ChapterPDF Available

Security seeking in a regulatory focus whodunit: The case of the relative orientation in behavioral economics.

Personal Security 1
The Handbook of Personal Security
Patrick J. Carroll
The Ohio State University
Robert M. Arkin
The Ohio State University
Aaron Wichman
Western Kentucky University
From The “Four Freedoms”,
Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Address to Congress
January 6, 1941, Congressional Record, 1941, 87, Part 1.
“The third is freedom from want – which, translated into world terms, means economic
understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its
inhabitants – everywhere in the world.”
“The fourth is freedom from fear – which, translated into world terms, means a world-
wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no
nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor
– anywhere in the world.”
Personal Security 2
Abridged Table of Contents
Part I. Personal Security in the individual context
Part II. Personal Security in the interpersonal context
Part III. Personal security in cultural and health contexts.
Part IV: Interdisciplinary analyses of personal security.
Personal Security 3
Preface: Editors
Chapter 1: Introduction and Overview
Chapter 02: Security and Uncertainty in Contemporary Delayed-Return
Cultures: Coping with the Blockage of Personal Goals
Kees van den Bos, Ian McGregor, & Leonard Martin
Chapter 03: Being Threatened and Being a Threat Can Increase Reliance On
Thoughts: A Self-Validation Approach
Pablo Brinol, Kenneth DeMarree, & Richard Petty
Chapter 04: Psychological Insecurity and Leadership Styles.
Christiane Schoel, Dagmar Stahlberg, and Constantine Sedikides
Chapter 05: The psychology of defensiveness: An integrative security system
model of attachment, self-esteem, and worldviews.
Joshua Hart
Chapter 06: Part I Commentary.
Colin Holbrook & Dan Fessler
Chapter 07: Narcissism and Protection Against Social Threat.
Robert M. Arkin, Stephanie Freis, & Ashley Brown
Personal Security 4
Chapter 08: Regulating Relationship Security of Chronically Insecure Partners
Edward Lemay
Chapter 09: An Attachment Perspective on Personal Security
Mario Milkulincer & Phillip Shaver
Chapter 10: Attachment Security and Prosociality: Dynamics, Underlying
Mechanisms, and Implications
Omri Gillath & Gery Karantzas
Chapter 11: A Goal Circumplex Model of Security Strivings in Social and Cultural
Kornel Tomczyk, Boya Yu, and Xinyue Zhou
Chapter 12: Ostracism Threatens Personal Security: A Temporal Need Threat
Kip Williams & Eric Weisselman
Chapter 13: Part II Commentary
Margaret Clark, Katherine Von Culin, & Jennifer Hirsch
Chapter 14: Security Seeking in a Regulatory Focus Whodunit: The Case of the
Relative Orientation in Behavioral Economics
Geoffrey Leonardelli, Vanessa Bohns, and Jun Gu
Chapter 15: Achieving Existential Security through Symbolically Fusing Secular
and Religious Sources of Control and Order.
Aaron Kay, Steven Shepherd, and Richard Eibach
Personal Security 5
Chapter 16: Responding to Psychological Threats with Deliberate Ignorance:
Causes and Remedies
James Shepperd & Jenny Howell
Chapter 17: Uncertainty in Healthcare: A Multi-Level Approach
Sara Andrews & Kate Sweeny
Chapter 18: Part III Commentary
Alex Rothman, Allison Farrell, and Lisa Auster-Gussman
Chapter 19: “Fear Appeals” and Security in American Foreign Relations
Christopher Fettweis
Chapter 20: Terrorism, Personal Security, and Responsible Policy Making
John Mueller and Mark G. Stewart
Chapter 21: Secure in their beliefs: Personal security, the quest for personal
significance, and the psychology of extremism
Arie Kruglanski & Noa Schori-Eyal
Chapter 22: The Ecology and Evolution of Personal Security: Adaptive
Interdependence of the Individual and the Collective
Rapheal Sagarin
Chapter 23: Part IV Commentary
Thomas Kolditz & John Lovelace
Personal Security 6
There's a hole in the world tonight.
