overview of different dimensions of modes of governance as they may be found in the literature. In this context, we argue that the classification of modes of governance as “old” or “new” is of little analytical value. Some modes of governance may have been relatively new in some empirical contexts. But the same governing modes may turn out to be long-established practice in other areas. Moving from individual dimensions to systematic classification schemes and typologies of modes of governance, the paper highlights a number of shortcomings of existing schemes and suggests an approach that could avoid these weaknesses. As a first step in this approach, we take a closer look at different policy properties of governance and develop a systematic typology of four modes of governance in the policy dimension: coercion, voluntarism, targeting and framework regulation.
... Bir tarafta AB'nin yeni siyasa alanları ile karşı karşıya kalması ve buna bağlı olarak siyasa eşgüdümüne gittikçe artan ihtiyacın (Eberlein ve Newman, 2008, ss. 25-52); diğer tarafta siyasi kapasitenin ve siyasa etkililiğin arttırılması gereğinin (Héritier, 2003) yönetişim ağlarının Avrupa yönetişimi içinde daha fazla gündeme gelmesini tetiklediği dile getirilebilir. Bu bağlamda hiyerarşik olmayan bir ağ yönetişimi sistemi içinde AB'nin bir "yönetişim dönüşü" yaşadığı ifade edilebilmektedir (Kohler-Koch ve Rittberger, 2006). ...
... Artan, genişleyen ve yeni eklemlenen siyasa alanlarına bağlı olarak siyasa eşgüdümüne duyulan ihtiyaç (Eberlein ve Newman, 2008, ss. 25-52), çok merkezlilik arz eden yapı ile siyasi kapasitenin ve siyasa etkililiğin arttırılması gereği (Héritier, 2003) gibi unsurların, yönetişim ağlarının Avrupa yönetişiminde gündeme gelmelerine zemin hazırladığından söz edilebilir. ...
In the literature, transnational networking of subnational authorities - involvement of local and regional
governments with their counterparts in various interaction processes in the context of cooperation and
partnership - can be regarded as one of the recent notable elements of EU governance. In this respect,
this kind of network activities implies a facilitating role for engagement of subnational authorities in EU
governance processes.
Furthermore, it is argued that subnational authorities come together for networking activities such as
mutual information sharing, cooperation, joint project development, best practices exchange, lobbying
activities, access to financial resources and in this regard some studies consider that these authorities are
getting active in the EU governance processes, and they may find some opportunities to enhance their
interaction and visibility.
Within the scope of this paper, the context related to EU governance and subnational authorities is
discussed through the perspective of governance networks as indicating the analysis of various
approaches, and the contribution of the studies to be done in this field to local government literature is
appraised.
... Critics of the method, however, argue that the benefits of the OMC crucially depend on the willingness of the national actors, who are in control of the policy choices, to get themselves involved in processes of European coordination (Scharpf 2003: 18). Some plead to complete the OMC with the capacity to impose binding sanctions (Heritier 2003;Scharpf 2003). Also Dehousse (2002) argues that soft mechanisms of the EES are not sufficient when convergence of national employment policies is imperative. ...
... Also with respect to the involvement of stakeholders, there is a mixed assessment. It is correctly argued that effectiveness is theoretically enhanced by large participation (Zeitlin 2002;Heritier 2003;Radaelli 2003). Formulating policy goals as well as choosing instruments to reach these goals, may stimulate involved actors to support policy measures that they might have opposed under the traditional legislative mode of governance (see alsoBörzel 2002). ...
... Specifically, horizontal governance refers to a set of strategies that promote horizontal interactions between several actors and stakeholders to gain legitimacy for policy implementation, enrich policy proposals, and diminish the gap between governmental structures and other societal actors (Termeer 2009) as, for instance, in the context of European higher education (Gornitzka 2010;Powell et al. 2012). The related concept of network governance focuses on networks as flexible and informal structures (Héritier 2003) that are particularly suited to coordinate activities in complex multilevel architectures and to facilitate consensus-building -a key example for this being European regulatory networks (Maggetti 2014). In the case of experimentalist governance (Sabel and Zeitlin 2012), a principal (such as the European Commission) defines broad framework goals but then grants a relatively high level of discretion to the actors implementing the policies on the ground (e.g. ...
While much attention has been paid to European policy arrangements in individual policy fields, European intersectoral policy coordination has been mostly an overlooked phenomenon, especially within the sectors of education and employment. Thus, in the introductory paper for this Special Issue, we offer a contemporary discussion of European intersectoral policy coordination. We firstly review the literature on intersectoral policy coordination, and secondly look at the application of concepts related to intersectoral policy coordination to supranational arrangements, especially the European Union. We then employ the concept of boundary-spanning policy regime and the related ‘I’ framework (issues, ideas, interests, and institutions) to discuss the individual pieces’ contributions. This serves to explore the strength of the intersectoral perspective when analysing European policy coordination in education and employment. We conclude with a discussion of the strengths and limitations of this approach and offer a research agenda to study supranational intersectoral policy coordination (in education and employment).
... The governance and institutional perspective on the role of business takes as its unit of analysis rules, procedures and organizational structures created by business actors (Abbott & Snidal 2000;Héritier 2003). In this strand of literature, governance networks, co-regulation and self-regulation are often seen as providing solutions to complex policy problems either in addition to, or in place of, public intervention. ...
... The governance and institutional perspective on the role of business takes as its unit of analysis rules, procedures and organizational structures created by business actors Héritier 2003). In this strand of literature, governance networks, co-regulation and self-regulation are often seen as providing solutions to complex policy problems either in addition to, or in place of, public intervention. ...
