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Civil society philanthropy and the fate of the commons
Abstract
Among the greatest challenges facing humanity in the twenty-first century is that of sustaining a healthy civil society, which depends upon managing the tension between individual and collective interests. Bruce R. Sievers explores this issue by investigating ways to balance the public and private sides of modern life in a manner that allows realization of the ideal of individual freedom and, at the same time, makes possible the effective pursuit of the common good. He traces the development of civil society from the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic and the eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment, analyzes its legacy for modern political life, and explores how historical trends in the formation of civil society and philanthropy aid or impede our achievement of public goods in the modern era.
... How do we reconcile the tension between private philanthropic actors and public actors creating policy for the common good (Zunz, 2012;Sievers, 2010a)? A robust measure of accountability is necessary to reconcile this tension in the public space. ...
... While these successful relationships have been occurring amongst some NGOs and their partners, the mechanisms and understanding for applying democratic values in institutional philanthropy here in the United States are underdeveloped. Scholars note that institutional philanthropy (i.e., public and private foundations) philosophically share the same pluralistic values associated with democracy (Sievers, 2010a & b;Payton & Moody, 2008). Philanthropic foundations engaged in policy work should require a more inclusive accountability model that is stakeholder-centered. ...
... In 1952, Eugene Cox called for a select committee to investigate the purpose of private foundations (Zunz, 2012). The Cox Commission looked into the legitimacy of philanthropic foundations as policy partners, because it had been criticized as potentially "un-American", "subversive" and of a "socialistic nature" (Sievers, 2010a;Payton & Moody, 2008). ...
Philanthropic organizations contribute to important work that solves complex problems to strengthen communities. Many of these organizations are moving toward engaging in public policy work, in addition to funding programs. This paper raises questions of legitimacy for foundations, as well as issues of transparency and accountability in a pluralistic democracy. Measures of civic health also inform how philanthropic organizations can be accountable to stakeholders. We propose a holistic model for philanthropic accountability that combines elements of transparency and performance accountability, as well as practices associated with the American pluralistic model for democratic accountability. We argue that philanthropic institutions should seek stakeholder and public input when shaping any public policy agenda. This paper suggests a new paradigm, called philanthropic accountability that can be used for legitimacy and democratic governance of private foundations engaged in policy work. The Philanthropic Accountability Model can be empirically tested and used as a governance tool.
... How do we reconcile the tension between private philanthropic actors and public actors creating policy for the common good (Zunz, 2012;Sievers, 2010a)? A robust measure of accountability is necessary to reconcile this tension in the public space. ...
... While these successful relationships have been occurring amongst some NGOs and their partners, the mechanisms and understanding for applying democratic values in institutional philanthropy here in the United States are underdeveloped. Scholars note that institutional philanthropy (i.e., public and private foundations) philosophically share the same pluralistic values associated with democracy (Sievers, 2010a & b;Payton & Moody, 2008). Philanthropic foundations engaged in policy work should require a more inclusive accountability model that is stakeholder-centered. ...
... In 1952, Eugene Cox called for a select committee to investigate the purpose of private foundations (Zunz, 2012). The Cox Commission looked into the legitimacy of philanthropic foundations as policy partners, because it had been criticized as potentially "un-American", "subversive" and of a "socialistic nature" (Sievers, 2010a;Payton & Moody, 2008). ...
Philanthropic organizations contribute to important work that solves complex problems to strengthen communities. Many of these organizations are moving toward engaging in public policy work, in addition to funding programs. This paper raises questions of legitimacy for foundations, as well as issues of transparency and accountability in a pluralistic democracy. Measures of civic health also inform how philanthropic organizations can be accountable to stakeholders. We propose a holistic model for philanthropic accountability that combines elements of transparency and performance accountability, as well as practices associated with the American pluralistic model for democratic accountability. We argue that philanthropic institutions should seek stakeholder and public input when shaping any public policy agenda. This paper suggests a new paradigm, called philanthropic accountability that can be used for legitimacy and democratic governance of private foundations engaged in policy work. The Philanthropic Accountability Model can be empirically tested and used as a governance tool. © 2016, Southern Public Administration Education Foundation, Inc. All rights reserved.
... At the same time, matters of justice cannot be settled once and for ever, because conditions and populations change, new information comes to light, and new communities or leaders bring new insights or assessments. Good order in the public arena must be established according to objective evidence and impersonal ethical principles that transcend communal morals and perspectives (Sievers 2010 ;Rawls 1996 ), without the expectation that these can ever be settled permanently. In this way, social unity can be preserved through confl ict within a tradition of respectful disagreement and deliberation, as long as evils are reduced and human conditions gradually improve ( Hampshire 2000 , pp. 88-89). ...
... Nevertheless, the emphasis on individual liberties has sometimes overshadowed the prior commitment to meeting basic needs. Bruce Sievers ( 2010 ) pointed to the wars of religion in Western Europe as the historical turning point toward focusing on individual liberties as the central commitment for modern political society. As a result, concern about individual basic needs and shared goods-"the commons"was relegated to a secondary place in liberal political philosophy. ...