There's a cloud of fear and sorrow.
There's a hole in the world tonight.
Don't let there be a hole in the world tomorrow.
The Eagles
September 11, 2001 represented a terrible and defining moment for Americans.
The impact of the World Trade Center and the Pentagon attacks has swept through
many facets of daily life in the United States, from the arts to politics. Some themes
arose immediately, whereas others increasingly have permeated the collective
consciousness and experience since then. Nearly twelve years have now passed, yet
the topic of security still remains at the center of public discourse and personal
experience. For example, a Google Search for the term “psychological security” yields
over 50 million hits, and there are many more for variations on this theme.
The salience of security concerns can be seen throughout contemporary culture.,
It is difficult to identify an area of daily life that has not been influenced by these events.
For example, the events of 9/11 inspired politics of fear and doubt, anger and
vengeance, over potential security threats (Skitka et al., 2006) and the link to political
points of view and debate is clear. For example, Bonanno and Jost have shown that
people show a conservative shift toward more traditional ideological values that bolster
certainty in the face of large scale security threats like 9-11.
Personal Security 7
The Department of Homeland Security was established on September 22nd,
2001, only eleven days after 9-11. The largest growth in big government since World
War II followed. For all its internal complexities and diversity, the stated goal of this
massive expansion has remained: “keeping America safe” (
Even the “war of choice” in Iraq reflected this; it stemmed from rhetoric where a
“smoking gun” (supposed evidence for weapons of mass destruction) was linked with
the concept of a “mushroom cloud.”
Scholars have suggested the disutility of this collective worry and action focused
on terrorism, and have argued that the American response is dramatically Overblown
(Mueller, 2006). Overblown or not, it seems clear that the terrorist actions of 9/11 have
entered the collective psyche of the American people and this, in part, is what this
Handbook is about.
Psychological science has tried to keep pace, with vigorous and thoughtful
exploration of the terrain of personal security. In one early effort to integrate this work
we edited a Special Issue of the journal Basic and Applied Social Psychology (2006)
featuring contributions to the psychological science of “Security in the Aftermath of 9-
11.” Now that these literatures are more mature, this Handbook is another attempt to
revisit these concepts and, once again, attempt to integrate current theory and research
on personal security.
As with the special issue, this handbook features new theory and research
examining cognitive, emotional, and behavioral responses to specific security threats
(such as 9-11). We hope that this attempt to reflect on what is now known can help to
turn the horror of that tragic day into a blueprint for a better and deeper understanding
Personal Security 8
of what promotes and preserves personal security. And, in so doing, we hope to provide
a clearer window in to how our psychology has changed as time has unfolded over the
past dozen years.
Unlike that special issue, however, this handbook expands the conceptual focus
beyond security in the aftermath of 9/11 to attempt to capture the broader range of
antecedents, processes, and consequences of personal security/insecurity more
generally. Personal security is a state of freedom from concern over loss. Personal
insecurity is a state of concern over loss. Of note, the loss may be anticipated (Andrews
and Sweeny) or actual (Wesselman, Hales, Ren, and Williams). Moreover, the loss can
include basic loss of life or health (e.g., Shepperd and Howell), losses of psychological
resources (e.g., loss of other needs for inclusion, self-worth, control, meaning), or loss
of material resources (Leonardelli, Bohns, & Gu).
In all cases, though, these are more than just losses—they are losses that evoke
concern. To illustrate the importance of concern as well as loss, we draw from Frijda’s
laws of emotion (Frijda, 1996). Among the most basic laws, Frijda emphasized the law
of concern. This law states that emotions are tied to events that evoke concern or, are
important to our survival and well-being. Indeed, losing a free 1-month subscription to a
magazine is unlikely to implicate security concerns in the same way as the prospect of
losing one’s job, marriage, or life. Unlike the former, the latter all evoke concern
because they are important to our immediate survival and well-being. Thus, security is
defined by the presence or absence of concern over loss.