Through detailed and wide-ranging analysis, the Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics provides a critical assessment of current and emerging challenges facing the EU in committing to and delivering increasingly ambitious climate policy objectives. Highlighting the importance of topics such as finance and investment, litigation, ‘hard to abate’ sectors and negative emissions, it offers an up-to-date exploration of the complexities of climate politics and policy making.
... A third is a high level of diversity, which increases the difficulty of adopting and enforcing uniform rules. A final scope condition concerns interdependence, which must be sufficient to motivate actors to collaborate in seeking joint solutions to common problems, but not so great as to preclude decentralized experimentation by local units, as in hierarchical governance, where high externalities are often adduced as a key motivation for centralized decision making and coercive enforcement (Sabel and Zeitlin 2012, 174-5;Rangoni and Zeitlin 2021, 823-4;Héritier 2002b). ...
This paper analyzes the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) from three overlapping perspectives: first, as a centralized hierarchy, seeking to enforce uniform rules, standards, and procedures; second, as a polyarchic network, seeking to orchestrate cooperation between the ECB and national authorities; and finally, as an experimentalist organization, seeking to learn from diversity by adapting common rules and procedures to the specificities of individual banks, and revising them regularly through peer review of implementation experience at multiple levels. Drawing extensively on interviews and primary documents, the paper traces the evolution of the SSM’s institutional structures, decision-making processes, and organizational practices from its origins to the present. On this basis, the paper argues that the most encompassing perspective on the SSM is that of an experimentalist organization, which integrates and recasts key elements of the other two views into a more complete and dynamic analysis of its evolving architecture and practical operations.
... The perspective of EG was prominently put forward by Zeitlin (2010, 2012) to analyse governance arrangements not fully captured by existing approaches such as network (Kohler-Koch and Eising, 1999) and informal governance (Christiansen and Piattoni, 2003), or in research on new modes of governance (Héritier, 2003). EG provides 'a new perspective unveiling a mode of coordination or decision-making style that has largely been neglected' by other analytical approaches (Börzel, 2012, p. 382). ...
Research on EU policy has detected two developments that seem contradictory at first sight. On the one hand, there is evidence of continued rule growth and policy expansion. On the other hand, research points to dismantling, primarily via the backdoor and in comitology. This article investigates how experimentalist governance settings can provide opportunities for policy reduction within an overall expanding policy. Therefore, it focuses on the EU's Ecodesign policy which is characterized by a mix of binding and voluntary measures that qualify as experimentation. Although the voluntary measures contribute to rule growth, they are characterized by lenient standards compared to binding regulation under Ecodesign. In particular, they allow the Commission to follow a strategy of non-adjustment. The article points to simultaneous expansion and dismantling processes not yet fully covered in previous research. Experimentalist governance poses a crucial element in enabling such developments leading to shallow expansion and allowing for dismantling.
... This was the moment of the 'participatory turn' in EU policy-making (Saurugger, 2010), when top-down methods of establishing binding rules and sanctions for non-compliance (the so-called 'hard law' route) was to be accompanied, if not replaced, by 'soft' mechanisms of policy coordination (joint definition of objectives and indicators; delivery of performance reports and action plans; peer reviews; publishing of recommendations) and bottom-up involvement of citizens and civil society actors. The introduction of these 'new modes of governance' was justified as a way to avoid deadlocks in the integration process precisely in those policy areas where the EU had no legislative competence and it eventually found substance in the introduction of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) in 1997 (Héritier, 2003;Mosher and Trubek, 2003;Radaelli, 2003;Sabel and Zeitlin, 2003;Kohler-Koch and Rittberger, 2006;Graziano and Halpern, 2016). ...
The launch of the European Pillar of Social Rights occurred at a phase of endogenous critical juncture for Social Europe. By analyzing the Pillar's formulation and adoption process, we investigate to what extent the European Commission used the involvement of civil society and policy responsiveness to foster change in the modes of governance and legitimize stronger intervention in the social sphere, by re-launching the methods of coordination introduced in the 1990s. Methodologically, we rely on a content analysis of EU policy documents before and after the public consultations, a content analysis of over 60 position papers and on interviews with policy actors. We find that despite increased openness and responsiveness, the Pillar initiative did not allow to alter the predominance of ‘soft law’ routes and patterns of intergovernmentalism characterizing the governance of EU social policy, a result that further qualifies the conditions that lead (endogenous) critical junctures to generate change.
... One of the first expressions of metagovernance at the level of the EU was the Open Method of Coordination (OMC), an approach established by the Lisbon European Council (March 2000), to implement the Lisbon Strategy [61]. This was an attempt to combine effectively the classical hierarchical governance of the EU with 'new modes of governance' [62]. According to Jessop [60], this had instituted permanent reflection about the nature of problems; monitoring of different approaches to coordination; a flexible repertoire of responses that can be deployed on different scales, with different scales for different sets of problems; and an orientation which includes intertemporal as well as inter-scalar aspects. ...
This article highlights four key reform challenges regarding the quality of public administration and governance (PAG), aimed at increasing ‘SDG-readiness’ at all levels of administration, in a nexus characterized by complexity, volatility, pluriformity and uncertainty. Based on others’ research into how EU Member States institutionalize the implementation of the SDGs, a critical review of SDG-governance approaches, as well as a review paper on the management of the SDGs, it is concluded that that four priority areas could guide research and policy development to accelerate implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Firstly, to recognize that creating an effective public administration and governance is an important strategic policy area. Secondly, to begin with mission-oriented public administration and governance reform for SDG implementation, replacing the efficiency-driven public sector reform of the past decades. Thirdly, to apply culturally sensitive metagovernance to design, define and manage trade-offs and achieving synergies between SDGs and their targets. Fourthly, to start concerted efforts to improve policy coherence with a mindset beyond political, institutional, and mental ‘silos’.