... Bruce Sievers ( 2010 ) proposed that professional philanthropy, both individuals and foundations, should aim to strengthen civil society and build capacity for collective action, including mechanisms for deliberation and civic engagement. It falls within the scope of his proposal to engage foundations in convening and facilitating local deliberations on business operations and in monitoring and communicating follow-through on agreements. ...
Moral failures or ethical violations in business and government have most frequently been attributed to a lack of moral awareness or character, which are in turn considered to be the result of poor upbringing, a lack of courage in the face of peer pressures, or a failure of moral reasoning and judgment. Education in business and public ethics attempts to inform leaders of moral limits, alert them to negative consequences of moral failure, and strengthen their commitment to positive moral values. Such programs of moral education are not sufficient, however, to prepare leaders to address questions of justice in a democratic pluralistic society. Businesses and government are powerful institutions with great effects on matters of justice, social welfare, and the public good, quite apart from activities that break laws or violate commonly held moral values. Public leaders need education in ethical reflection and public deliberation in order to fulfill their responsibilities to manage and lead toward building the common good and a more just society. In designing education to prepare leaders for these responsibilities, the most critical elements will be public accountability, public reason, and a conceptual framework to distinguish matters of procedural justice, distributive justice, and public justice.
... A primeira organização a se disseminar foi a maçonaria, de origem europeia, que teve significativa influência no processo da Independência, em 1776. Benjamin Franklin, um dos líderes da Independência, criou uma famosa associação, Junto, arquétipo do nascente associativismo: auto-governada, filantrópica e voltada ao bem comum (SIEVERS, 2010 O temor quanto ao predomínio do particular sobre o bem público foi vencido a partir de meados do século 19, assinala Hall (2006, p. 38ss). A aristocracia, politicamente desempoderada, utilizou instituições privadas para exercer influência política em grandes cidades como Boston, New York e Philadelphia. ...
... Por cerca de um século o fraternalismo congregou mais americanos que qualquer outra organização, à exceção das igrejas, avalia David Beito (2000, p. 204 O empresariado estreitou relações com o setor não lucrativo na segunda metade do século 19, com o advento das fundações privadas (private foundations), por iniciativa de lideranças empresariais influentes como Andrew Carneggie e John Rockfeller. As fundações inauguraram a filantropia científica, uma concepção que assinalou mudanças profundas e permanentes no setor: a noção de filantropia orientada pela compaixão foi substituída pela ideia de filantropia voltada à eficiência, objetivando e mensurando resultados sociais (SIEVERS, 2010;PAYTON e MOODY, 2008). O profissionalismo, apoiado em estudos científicos, e a aproximação com as políticas públicas marcaram o novo estilo de filantropia. ...
O artigo analisa a relação entre o setor não lucrativo, comunidade e welfare state liberal nos Estados Unidos, sob a ótica comunitarista. O texto apresenta um breve delineamento histórico do associativismo e da tradição filantrópica, evidencia os vínculos entre as organizações não lucrativas e o Estado na constituição do welfare state liberal, elenca aspectos da legislação norte-americana referente às organizações não lucrativas e algumas características gerais desse setor, para então explanar a posição comunitarista. A linha conclusiva é de que não equivalência entre setor não lucrativo e comunidade, não bastando a simples expansão do setor não lucrativo para o desejável reequilíbrio entre Estado, comunidade e mercado. O método é histórico-crítico e a pesquisa é bibliográfica.
... Some argue that the provision of resources by foundations plays an essential role in a pluralistic, civil society (Sievers, 2010b), while others consider whether foundations might harm the civil society because they influence policymaking and hold agenda setting powers while being undemocratic and elitist (Anheier, 2014;Anheier & Leat, 2013;Rogers, 2011;Sievers, 2010a;Zunz, 2012) Due to their wealth, foundations become oversized players in the social policy arena, influencing the provision of public goods and the direction of public policy. While nonprofit organizations and foundations are technically private organizations, they are enabled, supported, and incentivized by public policy. ...
Despite the increasing attention to transparency among academics and practitioners, researchers face a significant challenge in gaining access to foundation information, which limits their ability to study foundation transparency. This research aims to advance our understanding of foundation transparency by exploring various dimensions of transparency, including public visibility, information disclosure, external relational activities, reporting quality, and the timeliness of information. The study uses IRS Form 990-PF e-file datasets from 2011 to 2016, as well as information collected from foundation websites. Foundations with websites were coded using content analysis, and a transparency index was constructed through principal factor analysis. The findings indicate that only around one percent of foundations maintain a website, and publicly available information is skewed towards administrative information with a lack of financial information and information on external relations-building activities. Additionally, the average time taken to file after the tax deadline was approximately four months, and tax filings were found to have reporting quality issues.