Under this definition, negative emotions ranging from existential terror, anxiety
and/or fear, as well as panic can all be unified by their common origin in concerns over
Personal Security 9
loss—or, personal insecurity. The general concern over loss may then combine with
specific object and sense of loss to create the unique emotions ranging from existential
terror (meaning/purpose loss), grief (actual loss of attachment object), fear (anticipated
loss of health or wellbeing), to sheer panic (current loss of health/life/wellbeing) as when
the drowning victim chokes for air to no avail. This definition unifies the wide range of
security-relevant emotional experiences without sacrificing the subtle nuances of each.
Although we expand on these finer points in the introductory commentary, we
feel that our broad definition still captures the essence of personal security. Most of the
time, we don’t even think about it when we feel secure. Rather, we go about the
business of exploring the environment for opportunities to fulfill higher needs associated
with growth. Indeed, we are reminded of the importance of personal security only when
threats introduce concerns over loss in the unpleasant experience of insecurity. In this
regard, the concept of threat naturally ties to concerns over loss as in our definition of
personal security/insecurity. Simply put, threats create the concern over loss that
defines the experience of personal insecurity; when there are no threats, we experience
a freedom from concern over loss—or, personal security. That is, whereas loss
concerns correspond to insecurity, they don’t just come out of thin air—rather, threats
cause the concerns over loss that define the experiences of physical, existential,
identity, and relational insecurity.
Although 9-11 may have reminded us of the importance or centrality of this
concept, personal security has and always will be one of, if not the, most important
concern of human life (cf. Sagarin & Taylor, 2008; Sagarin this volume). Out on the
savanna, our progenitors had but three classes of things to accomplish. Among these,
Personal Security 10
the goal to “Not be eaten” (safety/security) was surely preeminent. With that goal
satisfied, next was surely time spent ensuring sustenance (food, water, shelter from the
elements), and last was procreation. The first two would sustain the individual, the last
the species. Modern writers, speculating about motivational hierarchies, have also
focused on ontogeny reflecting phylogeny. In the so-called “third wave” in Psychology,
Maslow offered a hierarchy in which safety and security yielded only to physiological
necessities. Moreover, security was preeminent before any other, higher-order
psychological motive could come in to play. The Maslow hierarchy has so infused
common parlance that, we were somewhat surprised to see, that it features even in
contemporary Young Adult novels (i.e.The Fault in Our Stars by New York Times
bestselling author John Green)! Personal security is front-and-center, even for those so
young at the time of 9/11 that they could not recall it at all.
Of course, the study of personal security cannot be limited exclusively to events
like 9-11. The Handbook illustrates that the influence of personal security is far and
wide–stretching over virtually every nook and cranny of modern human life–from
relationships and work, to spirituality and politics. For example, Hart’s chapter casts
security as the superordinate end served by three interrelated motivational subsystems.
Although each of these chapters are unique in their own way, the important point is that
they all converge to show that we must widen our gaze beyond the context of 9-11 to
fully understand the antecedents, processes, and consequences of personal security
(insecurity) across contexts and levels of analyses. The chapters in this volume bear
both on issues stemming from 9-11 as well as the many security issues constantly
evolving around us.
Personal Security 11
Specific Aims
Individual Liberties and Threat Responses. One aim of this edited volume–like
the original special issue–was to show how the psychology of security is not necessarily
a psychology of individual liberty. People sometimes respond to threat with self-defense
processes that are inconsistent with the ideals of a pluralistic society. This theme is
implicit in many of the chapters. Accordingly, we hope that further work will be done to
understand the processes that drive these threat-related responses as well as the
conditions that promote or restrict them in both the potential aggressor and victim (see
Brinol et al., this volume). The chapters also have implications for conditions under
which one person’s coping response to insecurity can threaten another person’s
psychological security. At a social level, these implications have consequences. The
events of 9/11, and the Iraq and Afghanistan wars since, remind us that we live in a
world where belief systems are defended to the death. Is it possible to keep people
from responding to threat with intolerance?