... Verbunden mit Accountability ist Transparenz. Diese umfasst den Zugang von Bürger*innen zu Informationen über den Prozess und Entscheidungen (Héritier 2003). Die KWSB hat einen Zwischen-und einen Endbericht veröffentlicht. ...
Zusammenfassung
Die Legitimität von Expert*innenkommissionen in Demokratien ist stets umstritten, weil Aushandlungsprozesse verlagert werden, die eigentlich in demokratisch legitimierten Gremien stattfinden sollten. Zugleich wird ihre Problemlösungsfähigkeit häufig gelobt. Die bisherige politikwissenschaftliche Forschung zur Legitimität von Expert*innenkommissionen konzentriert sich vor allem auf eine Beurteilung ihrer Funktionen im politischen System sowie auf einzelne Aspekte oder Dimensionen von Legitimität. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird ein umfassendes Kriteriensystem zur Beurteilung der Legitimität der Kommission Wachstum, Strukturwandel und Beschäftigung („Kohlekommission“, KWSB) entwickelt. Es beinhaltet die Input- (Inklusivität, politische Verantwortlichkeit), Throughput- (Accountability im Prozess, Transparenz, deliberative Arbeitsqualität, Inklusivität und Offenheit) und Outputlegitimität (Problemlösungsfähigkeit und Gemeinwohlorientierung). Dabei wird die Legitimität der KWSB auf Basis von Dokumentenanalysen und Interviews mit 14 der 28 Kommissionsmitglieder bzw. deren Stellvertreter*innen beurteilt. Durch die Kommission wurde ein Vorschlag entwickelt, wie ein schrittweiser Kohleausstieg mit erheblichen Unterstützungsleistungen für die betroffenen Regionen, Beschäftigten und Unternehmen aussehen kann. Über den gesamten Kommissionsprozess sind allerdings intransparente Verantwortlichkeiten, eine Privilegierung der Positionen einzelner Mitglieder sowie ein Ergebnis zu bemängeln, dessen Gemeinwohlorientierung wegen der hohen Kosten des Beschlusses und der geringen klimapolitischen Ambition umstritten ist. Zum Schluss des Aufsatzes wird diskutiert, wie die Legitimität vergleichbarer Kommissionen durch Regulierung sowie direktdemokratische Elemente erhöht werden könnte.
... The involvement of civil society in EU governance and policy-making in general has become a widely investigated topic. Research on the issue can be divided into two strands of literature: one analyses the openness of the EU's institutional setting for NGOs (Heritier 2003;Börzel 2010); the other, the domestic conditions under which NGOs operate and how these allow them to engage in the multi-level-governance game (Kohler-Koch and Buth 2011;Pleines 2010). Inside the European Union, the inclusion of civil society has become a topic since the implementation of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. ...
‘This important volume sheds new light on a great puzzle of the European integration project: What explains the successes of illiberal politics and anti-EU rhetoric in societies where public trust in EU institutions remains strong? The studies offer a rich spectrum of multidisciplinary perspectives by scholars from across the European continent.’
—Zsuzsa Csergő, Professor for Political Studies at Queen’s University, Canada
‘This timely volume offers an original, comprehensive and nuanced account of current illiberal trends and anti-EU and Euroskeptic politics in East Central Europe. It is a most welcome and informative read for anyone interested in rule of law and compliance challenges in the EU, their contextual frames, processes, conditions and consequences.’
—Andreas Maurer, Professor and Jean Monnet Chair for EU Integration Studies at Innsbruck University, Austria
This open access book provides an in-depth look into current illiberal trends and anti-EU politics in East Central Europe which have the potential to fundamentally change the EU. It helps to understand their domestic causes, context conditions, specific processes and consequences and contributes to empirically informed theory-building. The volume includes contributions from researchers from various disciplines and multiple perspectives on the topic. The case studies, comparative works and quantitative analyses provide a comprehensive picture of current societal, political and institutional developments in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Through studying similarities and differences between East Central European and other EU countries, the chapters also explore whether there are regional patterns of democracy- and EU-related problems.
Astrid Lorenz is Professor of Political Science at Leipzig University, Germany.
Lisa H. Anders is a researcher in the Institute for Political Science at Leipzig University, Germany.
... The involvement of civil society in EU governance and policy-making in general has become a widely investigated topic. Research on the issue can be divided into two strands of literature: one analyses the openness of the EU's institutional setting for NGOs (Heritier 2003;Börzel 2010); the other, the domestic conditions under which NGOs operate and how these allow them to engage in the multi-level-governance game (Kohler-Koch and Buth 2011;Pleines 2010). Inside the European Union, the inclusion of civil society has become a topic since the implementation of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. ...
A growing body of literature examines the EU’s reactions to illiberal trends in ECE countries. These studies predominantly focus on political instruments such as Article 7 and the Commission’s new rule of law mechanism, and there is a broad consensus on the view that these tools are too weak to combat breaches of liberal principles. This chapter therefore explores the potential of alternative strategies, namely the involvement of civil society actors in backsliding countries. By looking at the Polish case, it explores how much Polish civil society interacts with the European institutions in order to address violations of the rule of law and which strategies these actors unfold. It examines whether this cooperation may help to safeguard democracy in a bottom-up manner. The overall goal of the chapter is to investigate how much the EU’s instruments against democratic backsliding could and should be accompanied effectively by strategies aiming at collaboration with liberal forces within the backsliding member states.