... Can society rely on wealthy elites being charitable to address societal needs? 1 Recently, philanthropy as a source for societal well-being has been subject to much scrutiny, especially where Ultra High Net Worth Individuals are involved (e.g., Maclean et al., 2021;Reich, 2018;Saunders-Hastings, 2022;Sievers, 2010). In this article, we examine Ultra High Net Worth philanthropy in a historical context (in a related vein as do Casson & Casson, 2019;Duquette, 2019Duquette, , 2018Harvey et al., 2011Harvey et al., , 2019Maclean et al., 2021). ...
We study the charitable behavior of the wealthiest individuals in a very affluent and unequal society, that of the Dutch during their “Golden Age” (late 16th to the 17th centuries). Did these wealthy elites share their prosperity with those less fortunate? Using rare data from printed sources and wills located in archives, we study their inter vivos giving as well as their charitable bequests. Our study shows that the elites were surprisingly uncharitable: Only 15% made documented life-time gifts, and their bequests were valued around 1% of their wealth. Charity was embedded in the whole social fabric save the frugal top. Our results show that burghers made more documented life-time gifts than those belonging to the nobility and regent classes. In addition, those belonging to a religious minority as well as those without children gave more. We conclude our article with implications and limitations of elite philanthropy for society.
... American philanthropic and charitable traditions are undergirded by faith values -personal or corporate principles or standards of behavior that are derived from religious texts, traditions, or group norms (Mundey et al., 2019). Many of America's public foundations, which we define as public charities whose primary activity is to raise and distribute funds for charitable purposes, were founded in response to a religiously based concern for the well-being of American society (Davis, 2013;Jungclaus, 2021;Sievers, 2010;Yeager, 1990). Much of the progressive movement of the early 20th century was populated, advanced, and underwritten by people of faith as a moral response to increasing corporate and political corruption. ...
... Civil society today is acknowledged as a varied and ever-wider ecosystem of individuals, communities, and organisations. The civil society organisations are hence, functioning in diverse areas ranging from biodiversity and sustainable development to infant inoculation and gender justice, etc. at both global and local stages (Sievers, 2010). This research aims to explore structural dynamics of civil society in Pakistan and Turkey. ...
In the modern era, the role of civil society cannot be ignored in the development of a country. In the democratic arena, it compels the undemocratic elements to follow democratic norms in a given society and keeps a vigilant watch on the activities of the government. This article, apart from the conceptual clarification of civil society and democracy, throws light on how civil society played its role in the promotion of democratisation in Pakistan and Turkey. In Pakistan, civil society is considered as an umbrella phrase for a range of non-state and non-market citizen organisations and initiatives, network, and unions operating in an expansive gamut. The civil society in Pakistan has been flawed by the structural dynamics of state consolidation from the beginning. In current years, nevertheless, civil society organisations have proven to be stronger and dedicated but is still at a developing stage. Looking at the Turkish politics after the World War II, it has been under the influence of rapid democratisation as well as social mobilisation. It also precipitated the delivery of services to the neglected periphery of society.
... Transformation has also come from the top down, typically led by established institutions. However, these top-down approaches have had a tendency to favor the powerful and wealthy, who have been able to secure political advantages by manipulating public opinion [54][55][56]. Nevertheless, movements and political opportunities have been dependent on the socio-political contexts in which they have operated, and these may be influencing factors determining success or failure. ...
Society is at an important intersection in dealing with the challenges of climate change, and this paper is presented at a critical juncture in light of growing recognition that the natural sciences are insufficient to deal with these challenges. Critical aspects of sociological perspectives related to climate change research are brought together in this review in the hope of fostering greater interdisciplinary collaboration between the natural and social sciences. We fervently argue for the need to inculcate interdisciplinary approaches that can provide innovative perspectives and solutions to the challenges we face from the impacts of climate change. As such, some critical sociological perspectives are addressed, with two objectives: (a) to provide a foundational opening for readers seeking an introductory perspective and potential core contributions of sociological insights on climate change; and (b) to explore opportunities and obstacles that may occur with increased interdisciplinary cooperation and collaboration. We lay out fundamental ideas by assembling a loosely connected body of sociological research, hoping to develop and advance the collaborative research agenda between sociology and other disciplines for the near future.
... One structural difference is that the Netherlands has a more decentralized state power structure compared to Sweden, which has allowed for philanthropy to play a more active part in the development and provision of professional welfare services (Dekker, 2013;Schyut, 2013). The Dutch civil society is arguably one of the oldest in the world and its historic importance is a large part of the explanation of why civic behaviour is more often expressed through philanthropy than it is in Sweden (Sievers, 2010). ...
The reasons people have to give money to charities varies between different societal settings. This article explores the interaction between individual and social reasons to give in Sweden, a country representing a distinct type of such settings. The purpose of the article is to addresses not only the question of how much that is donated and to what, but to also provide an interpretation of why people give and what it means to give in this national context. Social origins theory is used to analyse results gathered from a national survey on civic participation in Sweden. The results show that giving in Sweden is widespread, small-scale and relatively uniform across different groups of givers. It is concluded from this that giving is mainly a civil act performed for personal reasons and to a lesser degree a civic act with significance for the social standing of the donor.