Mental Health Implications. If one considers responses to threat as a topic for
psychological study, implications for mental health quickly spring to mind. At the same
time, while there clearly are many consequences for psychological well-being stemming
from security concerns, security concerns represent a normal part of everyday life. We
still need a better understanding of what psychologically-negative consequences of
security concerns are within the range of successful human function. Some of the
longitudinal studies featured in this volume address related issues (see Andrews and
Sweeny; Lemay this volume). This interest in normal responses to inter- and
intrapsychic phenomena is a hallmark of classic personality and social psychological
Personal Security 12
research. Unfortunately, however, the special significance of 9/11 and other personal
security threats to mental health continue represent fruitful areas for future research in
personality and social psychology.
Identification of Psychological Communalities in Security Models. A final aim of
this handbook was to establish conceptual frameworks that could begin to articulate
both the shared and unique properties of threats to personal security. Awareness of the
psychological communalities shared across superficially distinct security contexts is one
of the greatest potential benefits of this handbook. Although security-related
phenomena may seem superficially distinct from one another, a closer inspection
reveals many psychological equivalencies as well. Many chapters (see chapters by Hart
and Lemay) in this volume look at responses to security threats independent of 9/11.
Their findings touch on the communality of human experience, and provide information
detailing some of the more important psychological correlates of security-relevant
contexts. Of course, the implications of most all of the chapters for understanding many
different types of specific security concerns are very real. Nearly all of the chapters
present findings based in relevant theory that we believe will foster programmatic
research on the study of personal security across a wide range of relevant contexts.
General Organization & Specific Contributions. The 23 chapters of this
handbook can be organized into four content areas: 1) Personal security in individual
experience 2) Personal security in interpersonal experience, 3) Personal security with
cultural and health contexts, and, last, 4) Interdisciplinary analyses of personal security.
Each of these areas has broad implications for policy and research.
Personal Security 13
The first group of chapters examines the individual, intrapsychic psychology of
personal security. In chapter 1, Van den Bos, McGregor, & Martin discuss the complex
dynamic that exists between the experience of uncertainty and personal security in
delayed-return cultures. Brinol, Demarree, and Petty then apply their meta-cognitive
model to account for the role of meta-cognitive influence (e.g., increased confidence) in
driving both compensatory responses to threats from others as well as responses to the
experience of preparing to threaten others. Schoel, Stahlberg, and Sedikides then
discuss the relationship between self-insecurity and differences in leadership styles and
preferences. Next, Joshua Hart presents his tripartite security model that casts
psychological security as the ultimate motivational end advanced by three
complementary security subsystems—esteem, attachment, existential security systems.
By situating all three as substitutable means to psychological security, his model can
effectively reconcile how security threats in one domain (attachment) can be offset by
security boosts in another domain (e.g., self-esteem) of a person’s life. These chapters
offer insights into the complex relationship between security as a personal need and
security as an interpersonal dynamic, a dynamic that is further developed in the second
section of the handbook. The first section closes with a commentary by Colin Holbrook
and Dan Fessler that summarizes and integrates the issues raised in this first section.
The second group of chapters goes beyond the personal, to focus on the
psychology of interpersonal security. Arkin, Freis, and Brown present a case for
differences and similarities in the defense mechanisms employed by vulnerable versus
grandiose narcissists in response to self-threats in social life. Edward Lemay discusses
his Interpersonal Security Compensation model of how responses of secure partners
Personal Security 14
can buffer against or amplify the chronic concerns of insecure (low self-esteem)
partners and, in turn, whether the relationship ultimately dissolves or flourishes over
time. Mario Milkulincer and Phillip Shaver then advance the discussion further by
discussing the neural, emotional, and cognitive correlates and benefits of a secure base
script for social perceivers. Next, Gilliath and Karantzas unpack the complex
mechanisms (neural, emotional, and cognitive) underlying the effect of enhanced
attachment security on prosocial behavior. Of note, one important aspect of the
foregoing chapters is that they suggest that the positive effects of felt security can be
recruited via subtle primes (attachment figures) without any need for conscious
intervention. Rather, the individual can reap the benefits of internalized secure bases
even when he/she is unaware of it.