... The involvement of civil society in EU governance and policy-making in general has become a widely investigated topic. Research on the issue can be divided into two strands of literature: one analyses the openness of the EU's institutional setting for NGOs (Heritier 2003;Börzel 2010); the other, the domestic conditions under which NGOs operate and how these allow them to engage in the multi-level-governance game (Kohler-Koch and Buth 2011;Pleines 2010). Inside the European Union, the inclusion of civil society has become a topic since the implementation of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. ...
Using historical institutionalism for a comparison of domestic processes around minority rights in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, this chapter shows that the European Union’s effect on the conflicts over minority rights is much weaker than suspected. While the EU and the Council of Europe provide a framework of LGBT rights and gender equality, the mechanics of the member states’ backlash against minority accommodation can be mainly attributed to the domestic clashes between progressive and conservative forces aided by their transnational allies. As a result of different domestic configurations, some European norms take root, while in other cases, domestic actors seek not only to prevent accommodation but increasingly to roll back rights. The 2006 registered partnership law and the law against domestic violence in the Czech Republic (2006) are examples of the former—the Slovak 2015 anti-LGBT referendum, the 2020 proposals of limiting abortion rights in Slovakia, and the withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention in February 2020 of the latter.
... 1999 (Vasconcelos, 2001;Héritier, 2003;Eberlein, 2005 Commission, 2007: 11-12, 25-27). NRAs inside the CEER therefore mobilised opposition to the proposal (CEER, 2008), and garnered support inside the European Parliament in support of a stronger agency (European Parliament, 2008: 33). ...
This working paper suggests to analyse agencification as a double process of institutional and policy centralisation. To that end, it develops a categorisation of agencies that incorporates these two dimensions. More specifically, it is argued that mixed outcomes where the levels of institutional and policy centralisation diverge can be expected to be the rule rather than the exception, in line with the hybrid nature of EU agencies as inbetweeners. Moreover, the fiduciary setting hits important legal constraints given the limits to delegation in the EU context. Against this backdrop a process whereby institutional centralisation develops incrementally and remains limited, yet is accompanied by a process of substantial policy centralisation, appears as the most promising path for EU agencification. A fiduciary setting, where a strong agency enjoys a high degree of independence and operates in a centralised policy space, by contrast, should be the exception. The comparative study of the process of agencification in the energy and banking sector is insightful in the light of these expectations. The incremental nature of institutional change in energy exemplifies the usual path of agencification, which is conducive to a weak agency operating in a relatively centralised policy space. Agencification in banking, by contrast, has led to a rather unusual outcome where the strong agency model combines with a fragmented policy context.
... By the late 1990s, the European Commission initiated dedicated energy forums in order to build up policy expertise and competence. The Florence Electricity Forum (FEF), created in 1998, brought together market participants and regulators (Eberlein 2003;Vasconcelos 2001;Héritier 2003;Eberlein 2008). TSO as well as regulatory cooperation originated in the Florence process, triggering the creation of ETSO in 1999, and the Council of European Regulators (CEER) in 2000. ...
We investigate private authority in European Union (EU) energy governance in order to address two research questions: First, how has authority been conferred on, and acquired by private actors? Second, to what extent has this lateral shift of authority been contested and on which grounds? The paper links the literatures on regulatory governance and private authority. This allows us to shed light on an issue that tends to be neglected in the discussion about the transfer of competencies in the energy field: the horizontal transfer of authority. In our case study about the role of transmission system operators (TSOs) in the creation of an internal electricity market, we identify three distinct settings where both the level of sovereignty-based contestation and the shift towards private authority vary. We find that private rulemaking has gained in importance due to functional expertise requirements, but also because it provides an escape route in a context of political contestation.
... Having undergone extensive reforms in the wake of the ground-breaking Helsinki Summit in 1999 (Togan, 2004), the expectation is that Europeanisation would have brought about an extent of change in the domestic discourses of Turkey, particularly in the period between 2005 and 2010 which saw the highest number of EU negotiation chapters being opened (Blockmans, 2014). Second, this study will contribute to present attempts to better understand the function of contemporary modes of soft governancesuch as framing in the mass mediathat rely primarily on deliberation, influence and learning rather than harsh punitive laws to reduce pushback and achieve their goals (Héritier, 2003). In that vein, this research makes a novel contribution on the potential of EU's discursive influence specifically on gender and LGBT issues, advancing understanding of how norm diffusion as perpetuated via regional integration can potentially be a powerful way to protect the rights of marginalised social groups such as women and the LGBT community, and advance the human rights agenda. ...
While research has established the political impact of Europeanisation on candidate countries, the impact of discursive Europeanisation on cultural issues such as LGBT norms remains understudied. This article pursues this agenda by exploring the impact of Europeanisation on Turkey’s domestic discourse on LGBT issues – specifically, whether Europeanisation has influenced the media discourse of LGBT issues in Turkey. Turkey presents an interesting case as its largely conservative society is in contrast with the EU in which LGBT acceptance has gained unprecedented traction. A media content analysis comparing Turkish media reports from the year of 2005 and 2010 is used to test this thesis. The study discovers that prospective European integration has influenced the LGBT discourses of Turkey over the study period; while the majority of reports on LGBT issues continues to be negatively represented, results show an improvement over the study period. The changes effectuated were statistically significant and suggest that LGBT and possibly other cultural norms may not be as resistant to discursive Europeanisation. This study also highlights how regional integration continues to be an effective avenue for inducing normatively positive change.