... On a related note, as Dr. Una Osili reminds us, the linkages between philanthropy and social capital are well understood and have been theorized by some scholars. But this process can be further developed, as Bruce Sievers has argued (Sievers 2010). Sievers has called for looking at philanthropy as one of the key seven pillars of civil society-and one that is indispensable for its formation and sustainability. ...
Among Arab-American Muslims, secular ethnic and humanitarian giving, focused on ‘results’ and ‘measurable impact,’ is displacing religiously inspired giving, that is driven by ‘charity’ and ‘love of mankind.’ This trend is supported by evidence of the way donors position themselves and philanthropic organizations appeal to their donor base. The case is supported by qualitative data drawn from interviews with key informants and from trend data on giving. I propose a new model of giving based on identity and giving, using Grounded Theory methods. This model challenges our understanding about the connection between community and philanthropy and proposes that philanthropy can create ‘community.’
... On a related note, as Dr. Una Osili reminds us, the linkages between philanthropy and social capital are well understood and have been theorized by some scholars. But this process can be further developed, as Bruce Sievers has argued (Sievers 2010). Sievers has called for looking at philanthropy as one of the key seven pillars of civil society-and one that is indispensable for its formation and sustainability. ...
O terceiro setor – entendido como conjunto das organizações da sociedade civil, e não como conjunto de entidades sem fins lucrativos – expressa duas características humanas fundamentais: a cooperação e o altruísmo. Voltadas à solução de problemas públicos ou coletivos, as organizações sociais cumprem uma função sociopolítica de grande relevância. A compreensão dessa importância tem sido prejudicada pela prevalência, na literatura e no senso comum, de um conceito fraco de terceiro setor, erguido sobre a experiência histórica do nonprofit sector norte-americano, que põe em primeiro plano o caráter não lucrativo e filantrópico das organizações sociais. Esse conceito fraco é próprio da tradição filantrópica e filia-se à visão econômica liberal neoclássica, que atribui às organizações da sociedade civil a função residual de preencher falhas do mercado e do Estado. Afirma-se aqui a pertinência política de um conceito forte de terceiro setor, assentado na tradição associativa e que põe em primeiro plano a capacidade cooperativa e associativa presente em todas as sociedades, devendo esse segmento ser compreendido como um setor específico, próprio da comunidade (sociedade civil), distinto do setor público e do privado. O método é histórico-crítico e a técnica de pesquisa é bibliográfica.
In this article, we analyze what a private foundation is in the USA and we try to unravel its origin, its forms, and its substantive and tax regime, in order to explain in the Spanish-speaking scientific field, in a very complete way, its entire legal regime. Of course, we analyze your public authorization and supervision regime under IRS section 501 (c) 3 and F-990 PF.
I. Qué son y cómo son las Private Foundations: 1. Introducción: clarifican-do el contenido. 2. La «Private Foundation» americana: cómo, cuándo y por qué surge: A) El volumen de fundaciones privadas en los EE.UU. actuales. B) Su origen histórico y las condiciones en que se desarrollaron: a) El origen remoto comparado entre Inglaterra y el Continente. b) El origen y desarrollo inicial en los EE.UU. c) Nacimiento de la «fundación» americana moderna. C) La aparición conceptual de la «fundación privada». 3. Concepto, naturaleza y clasificación de la fundación privada americana: A) El concepto y la naturaleza de la fundación privada. B) Clasificación de fundaciones privadas. C) La nue-vas figuras filantrópicas derivadas de la responsabilidad social de las empresas.-II. la regulación Fiscal de las Private Foundations: 1. Las Private Foundations como entida-des fiscalmente exentas. 2. Las sanciones impuestas por incumplimiento de sus obligaciones median-te excise taxes: A) Excise taxes impuestas por incumplimientos relativos a autocontratación. B) Requisitos relativos a la distribución de beneficios y excise taxes como medida disua-soria ante la no distribución del patrimonio de estas entidades. C) La excise tax impues-ta por superar los límites de participación en otras entidades (excess business holding). D) Inversiones que ponen en riesgo a la Private Foundation (jeopardazing investments). E) La excise tax por incurrir en gastos prohibidos. 3. Pérdida del estatus de Private Foundation. 4. Deducibilidad de las donaciones efectuadas a las Private Foundations.-III. Conclusiones
This chapter explores, extensively, the regulation and public oversight systems of NPOs -type foundation (and charities)- in France, England, the United States, Germany, and Spain. After going through the main aspects of each of these models, an abstraction of the principles and forms of all the models is proposed that can be used to see which formulas are most appropriate for the purposes of supervision and extension of the philanthropic sector that are sought. Analyzing everything from a legal, social, historical, and critical perspective. Finally, some solutions are proposed for the Spanish NPO's Law system.