Next, Tomczyk, Yu, and Zhou present their case for a goal circumplex model of
the motivational dynamics behind pursuing psychological security within different social
and political contexts. Wesselman, Hales, Ren, Williams then present their extensive
work on the immediate and extended effects of ostracism threats to one’s ongoing
sense of personal security and well-being in social life. This section closes with a
commentary by Margaret Clark and colleagues that integrates the different perspectives
on personal security in interpersonal life.
The third section includes chapters that relate personal and interpersonal
perspectives within broader cultural and health contexts of personal security. First,
Leonardelli, Bohns, and Gu introduces their model of how security motivations shape
negotiation and other forms of interdependence in social life (which might also include
prisoner’s dilemmas, trust games, social dilemmas). Next, Kay and colleagues present
Personal Security 15
their intriguing work on the use of public institutions and religious symbols to maintain
collective security.
The final two chapters move to examine how the prospect of loss or threat to
one’s health security (dying from lung disease or breast cancer) often leads people to
behave in ways that, while emotionally comforting, objectively increase their health risk.
In chapter 17, Shepperd and Howell discuss their compelling “information avoidance
model” of how, when, and why the threatening prospect of potentially negative health
feedback can motivate patients to ignore—rather than seek treatment for—clear
warning signs of health risk (lump in breast). Andrews and Sweeny then present their
vital work on how people manage the aversive uncertainty over distant and threatening
health feedback (results of breast exam). Both of the foregoing chapters emphasize
how medical providers can apply these important findings to help patients effectively
cope with the uncertainty and anxiety fueled by security-threatening health feedback.
This section closes with a commentary Alex Rothman and his colleagues that integrates
the various perspectives on personal security within health and cultural domains of
modern life.
The edited volume closes with the final section that takes the reader beyond
psychology to examine personal security through the conceptual and methodological
lenses of allied disciplines, including evolutionary biology, political science, physical
anthropology, and judgment and decision-making. This section begins with a chapter
by leading political scientist, Christopher Fettweis, focusing on how political leaders,
nationally and internationally, as well as commentators and social observers employ
fear appeals to whip up security concerns to advance public support for political
Personal Security 16
agendas. In the next chapter, Mueller and Stewart discuss the extent to which loss
aversion systematically biases policy-makers’ decisions to depart from rationality on
issues like counterterrorism expenditures. Arie Kruglanski and Noa Schori-Eyal then
discuss their innovative research program on how understanding the psychology (the
quest for personal significance) and not just the outcomes of terrorists can vastly
improve the effectiveness of policies designed to preserve homeland and international
security. Last but not least, noted author and evolutionary biologist, Rapheal Sagarin,
discusses how the same defensive and offensive security strategies that have been
hammered and chiseled into species over millions of years by natural selection
pressures can be applied to improve national security strategies, ranging from security
and risk analyses to public policy and long-term strategies. This section then closes with
a commentary by Thomas Kolditz and John Lovelace.
These chapters collectively provide an overview of how contemporary scholars
are conceptualizing the diverse issues related to security/insecurity in modern life. They
represent a new and vibrant area of research unified by the common goal of
understanding the factors that shape a sense of personal security. In so doing, they
collectively place the concept of personal security within the framework of what
motivates the individual, what motivates the group, and what influences the species
more generally. We hope that each of these provocative chapters provides specific
starting points that will ultimately shape future theory, policy, and practice on this
dominant social issue of the new millennium and, as important, offer opportunities to
connect social and personality psychology to its scientific kin.