... This postulates the member states as a collective that is eager to learn and committed to finding the 'best' solutions to any of the challenges ahead. These postulations can be questioned on the basis of past performance of states in implementing gender equality directives (Van der Vleuten 2007), and there are fierce debates as to whether or not the OMC is delivering on its promises (Héritier 2003;Trubek and Trubek 2005). How effective is this practice for gender equality? ...
... The European Commission turned to soft law when hard law became more difficult to adopt due to the member states' reluctance (H eritier 1999;Saurugger and Terpan 2016). Soft-law measures thus enabled the Commission to foster incremental alignments in certain pol- icy fields that might later result in hard law (Ahrens and van der Vleuten 2018;H eritier 2003). The Open Method of Coordination (OMC), first established in employment policy and subsequently extended to pensions, social inclusion, health, and long-term care, has been the best-known and also best-researched soft-law instrument (Kr€ oger 2009;Trubek and Trubek 2005). ...
Policy instruments research is an essential part of studying European Union governance. A growing interest in processes of (de-)legalisation and patterns of instrument choice requires a more process- and context-oriented analysis of the EU’s instrument selection. Using a political sociology approach, the article analyses patterns of instrument choice in soft law policy programmes, by examining the life cycle of EU gender equality policy programmes from 1982 to the present day. Gender equality policy programmes offer an in-depth understanding of how the Commission upgrades and downgrades policy instruments. The analysis indicates that patterns of policy instrument choice are not necessarily inflexible once a policy instrument is selected. Instead, patterns vary while the instrument is (de-)legalised. Investigating gender equality policy programmes provides explanations for the shifts in the use of legislative instruments and their limitations.
... In other words, the shadow of hierarchy cast by the possibility of intergovernmental or supranational centralized governance creates incentives to engage in voluntary cooperation and effectively work towards the development of common norms and standards. Moreover, the shadow of hierarchy, most notably the ability of EU institutions to create and enforce binding rules on the basis of "old modes of governance" if NMGs should proof ineffective, also increases the incentives for compliance and thus the effectiveness of non-binding arrangements resulting from NMGs (Héritier 2003;Héritier and Rhodes 2010). ...
Mehrebenenpolitik wird im Fachjargon oftmals als Multi Level Governance (MLG) bezeichnet, und zeichnet sich durch Regieren in Mehrebenensystemen aus. Mehrebenensysteme sind politische Systeme, in denen auf mehr als nur einer Ebene politische Entscheidungen ausgehandelt und verabschiedet werden. I. d. R. ist in einem Primärrechtsdokument (z. B. einer Verfassung oder einem Gründungsvertrag) festgelegt, welche Kompetenzen auf den unteren, und welche Kompetenzen auf der oberen Ebene des Mehrebenensystems angesiedelt sind, bzw. welche Kompetenzen gemeinsam oder parallel ausgeübt werden, und durch welche Verfahren Akteure beider Ebenen miteinander interagieren. Ein Charakteristikum von Mehrebenensystemen ist darüber hinaus auch, dass die jeweils höhere Ebene nicht die jeweils untere Ebene abschaffen kann.
... New modes of governance (e.g. European Union (Héritier, 2003), Australia (Wilkins, 2002)), promoting multidisciplinary reflection and intervention, have emerged from the challenges of public health. With this evolution in public policy, the living circumstances and the environment are taken into account. ...
At present, there is no conceptual model by which public health could be represented as intersectoral governance collaborating with society and the state, and acting as a collective on the determinants of health. In this article, our interdisciplinary group, representing core competencies in public health, suggest two complementary conceptual models as frameworks for a diverse public concerned with public health and its core functions. The first conceptual ‘core model’ roots from the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion. It represents the interrelationships of the three main poles united at the biopower level: the collectivity (entire population), the contemporary state and public health. In the second conceptual model, we present the various components in the meta-network of public health governance. We also present the roles of heterogeneous actors and how they can collaborate within a prominent process of capacity building and development of practice in public health. Thus, we emphasize the importance of intersectoral partnerships the contemporary state can make with public health without inducing any rupture with the social fabric. Our two complementary models can help actors from all sectors better understand the most frequent questions in public health governance (functions, roles, ingredients) and the challenges that intersectoral actors may very likely encounter in the implementation of these frameworks. The sustainability of well-balanced transdisciplinary and intersectoral partnerships contribute to a successful implementation of public health governance, and most importantly to a good health status for the collectivity.
... The member that does not follow a standard gets a bad reputation. This phenomenon has been called "naming and shaming" (Héritier 2003). Metaorganizations have difficulty in using negative sanctions, but sometimes they award prizes or the like to those members that are exceptionally good followers of a certain standard. ...
Dieses Buch stellt mit Weltorganisationen ein begriffliches Konzept für internationale Organisationen vor und diskutiert dessen Mehrwert in theoretisch-konzeptioneller und empirischer Hinsicht. Im Vordergrund steht die Frage, was das Konzept der Weltorganisation im Gegensatz zu etablierten Konzepten zu leisten vermag und wie sich damit ausgewählte internationale Organisationen analysieren lassen.