Este capítulo explora, de manera extensiva, los sistemas públicos de regulación y supervisión de las organizaciones no lucrativas de tipo fundación (y charity) en Francia, Inglaterra, EStados Unidos, Alemania y España. Tras recorrer los aspectos principales de cada uno de esos modelos, se propone una abstracción de principios y formas de todos los modelos que pueden servir para ver qué fórmulas resultan más adecuadas a los fines de supervisión y extensión del sector filantrópico que se pretenden. Analizando todo desde una perspectiva legal, social, histórica y crítica. Finalmente se proponen algunas soluciones para el sistema español de regulación del tercer sector.
La fundación es una institución jurídica en la que se encuentran la voluntad privada y la pública en la búsqueda del bien común, mediante la creación de una institución autónoma, sin ánimo de lucro con una aportación patrimonial duradera, supervisada por las autoridades y vinculada a tal fin general. La presencia de ambas voluntades es lo que ha configurado históricamente esta figura, reconocida así en nuestro ordenamiento. Fruto de esa situación, aunque consolidada, se ha producido tensiones que, en los últimos tiempos, están llevando a una reformulación de las formas de intervención pública sobre su ser y su actuar. En este artículo se revisa cómo surgió esta figura y en qué se parece a sus equivalentes en otros países culturalmente cercanos (Alemania, Francia, Inglaterra y los Estados Unidos) y cómo la han regulado. Finalmente se realiza un análisis crítico de la regulación vigente y se proponen ideas para su posible transformación
By examining philanthropy towards Zaytuna College, the first Muslim liberal arts college in the U.S. and ISNA, and contextualizing it in the discourses of giving among American Muslims, this paper seeks to offer a theoretical framework for contextualizing Islamic philanthropy during ‘crisis'. I argue that philanthropy in this context should be seen as a gradually evolving ‘discursive tradition,' and not an unchanging one. Given the discourse of Islam in America being one framed in the rubric of ‘crisis,' and the attempts by American Muslim organizations to garner philanthropic support using this framework; it is important to understand how certain crisis situations impacted discourses of philanthropy towards this sector. This paper attempts a Foucaldian analysis of how American Muslims negotiate this discursive tension in the realm of giving. I build on the work of various scholars and offer a framework that treats philanthropy towards Islamic schools, cultural and educational institutions as a ‘discursive tradition' to understand how the dynamics of philanthropy are changing in this sector. I propose that a discursive approach could also offer us new insights into how philanthropy is being transformed, under certain institutional constraints and relations of power.
By examining philanthropy towards Zaytuna College, the first Muslim liberal arts college in the U.S. and ISNA, and contextualizing it in the discourses of giving among American Muslims, this paper seeks to offer a theoretical framework for contextualizing Islamic philanthropy during ‘crisis'. I argue that philanthropy in this context should be seen as a gradually evolving ‘discursive tradition,' and not an unchanging one. Given the discourse of Islam in America being one framed in the rubric of ‘crisis,' and the attempts by American Muslim organizations to garner philanthropic support using this framework; it is important to understand how certain crisis situations impacted discourses of philanthropy towards this sector. This paper attempts a Foucaldian analysis of how American Muslims negotiate this discursive tension in the realm of giving. I build on the work of various scholars and offer a framework that treats philanthropy towards Islamic schools, cultural and educational institutions as a ‘discursive tradition' to understand how the dynamics of philanthropy are changing in this sector. I propose that a discursive approach could also offer us new insights into how philanthropy is being transformed, under certain institutional constraints and relations of power.
Advertising by fossil fuel companies is a ubiquitous element of modern political life. Promotional campaigns in the service of a corporation’s position toward environmental issues such as climate change are prevalent in the oil and gas sectors, where corporate image is seen as a valuable asset in managing risk, controlling negative media attention, and overcoming resistance by antagonistic civil society groups. This article assesses advertising expenditures by five major oil and gasoline companies for the time period 1986 to 2015. We examine four major factors that may influence spending on advertising by the oil and gas sectors: (1) the overall reputation of the oil and gas sector; (2) congressional attention to climate change; (3) media attention to climate change; and (4) a series of control variables including major oil spills, the publication of major climate change reports, overall public concern about climate change, GDP, and oil prices. We find that the factors that most influence corporate promotional spending are media coverage and congressional attention to the issue of climate change.
In 1649 Samuel Rutherford, the leading theorist of the Covenanter revolution, published his Free Disputation Against Pretended Liberty of Conscience. The situation of this celebrated anti-tolerationist argument, which famously roused the ire of Milton, in the political and ecclesiological strife of mid-seventeenth-century Britain and Ireland is well known, and has been frequently discussed in scholarship. The focus of this paper is rather on Rutherford’s connection to a broader intellectual tradition, namely the vibrant Conciliarist movement of the late medieval and early modern period. It argues that Rutherford drew on Conciliarist thought in order to articulate an account of individual rights and consent within an over-arching framework of unity and uniformity. In doing so he was able to develop a nuanced understanding of conscience and the right of resistance, while always maintaining its subordination to the law of God. The paper also compares Rutherford’s covenantal vision of politics with Locke’s contractual understanding as a way of beginning to recontextualise early modern debates concerning tolerance, its character and its scope.