Personal Security 17
In the past, after the cold-war and before 9-11, personal security was nearly an
afterthought for many researchers and lay-people alike. In the contemporary literature,
though, personal security is front and center, of focal interest, and there are compelling
reasons for this shift in theory and research. This book distills the contemporary body of
literature into an accessible, rich, and generative source for scholars and students of the
study of personal security.
Personal Security 18
Format, Guidelines, and Publication Timetable
1. Projected Length of Chapters:
Published Length: 19 pages
Manuscript Length, Including Bibliography: 36 pages
2. Projected Length of Handbook:
Number of Chapters: 23
Published Length: 437 pages
Manuscript Length: 828 pages
3. Timetable:
Initial Deadline for Submission Chapter Manuscripts: 10/15/13
Re-submission of Revised Chapter Manuscripts: 04/01/14
Submission of Finished Handbook to Publisher: 8/01/14
Publication of the Handbook: Prior to 09/11/2015
Personal Security 19
Market Audience
The audience for this Handbook should primarily be academic scholars,
practitioners, graduate students, and some advanced undergraduate students across
quite a wide array of subfields of Psychology. These subfields include social
psychology and personality psychology, but there is likely to be considerable interest
among clinical and counseling psychologists, educational psychologists,
developmentalists, those studying judgment and decision making, students of
criminology and sociology, and others as well. Among psychologists, the book is likely
to be used as a resource handbook for reference, but will also surely be adopted as a
supplemental or primary textbook in graduate courses and even the occasional very
advanced undergraduate honors seminar.
In addition, there are several related disciplines where the concept of personal
security will be congenial, and it is likely this volume will penetrate the awareness of and
the market for these scholars as well. Certainly, the areas of advertising, marketing,
communication, business in general and management in particular, all show increasing
awareness of the construct of personal security and the role it plays in their theory-
building, research, practice, public life, and in public policy. These ideas are relevant to
Political Scientists, Economists, and Sociologists as well. We even expect that a
concept such as personal and psychological security is likely to find its way on to the
pages of USA Today, the New York Times, and perhaps articles in the New Yorker and
the like where the likes of Malcolm Gladwell and the Times science writers will may find
the ideas compelling. In sum, we see this volume as bridging many areas of the
academy and educational book market.
Personal Security 20
A quick Google search registers over 50 million hits on psychological security
and millions more register for variant (psychological insecurity, safety, etc.,). And,
what’s more, scholarly literature searches (using PsychInfo, GoogleScholar, and
LexisNexis) reveal an enormous number of individual papers of various sorts
accumulating over the past ten to fifteen years (more than 1,000), focused squarely on
psychological security.
In spite of that proliferation of both general and scholarly interest and discourse,
the very same searches reveal not one edited volume focused squarely on this
compelling topic. By contrast, several handbook-length edited volumes have addressed
the topic of security more generally (computer, home, etc.,), and have included a
smattering of material focused on the psychology of security. For example, Cassidy
and Shaver’s handbook focuses on psychological security exclusively from attachment
theory and research traditions. Cassiday and Shaver’s handbook excludes other
established perspectives on psychological security at the individual (existential security)
as well as group level (ingroup security from outgroup threats). Thus, while a wonderful
handbook for attachment theorists, that volume, nor any other like it within psychology,
surveys anything approaching the diverse range of theory, phenomena, methods, and
practical problems for psychological security that this volume tackles.
Of course, the present volume also can be distinguished from other notable
handbooks on security outside of psychology. For example, Sagarin and Taylor's
handbook entitled "Natural Security: A Darwinian Framework" surveys perspectives on
security at the biological and socio-cultural level of analyses. It does not emphasize the
Personal Security 21
psychological, individual level of analyses to security that defines this Handbook effort.
We note that by including Sagarin as an author of a general commentary, our book can
serve as a “hub” volume that integrates, instead of ignores, the implications of these
levels of analyses for the psychology of security. In so doing, this volume turns
competition into cooperation by showing how psychological perspectives inform and, in
turn, are informed by biological and socio-cultural level of analyses of security. The end
result of initiating this intellectual exchange could be an increasingly multi-level
understanding of how biological, psychological, and socio-cultural levels of modern life.