... Although the European Commission had generally changed its proposals from hard law to soft law in the last decade, abandoning the previously effective tool of EU gender equality policy came as a surprise. While new public management tools became commonplace (Héritier 2003), the Commission 'softened its soft law' even further-despite protests from the European Parliament and member states (Ahrens and Van der Vleuten 2017). It signalled a new quality in the retrenchment of EU gender equality policy. ...
... As for accountability gains, efficiency gains are not achieved in the complete absence of formal steering. The empirical examination of the efficiency-enhancing effect of NMG (Héritier, 2003b) provides clear evidence that neither political efficiency nor policy effectiveness are achieved based on purely voluntary coordination. As repeatedly shown, new modes perform as alternative steering only under the scope condition that a shadow of hierarchy dooms in the background (e.g. ...
Revisiting Adrienne Héritier’s work, the article offers a meta-analysis of her writing that has contributed to the formation of three fields: policy analysis, institutional theory, and multilevel policymaking and polity formation. Along the roughly chronological description of these three foci, a narrative traces the intellectual elaboration of three central dimensions: structures, actors, and arenas. In sum, the formative relevance of Héritier’s theory-guided empirical approach is highlighted and depicted as seminal for future research.
... Βλ. για παράδειγμα, το Commission Staff Working Paper: "Progress Towards the Common Objectives in Education and Training: Indicators and Benchmarks", SEC (2004), 73, σ. 5. ουδέποτε υπήρξαν. Άλλοι συγγραφείς υποστηρίζουν ότι γινόμαστε μάρτυρες νέων μορφών διακυβέρνησης της ΕΕ, οι οποίες απλά συμπληρώνουν και αναπληρώνουν κάποιες από τις ελλείψεις των παλαιών μορφών διακυβέρνησης της ΕΕ (Heritier, 2003). Κατά συνέπεια, οι "νέες" μορφές διακυβέρνησης της ΕΕ δεν είναι εντελώς νέες, διότι γεννιούνται "υπό την σκιάν" των παραδοσιακών, ιεραρχικών δομών πολιτικής της ΕΕ. ...
2000, το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο της Λισσαβόνας εισήγαγε μια νέα μορφή διακυβέρνησης στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (ΕΕ), τη λεγόμενη Ανοικτή Μέθοδο Συντονισμού (ΑΜΣ). Η ΑΜΣ έχει σκοπό την επίτευξη μεταρρυθμίσεων σε χώρους κοινωνικής και οικονομικής πολιτικής που διέπονται από την αρχή της επικουρικότη-τας. Η μορφή αυτή διακυβέρνησης ξεκίνησε να εφαρμόζεται σε θέματα οικονομικής πολιτικής και στο Συμβούλιο του 2000 για πρώτη φορά αφορά σε θέματα εκπαιδευτι-κής πολιτικής. Στο παρόν άρθρο παρουσιάζουμε τον τρόπο με τον οποίο η ΑΜΣ επιδρά στις εκ-παιδευτικές πολιτικές και αλλάζει ριζικά το 'σκηνικό' όσο αφορά την σχέση ανάμεσα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και την εκπαιδευτική πολιτική των Κρατών Μελών. Στο πρώ-το μέρος του άρθρου περιγράφονται τρία βασικά χαρακτηριστικά της Ανοικτής Μεθό-δου Συντονισμού. Στο δεύτερο και κύριο μέρος του εξετάζονται με κριτική διάθεση βασικές όψεις της ΑΜΣ με επίκεντρο την πιθανή πολιτικοποίηση της αμοιβαίας εκμά-θησης πολιτικής στο πλαίσιο των εκπαιδευτικών μέτρων της ΑΜΣ. Ήδη εξαρχής, ω-στόσο, κρίνεται αναγκαίο να δοθεί απάντηση στο ερώτημα, τι είναι ακριβώς η ΑΜΣ. ΙΙ. Έννοια και περιεχόμενο της ΑΜΣ Δεν υπάρχει επίσημος νομικός ορισμός της ΑΜΣ στην Σύμβαση για την Ε.Κ. ή για την ΕΕ 3. Υπήρξαν αιτήματα από διάφορους θεσμικούς φορείς της ΕΕ, όπως η Επιτρο-1. H Αλειάδου Ναυσικά είναι senior lecturer στη Σχολή της Δημόσιας Πολιτικής και Επαγ-γελματικής Πρακτικής (τομέας Εκπαίδευση) (School of Public Policy and Professional Practice), στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Keele, Ηνωμένο Βασίλειο. 2. Η Bettina Lange είναι lecturer στο Law and Regulation, στο Κέντρο για Κοινωνικές και Νο-μικές Σπουδές (Centre for Socio-Legal Studies) στο Πανεπιστήμιο της Οξφόρδης, Ηνωμένο Βασί-λειο. 3. Αναφορά στην ΑΜΣ γίνεται μόνον στη Συνθήκη της ΕΕ στο πλαίσιο του συντονισμού της οικονομικής πολιτικής στις γενικές οδηγίες οικονομικής πολιτικής, που καθιερώθηκαν με τη Συν-θήκη του Maastricht το 1992 κατά την προετοιμασία της Οικονομικής και Νομισματικής Ένωσης. Επιπλέον, από τη Συνθήκη του Amsterdam το 1997 η Συνθήκη της ΕΕ αναφέρεται στην ΑΜΣ στο
... However, if meetings take place more than once and if the participants know each other social conventions develop and social sanctions, such as the loss of reputation or exclusion from important information, can be applied to norm-violators (Jacobsson 2004a). Therefore, theorists of network governance promote the idea that democratic self-regulation can take place in deliberative networks (Börzel 1997;Eising and Kohler-Koch 1999;Kohler-Koch 2002;Héritier 2003). ...