A society is analogous in a variety of aspects to an individual. At a particular stage in time, a society contains all the creations it has made since inception with general or specific potentials and potentiality for the future. Around any point over space, a society holds the essential imagery of its existing wholeness with explicit or implicit consequences and consequentiality to the surroundings. In other words, the society encompasses collective differences and similarities in a comparative perspective while from a historical point of view it exhibits human encounters and experiences from commonsense to religion to science to a combination of all. This chapter follows human living comparatively from society to society and historically from stage to stage. With respect to “integration,” it maintains that integration is not only about incorporation, systemization, or universalization, but also about diversification, localization, or particularization. On the one hand, linking then, now, and the later represents integration in historical perspectives. People struggling over one modality can gain insights and assistances naturally from other moments of life. On the other hand, joining here, there, and the larger reflects integration through comparative dimensions. People striving in one style may seek inspirations and supports automatically from other realms of existence.
Profits from legal gambling are often channelled to good causes. This system embeds the predicament of whether citizens’ potentially problematic gambling activities should be a source of funding for the public good. In this article, this dilemma is unfolded by the receivers of public grants that stem from gambling revenues. A total of twenty-three representatives of Civil Society Organizations were interviewed as beneficiaries of the Finnish state-owned gambling monopolies. The article illustrates explicit dependencies and hidden ethical dilemmas, suggesting that CSOs may have limited possibilities of making ethically consistent decisions in view of the origin of their funding.
The term “democracy” is ambiguous and multidimensional, applied to very different kinds of political systems, and thus needs to be defined with care, beginning with the origins of the term with Plato and Aristotle. The components of democracy are then identified historically as constitutions, representative legislatures, civil societies, selection of executives, extension of the franchise, secret ballots, referenda, civil and political rights, and many other elements. From among at least fifty definitions of “democracy,” forty are explained, with an emphasis on how mere procedural democracy fails to live up to the standards of substantive democracy. The chapter concludes with arguments against democracy based on the flaws of bureaucratism, chicanery, corruption, cultural inappropriateness, imposition of regime type, inefficiency, inexorable oligarchy, mob rule, moral decay, public naiveté, the tragedy of the commons, instability, and the tendency to go to war.
Business ethics education has focused primarily on the moral formation of individual leaders and managers in the context of legal compliance, ethical codes, and organizational culture. As valuable as this approach is, it does not generate a sufficient level of business responsibility to satisfy legitimate social concerns regarding the use of natural resources, environmental sustainability, reasonable limitation of systemic risk in capital markets, and fair allocation of goods and services. It is my aim to strengthen the external accountability inherent in business ethics, drawing upon the foundational morals of human systems of exchange as the foundation for education in business ethics as a matter of justice and the pragmatic pursuit of the good.
Developing good citizens is an historic role for higher education (Sullivan & Rosin, 2008) and the emergence of service-learning as a pedagogical strategy has heightened attention to the intentional educational objectives to be addressed in higher education. This article examines the role of service-learning in developing philanthropic values and behaviors in students that can influence their postgraduate years through careers, civic activities, and family life. Unlike other forms of community-based education (e.g., cooperative education, internship), service-learning extends beyond “serving to learn,” to “learning to serve” (see Chang, this issue) through being involved in community activities (e.g., advocacy, community organizing, volunteering). Two of the explicit dimensions of preparing civic-minded graduates are increasing knowledge of the nonprofit sector and volunteer opportunities and increasing commitment to be involved in the community, both of which can be achieved through service-learning (Steinberg, Hatcher, & Bringle, 201145.
Steinberg, K., Hatcher, J. A., & Bringle, R. G. (2011). The civic-minded graduate: A north-star. Michigan Journal of Community Service Learning, 18, 19–33.View all references).
By emphasizing civil society’s ambiguous relationship with modernity, the author proposes a discursive definition of civil society that draws on conflict theory. The author distinguishes between a civil society and a sectarian approach to politics from a theoretical perspective. Accordingly, a juxtaposition of the Muslim Brotherhood and its splinter groups in the Egyptian political arena epitomizes the opposing ideals of a civil society and a good society. Thus, the author moves away from the theoretical debate on the compatibility of Islam and democracy and suggests the possibility of a learning process of democratic practices by means of participating in the public sphere.
Explains the general character of the critical link between globalization and global public goods, in order to set the context for the specific analyses in the four main parts of the book, and to highlight the need for a proper theoretical basis to guide public policy-making. Without such a basis, globalization will be shaped by disjointed political pressures and jurisdictions, which are likely to favour the emergence of public bads and hinder the development of public goods. © 2003 by the United Nations Development Programme. All rights reserved.