In sum, this handbook would remedy the current lack of any single comprehensive
source to meet this growing public and political appetite to learn more about the
psychology of security. Too, it features new theory and evidence that has emerged
within the psychological sciences since 2006 and, more importantly, moves beyond
the exclusive focus on psychological security in the aftermath of 9-11 to embrace a
broader focus on the personal security across virtually every nook and cranny of
modern life. The present volume will fill this gap in the literature, bringing together
more than twenty top-drawer scholars that represent a diverse range of research
methods and approaches, all unified by the common focus on the concept to which
this volume is devoted: Personal security. In short, there is no competition for this
volume (see next page for related projects).
Personal Security 22
Similar projects, either more narrowly drawn or more broadly drawn, include:
Cassidy, J., & Shaver, P. R. (Eds.). (2008). Handbook of attachment: Theory, research,
and clinical applications (2nd edition). New York: Guilford Press.
Sagarin, R. & Taylor, T. (Eds.). (2008). Natural Security: A Darwinian Approach to a
Dangerous World (1st edition). Berkley: University of California Press.
Full-text available
In reviewing self-categorization theory and the literature upon which it is based, we conclude that individuals’ attempts to form social categories could lead to three kinds of self-categorization. We label them intergroup categorization, ingroup categorization, and outgroup categorization. We review literature supporting these three types and argue that they can help to explain and organize the existing evidence. Moreover, we conclude that distinguishing these three kinds of self-categorization lead to novel predictions regarding social identity, social cognition, and groups. We offer some of those predictions by discussing their potential causes (building from optimal distinctiveness and security seeking literatures) and implications (on topics including prototype complexity, self-stereotyping, stereotype formation, intergroup behavior, dual identity, conformity and the psychological implications of perceiving uncategorized collections of people). This paper offers a platform from which to build theoretical and empirical advances in social identity, social cognition, and intergroup relations.
Full-text available
We integrate moral disengagement, social identification, and social norms theories to develop, test, and replicate a model that explains how and when envy is associated with social undermining. In Study 1, a two-wave study of hospital employees, results support the prediction that the mediated effect of envy on social undermining behavior through moral disengagement is stronger when employees have low social identification with coworkers. Study 2, a four-wave, multilevel study of student teams, shows that the indirect effect of envy on social undermining through moral disengagement is stronger in teams with low team identification and high team undermining norms.
This revised edition, first published in 1977, contains a new introductory section by Tibor Scitovsky. It sets out to analyze the inherent defects of the market economy as an instrument of human improvement. Since publication, it is believed to have been very influential in the ecological movement and hence is considered to be relevant today. The book tries to give an economist's answer to three questions: Why has economic development become and remained so compelling a goal even though it gives disappointing results? Why has modern society become so concerned with distributional processes when the great majority of people can raise their living standards through increased production? Why has the 20th century seen a universal predominant trend toward collective provision and state regulation in economic areas at a time when individual freedom of action is widely extolled and is given unprecedented reign in non-economic areas? The book suggests that the current impasse on a number of key issues in the political economy of advanced nations is attributable, in part, to an outmoded perspective on the nature, and therefore, the promise of economic growth. The critique has some important implications for policy and opens up a range of policy issues. -after Author
Many political situations involve competitions where winning is more important than doing well. In international politics, this relative gains problem is widely argued to be a major impediment to cooperation under anarchy. After discussing why states might seek relative gains, I demonstrate that the hypothesis holds very different implications from those usually presumed. Relative gains do impede cooperation in the two-actor case and provide an important justification for treating international anarchy as a prisoner's dilemma problem; but if the initial absolute gains situation is not a prisoner's dilemma, relative gains seeking is much less consequential. Its significance is even more attenuated with more than two competitors. Relative gains cannot prop up the realist critique of international cooperation theory, but may affect the pattern of cooperation when a small number of states are the most central international actors.