The European Union is widely regarded as premised on an imbalance between market-making and market-correcting provisions, potentially weakening national welfare systems and the political legitimacy of the European project. However, a stronger role for the EU in social policy faces considerable difficulties. The Open Method of Coordination (OMC) represents a new governance approach to European social policy and was adopted in the late 1990s. It seeks to provide a 'middle-way' solution to the dilemma of European social policy in which the EU adopts a stronger role in coordinating member states' social policies while member states formally retain their authority in social policy. New Governance in European Social Policy explores the effectiveness and legitimacy of a new policy tool in European social policy, the Open Method of Coordination (OMC). It analyses the tensions within the OMC's goals and instruments, develops an explanation of its functioning and applies a multifaceted framework for its evaluation.
The COVID-19 pandemic challenged existing health governance strategies within the European Union. It became clear that new mechanisms of coordination are required, however, up until today it remains unclear what is exactly needed. By referring to established desiderates of health governance to the European health policy, this article applies a discourse-oriented organizational educational perspective and analytical approach. Using this perspective, this article shows in an exemplary way, how European COVID governance is organized by different rationalities and dispositives as knowledge organizing patterns. Based on this analysis, the article discusses how the Union may move from traditional bureaucratic rigid decision-making patterns to innovative design-oriented approaches by considering the transgressive potential of organizational education strategies of innovation.
Little attention has been paid to the relations between European agencies and regulatory networks in existing research, and the role of private networks has not been considered. This article fills this research gap and examines when sectoral bodies coexist, cooperate or compete. It develops a conceptual framework to map the diversity of sectoral bodies, and identifies mission- and resource-related explanatory factors for types of interaction. The qualitative comparison analyses a case with multiple public bodies (banking), as opposed to a case with agency and network structures as well as public and private bodies (electricity). The findings support arguments in existing research, namely that cooperation is driven by resource complementarity and mission overlap. Further, they point to the relevance of mission and resource rivalries as explanations for conflictual relations, and show that resource- and mission-related factors materialise very differently across distinct institutional settings. The conceptual framework paves the way for further cross-sectoral analysis of inter-organisational relations in the European administrative space.
This article stresses the importance to understand the institutional context in which decisions on radio spectrum use are taken. In particular, this article focuses on the European Union's (EU) institutional context. The history of EU radio spectrum policy is narrated highlighting the tension between the EU integration process and protection of national sovereignty. This tension sets the stage to discuss two research areas which call for further attention: lack of legitimacy of EU law and use of soft power to promote EU integration. Investigating these areas may contribute to identify institutional barriers to better decision making for radio spectrum use.
This article analyzes the European regulation REACH as a co-management policy tool for chemical risks. Whilst the existing literature on the topic either highlights the strong capacity of authorities to force the industry to produce the data needed for decision making, or criticizes the former’s subordination to economic interests, this article takes a new approach showing how regulators and the industry use REACH to engage in systematic compromise and a pedagogical approach to chemical risks. Information and resource asymmetry make co-management necessary for the implementation of the regulation, but comes at the cost of the "no data, no market" principle.
The participation of stakeholders in policy formation has increased, based on the recognition that policy-makers today face increasingly complex and non-linear problems, requiring flexible modes of governance. In this chapter, I analyse the role of formalised stakeholder consultations in EU energy policy and their potential of integrating climate change issues. More specifically, I empirically investigate how stakeholder consultation processes influenced the formation of the EU Energy Communication of 2007. The analysis shows that there was limited diversity of participation in consultations, as actors from civil society or NGOs were not included. Moreover, the role of scientific knowledge in the consultations was minimal. Actors at the regional and sub-national level are generally ignored in such formalised consultation processes. Recommendations for EU policymakers and organisers of consultations are provided.
Throughout the universe, a major problem that is faced by almost every government is the ‗quality of governance‘. Malfunction and corruption plays central role in creating administrative problems. Due to these evil practices public distrust on government increases. Present study acknowledges public trust in national institutions is the variable which gives results, closer to the accuracy. The quantitative measurement of the relationship between quality of governance and public trust has not been given due importance in the domain studies. Therefore, present study targeted this relationship quantitatively. It is a descriptive study in which cross-sectional survey was conducted. Data were collected from the five major cities of Pakistan i-e; Islamabad, Karachi, Quetta, Lahore and Peshawar. Statistical package for social sciences (SPSS) 24.0 was used to examine the data. The results of the study suggests that public trust in parliament, judiciary and military have a positive relation with the governance while a negative relation was found between public trust in media and quality of governance. Study concludes that Pakistan should have to decrease the level of people‘s distrust in-order to increase the quality of governance which is essential for a sustained development of system.
Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Fragestellung, wie sich politische Desintegrationsdynamiken auf grenzüberschreitende technische Kooperation in der Europäischen Energiepolitik auswirken. Am Beispiel der Energiebeziehungen der EU zur Schweiz im Stromsektor wird die Einbindung von Drittstaaten in europäische Governancestrukturen diskutiert, um potentielle Auswirkungen des Brexit adressieren zu können. Konzeptuell stützt sich die Untersuchung auf die Literatur zur differenzierten Integration sowie auf Governanceansätze. Die vergleichende Fallanalyse fußt auf einer Bestandsaufnahme bestehender institutioneller Strukturen und Verfahren der Enscheidungsfindung. Der Fokus liegt hierbei auf Aspekten der Infrastruktur und der Rolle von Übertragungsnetzbetreibern in der grenzüberschreitenden Zusammenarbeit. Der Befund zeigt, dass technische Kooperation zu einem gewissen Grade auch unabhängig von formalisierten Prozessen der politischen Kooperation erfolgt. Zudem wird deutlich, dass informelle, dezentrale und private Governance die Einbindung von Nicht-EU-Staaten erleichtert.