What makes for a good theory in economics? Tastes and opinions differ on this important issue, with some admiring the mathematical elegance and logical completeness of analysis, some admiring the metaphoric insight provided by deep description, and others admiring the development of new analytic tools rather than the application of those tools to nonprofit issues. In this Chapter, I choose to evaluate economic theories of the nonprofit sector by their ability to answer what I regard as the central questions in (a) describing the sector; (b) formulating governmental policy towards the sector; and (c) managing nonprofit organizations. More specifically, I discuss theories’ ability to enlighten our understanding of the scope of inquiry, the determinants of the size and scope of the nonprofit sector, and the behavioral responses of donors, volunteers, paid staff, and nonprofit organizations to changes in their external environment. I then turn, more briefly and selectively, to theories’ ability to inform tax policy towards donations, taxation of nonprofit entities, competition among and between organizations in the various sectors, and fundraising regulation. Finally, I briefly discuss theories’ ability to improve the pricing, fundraising, and evaluation functions of nonprofit management.
The provision of global public goods will impose two tasks (1) increase the role of non-state actors (2) do this without permitting the operation of special-interest politics to jeopardize their legitimacy. While non-state actors are crucial to rebuilding the legitimacy of the international system, they are only likely to be accepted and effective in this role if they succeed in strengthening their own legitimacy in the eyes of governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the general public. © 2003 by the United Nations Development Programme. All rights reserved.
We need more transnational governing capacity, as both national governments and intergovernmental organizations are unable to cope with rising transnational problems. Can a global civil society make major contributions along these lines? This article argues that the answer is yes with a significant “but”. Global civil society can make major contributions, but no nearly sufficient ones without the formation of some form of a global state.
This article draws attention to the importance of public goods for the well-being of people, including, as a means toward this end, for the efficiency of markets. The author suggests that as a result of globalization, a growing number of public goods have assumed cross-border dimensions and become global public goods (GPGs). They can no longer be adequately provided through domestic policy action alone but require international cooperation for their adequate provision. The author argues that for globalization to work for all, it is important for civil society organizations (CSOs) to become more systematically involved in international negotiations and cooperation and to facilitate closer linkages between domestic policy making and international cooperation. Six policy options are discussed that could strengthen the role of CSOs in the provision of GPGs and in achieving more balanced and sustainable development.
Human Rights Quarterly 19.4 (1997) 724-737
In the Tanner Lectures delivered just before Soviet Marxism/Stalinism fell, the late Ernest Gellner said, "Civil Society . . . is first of all that part of society which is not the state. It is a residue." What did he mean? If this residue is large, powerful, and organized, the idea "contains the assumption that civil society . . . is in a position to ensure that the state does its job but no more, and that it does it properly." But what of other civilizations in an emerging global society? Do they, too, limit the activities of states? Do they give meaning to the idea of a "state?" Is not the better ideal a democratic society which itself defines the parameters of power of a contemporary state under international law? Democracy and the rule of law are concepts whose core lies in Western civilization. Yet might civil society as an idea extend beyond Western origins?
In a later work, Gellner answered that question, but only in part. He thought the idea of civil society to have priority even over democracy. "'Civil Society' is markedly superior to a notion such as 'democracy,' which, though it may highlight the fact that we prefer consent over coercion, tells us precious little concerning the social pre-conditions of the effectiveness of general consent and participation." In customary and traditional societies, for example, "civil society" also keeps an informal check on the arbitrariness of rulers from within a tradition, as Ummas do in Islamic civil socie-ties. The idea of "civil society" most often has accompanied social contract thought in liberal political theory from Locke, Rousseau, Ferguson, Kant, and other Europeans, although modern French and German equivalents use "civil society" to denote the social totality, including the state.
Anglo-American usage within capitalistic society separates the voluntary, religious, and private spheres from the state's public spheres. Strands of Scottish Enlightenment, influential in eighteenth century America, were the first to embrace a moral philosophy that questioned the old natural law basis for civil society. This unique contribution demonstrated the independent influence of customs, practices, and institutions that resisted formal law but still maintained a rational morality as social fact. Civil society was a moral arena in which commerce and exchange entailed mutual recognition or identity of individual moral selves without a necessary theological basis. After Hume extended this humane skepticism to its rational limits of doubt, Kantian thought made the distinction between the public and the private spheres absolute. The private sphere harbored individual integrity of self and consciousness. The public sphere operated through reason in deliberating with others with equal dignity in a civil public forum for the common good. For Hegel, on the other hand, civil society provided the dialectic tension from outside an existing equilibrium of public and private power to create a dynamic movement toward world state and spirit, integrating state with society. Building on Hegel's dialectic, Marx attempted to merge the private moral sphere with the public sphere, which was ever more closely allied with the actual power of the state. The state thus became society by the process of dialectic through class struggle involving material private and public interests and historical change.
In the West, "civil society" thus grew from different points of view, each in its own way aimed at filling a communal void as medieval society and its feudal system were replaced by the modern national state with a central monopoly of coercive power operating under some semblance of law. This central public monopoly is vital because it authorizes coercion as a legitimate restraint against savagery from blood feuds and private wars and inhibits ethnic and religious violence as well as ordinary crime, delicts, and private conflict.
From among the European varieties of thought about civil societies, two viewpoints stand out conceptually. The first viewpoint, in the tradition of Hobbes and Pufendorf, held that hostile human nature organized within and between nations in a state of nature required the state to hold in check the natural hostilities and selfishness of its citizens in order to have a civil society where individuals might freely associate, have commerce...
In recent discussions, the role of the Internet in facilitating democratization has been either exaggerated or underestimated. The general consensus seems to be that that the Internet will eventually go the way of other technologies of communication such as the radio and television that failed to live up to their expected role of agents of democratization. Rather than empower marginal groups and constituencies, the Internet could even contribute to more subtle and omnipotent forms of social control through surveillance. This paper examines these positions by focusing on the Singapore case. The possibilities for the expansion of civil society and the emergence of a robust public sphere as a consequence of the wiring up of the country are examined. The key argument of the paper is that although the Internet does indeed contribute to enhanced surveillance capabilities, its potential for circumventing existing forms of regulation and expanding the limited public sphere in Singapore is also very real.
This paper provides a personal account of the attempt to expand the scope and effectiveness of civil society in Singapore through the creative deployment of the Internet and other communication technologies. The narrative seeks to convey the experience of the attempt to open up the possibilities of informed, active and engaged citizenship in Singapore and beyond. Both the possibilities and possible bottlenecks are examined in the context of globalization and the emergence of new communication technologies and globalization.
The idea of moral pluralism generates a dilemma for the practice of philanthropy. Characteristically, the practice of philanthropy assumes unity, coherence, or convergence among the diverse virtues and moral aims that it pursues. In the philanthropic tradition, it is recognized that the goals of a particular philanthropy will vary. Yet, if these are sincere expressions of the philanthropic will, each represents some portion of the manifold activity of “doing good” according to particularized choice or style. The relevant analogy should be drawn to the slogan of “giving to the college of your choice” or to worship of the one god in your own way, where the plurality of expression is not only consistent with the residual value of education or of religion, but articulates the pragmatic way to realize the underlying values of a pluralistic society.
Historically, this reflects the place of a unifying religious vision of the nature of the good or of a secular conception of a public philosophy which recognized the common good. Even etymologically, the love of mankind suggests a single passion that is directed beneficently to the shared values of mankind.
The theory and practice of contemporary philanthropy is necessarily pluralistic, however, and it reflects the range of decisions by individuals with different interests and values in a pluralist, democratic society. The legitimized and recognized range of philanthropies in modern societies demonstrates divergent and even conflicting perceptions of the common good or the public interest.
Thus, the range of philanthropies includes support for bird watching and for business opportunities of minorities, which may require some decisions on “comparable worth” and competitive allocation of resources.
While much speculated on, the effects of media polls on citizens’ political perceptions and preferences have remained notoriously
elusive in empirical research, in particular in field research using representative surveys. Applying a unique data base—a
two-wave pre- and post-election panel survey of German voters whose first wave was designed as a rolling cross-section survey
supplemented on a day-by-day basis with published data from media polls—this article demonstrates that polls mattered in the
2005 German parliamentary election in various ways. Combining aggregate-level time-series analyses with individual-level regression
analyses, the study shows that expectations concerning the coalition seen as the most likely outcome of the election were
strongly influenced by combined party shares reported by polling news. In particular, this pertained to voters who closely
followed the polls. Our findings also indicate that at least for some parties polls even had an impact on voting behavior
itself. Vote choices for the SPD and voting intentions for the Leftist Party were positively influenced by polling reports
that suggested an improved standing of these parties. At least for the Social Democrats this again especially concerned voters
who paid close attention to that kind of media content.
Alexis de Tocqueville discusses extensively the phenomenon of civil society. He distinguishes between the competence of the state on the one hand and the proper competences of free associations on the other. Therefore, the competence of the state should be a limited one. However, since free associations can cause social struggle, the government should also have the ability to limit self-regulation of free associations. Moreover, each government needs a social basis that gives support to this policy of intervention. The central question of this article reads as follows: What method of research is Tocqueville employing to discover this social basis. The conclusion is that his method is to discover what mores form the basis needed by a democratic government to pursue its policy of intervention.
This article focuses on the close linkage between domestic philanthropy and commerce at the end of the early modern period, and the sophistication with which well-connected evangelical institutions transcended the confines of established religion and territorial boundaries. Use of a large set of primary and secondary sources that are relatively unknown in the history of the voluntary sector permits the examination and analysis of several notable aspects of the Francke Orphanage Foundations, an 18th-century central European institution of evangelical reform and colonial mission. Particular attention is given to the innovative efforts of their founder, August Hermann Francke, to secure an independent financial base for his institutional goals. These goals, which were supported in large part by members of the German nobility and of merchants in the imperial cities, included but were not limited to reform of charity care and education. From the outset, a close network of personal supporters and evangelical institutions that extended throughout Protestant Europe proved essential for both trade and evangelical mission; this network permitted expansion into Russia and the Baltic provinces, Hungary, the Near East and India, and eventually the British North American colonies.