Launched in 2008 as a ‘Common Reference Framework’ including eight levels of learning and three descriptors that aimed at providing a ‘translation grid’ between national qualifications, the European Qualifications Framework (EQF) aims at numerous educational reforms such as promoting the learning outcomes orientation, transparency of qualifications and fostering mobility across national borders, employment sectors and educational sectors. More than 10 years after, it is time to re-address these expectations and to question whether and, if so, in which ways the EQF has actually provided an impetus for the numerous reforms that were expected to be initiated by implementing it. Reviewing policy documents, evaluation results and research on the EQF and therewith-linked national qualifications frameworks, there is little evidence that the EQF solved the challenges it was developed for. Instead, findings suggest that it might be time to de-mystify qualifications frameworks as a panacea and reveal it as a paradigmatic case of travelling educational reforms around the globe that results in institutional isomorphism.
ABSTRACT This article stresses the importance to understand the institutional context in which decisions on radio spectrum use are taken. In particular, this article focuses on the European Union's (EU) institutional context. The history of EU radio spectrum policy is narrated highlighting the tension between the EU integration process and protection of national sovereignty. This tension sets the stage to discuss two research areas which call for further attention: lack of legitimacy of EU law and use of soft power to promote EU integration. Investigating these areas may contribute to identify institutional barriers to better decision making for radio spectrum use.
This chapter analyses the regulatory power of infrastructure operators. First, it introduces transmission system operators (TSOs) in the European electricity sector; addresses their relations with other market actors, NGOs and consumer interests; and explains how TSO cooperation within the European association of TSOs has become a cornerstone of European energy governance. It also reflects on network aspects in the Clean Energy Package and how these could affect the governance architecture. Second, Eckert analyses the regulatory role of TSOs in allocating the costs of the use of cross-border infrastructure, managing congestion, network development and the formulation of network codes. The findings suggest that the European TSOs effectively use their power resources in order to prevent, shape and even make regulation on highly technical infrastructure issues.
This chapter provides readers with an introduction to policy dynamics in European Union (EU) consumer and environmental protection. Eckert reviews the literature on the power balance between corporate interests and environmental and consumer interests. Next, Eckert formulates expectations on how corporate regulatory strategies materialise at the EU-level. To that end, she compares the role of voluntary agreements, secondary law and its implementation, and litigation. She argues that EU-wide self-regulation is often too demanding for industry, and not necessarily rewarding. By contrast, she expects that corporate power in non-legislative rule-making, i.e. agency governance, standardisation bodies and courts, is particularly pronounced. The chapter concludes by providing a brief overview of the areas of EU regulation to be covered in the industry case studies conducted in the subsequent chapters.
The European Council of Lisbon (December 2000) formally adopted the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) as a means to implement the Lisbon Strategy, a package of policies aimed at promoting economic and social innovations in the member states. The Open Method of Coordination is a means of governance based on the cooperation of member states. The formal introduction of the OMC, based on policy coordination at European level in order to induce change in national policies, triggered a lively scholarly debate on the role of new modes of governance in the EU. New modes of governance are roughly defined as non-hierarchical forms of political steering that rely on policy coordination among a multitude of institutional actors and across government levels. Scholars have coined a variety of terms to capture the characteristics of these governance modes, such as soft modes of governance, network governance, multilevel governance, experimental governance or, as we call it here and elsewhere, innovative governance. Despite the wide variety of terms, scholars hold several assumptions in common. Thus, most scholars assume that new modes of governance have only recently emerged. Furthermore, they assume that such modes of governance particularly emerge in policy areas where the Union lacks competences, while some form of common action is needed. Finally, many scholars take it for granted that non–hierarchical modes of governance result in weak impacts.
Several findings regarding Early Recovery and Reconstruction Schemes emerged from my research. In the following three chapters, my findings are grouped according to the actor examined: government participants, donor agencies, and CSO participants. The list of participants, including their names, titles, and the organizations they present, is available in Appendix C. The findings that emerged from the interviews and focus groups with each group are organized into different themes.
This research aims to examine the dynamics and the impact of international donors’ financing on local CSOs in the Gaza Strip over the course of the six years that followed the takeover by Hamas. It is not clear whether donor funding
strengthened CSOs’ role at the expense of the state, leading to an undermining of the state, or if it instead alleviated pressure on the state through the provision of social services normally associated as being state responsibility.KeywordsFocus GroupCivil Society OrganizationInternational DonorGaza StripDomestic PolicyThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.
Although nonprofits have invested substantial resources in measuring their outcomes, not all nonprofits make use of their outcome information. This study examines how nonprofits use outcome data and what factors are associated with its use. The study categorizes outcome information in three dimensions—professional/anticipatory use, compliance use, and negotiated use. Based on survey data from human service nonprofits (n = 259), the study investigates how risk aversion, institutional factors, and organizational capacity are related to the three dimensions of outcome information use. The findings indicate that compliance use is influenced by coercive pressure, and that professional/anticipatory use and negotiated use are associated with risk aversion, mimetic isomorphism, and political capacity. The study contributes to knowledge of how performance data are used by nonprofit organizations.
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