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The arm's length principle and the arts: an international perspective - past, present and future
... I dok nacionalno-emancipatorski model afirmacijom nacionalnog identiteta donosi tendencije diskontinuiteta u hrvatski kulturno-politički krug, kontinuitet socijalističkog modela ogleda se u kontekstu hrvatske kulturne politike kroz državni birokratsko-prosvjetiteljski model kulturne politike, odnosno države inženjera, kako su ga ideal-tipski opisali Chartrand i McCaughey (1989.). Glavne karakteristike tog modela u prvom desetljeću hrvatske samostalnosti ogledaju se u činjenici da država dominantno kontrolira cjelokupan kulturni pogon kroz svoj politički, administrativni i ideološki aparat te tematski i ideološki određuje kulturno-umjetnički sadržaj. ...
... Slijedom izostanka sustavne kulturne reforme i drugu fazu kulturnog razvoja karakterizira fokus na javni sektor u kulturi. Ipak, u novim društveno-političkim okolnostima hrvatski model kulturne politike u ovoj se fazi približava modelu države arhitekta, državnom prestižno-prosvjetiteljskom modelu kulturne politike (Chartrand i McCaughey, 1989.). Uobičajeno, u okviru modela države arhitekta, čiji je najpoznatiji primjer Francuska, glavnu ulogu u upravljanju i financiranju kulture imaju Ministarstvo kulture i tijela na nižim razinama. ...
... U drugoj polovici druge faze razvoja kulturne politike, od 2008. pa nadalje, događa se koncepcijski pomak i blaga transformacija kulturne politike prema miješanom modelu između države arhitekta i države zaštitnika (Chartrand i McCaughey, 1989.). Trend decentralizacije u procesima odlučivanja nastavljen je osnivanjem novih institucija "na dohvat ruke" (arm's length) -Hrvatskog audiovizualnog centra (HAVC) 2008. ...
This book provides an overview of cultural development and cultural policies in the Republic of Croatia from its independence until 2020., covering the trends, obstacles, challenges and potentials of cultural development in one place.
... Cultural policy has often been described in terms the arm's length principle, and of a dichotomy between art for art's sake and instrumentalism (e.g. Hillman Chartrand & McCaughey 1989, Cummings & Katz 1987. In post-war Western cultural policy, the arm's length principle was institutionalized as the main organizational model for cultural policy, establishing a model of cultural policy that combined government support with respect for the autonomy of the field of cultural production. ...
... Cultural policy as we know it is often described as a product of the post-war era in Western Europe (e.g. Hillman Chartrand & McCaughey 1989). This narrative points towards an origin in the context of the post-war reconstruction of Western states, and especially of France and the United Kingdom. ...
In postwar Western cultural policy, the arm's length principle was institutionalized as the main organizational model for cultural policy. In the 21st century, several trends have contributed to change the nature of cultural policy, possibly to the extent that 20th century models are no longer appropriate to describe it. The ongoing culturalization of society appears to increase the roles played by culture, but at the same time decrease its autonomy. This article presents a discussion on the relevance of the arm's length principle as a description of present and future cultural policy, and aims to understand it within a broader framework for understanding cultural policy by using the concept of legitimacy. I suggest that cultural policy can be understood in terms of legitimizing systems of government by institutionalizing government support for certain values, narratives, and identities. The art field and cultural institutions simultaneously institutionalize these, and contribute to shaping them.
... Second, on the national scale, public art is analyzed as part of a broader strategy about the role of arts and culture in society (Kim and Comunian, 2020;Zheng, 2017), which corresponds with diverging funding mechanisms and policy discourses. Chartrand's and McCaughey's (1989) widely used typology offer four national models: The American "facilitator" model that emphasizes diversity of art forms and artistic independence; the British "Patron" model, also followed in Canada and Australia (Craik, 2007) that promotes excellence; the French "Architect" model that endorses democratization of culture; and the USSR "Engineering" model that facilitates political education. The cities in our sample are sometimes described as being nested in the discursive climate of the American "Facilitator" model and the British "Patron" model, but municipalities also show a mix and match approach (Craik, 2007). ...
... These boundaries, determined by size and language, mean our sample captures only the public art policy space in the global north. Within that part, moreover, it includes cities that are more visible and central within the global economy and are considered part of the American "facilitator" and the British "Patron" models (Craik, 2007) in Chartrand and McCaughey's (1989) classical typology of arts and culture funding. This has consequences for what public art discourses we found, and we reflect upon this fact in the discussion and conclusion. ...
The urban policy mobility literature describes the widespread circulation of policyideas while highlighting their mutations along the way. At the same time, the literature oftenanalyzes the localization of such ideas by examining their adoption in one or several cities. Tobetter understand policy replications and mutations, we develop theoretical and methodologicalstrategies that provide sensitivity to both local distinctiveness and global variability. We build on the Urban Policy Mobility literature and combine it with ecological theories of conceptual spaces to develop the concept of Urban Model Spaces – a matrix of discursive possibilities evolving from the accumulated replications and localizations of a model. We articulate it via three coreproperties central to Urban Policy Mobility - Temporality, Scale, and Position and test how theyshape the emergence of policy discourses. To demonstrate the concept we analyze public art policy and the funding mechanism of the Percent for Art ordinance from 26 cities combining Structural Topic Modeling and regression analysis
... Ambos elementos ayudan a entender el papel del sector público en la financiación de la cultura, la mayor o menor contribución de la ciudadanía y de las empresas en el sector, así como el predominio de unos u otros objetivos de política cultural. Si bien, con el paso del tiempo, los modelos originalmente planteados por Chartrand y McCaughey (1989) han ido perdiendo parte de su pureza, siguen siendo útiles a la hora de explicar tendencias en el ámbito de la gestión cultural (tabla 1). ...
... Fuente: Adaptación de Chartrand y McCaughey (1989). ...
Este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la contribución de la ciudadanía y el sector empresarial a la financiación de las artes y de la cultura en España. A partir de un breve repaso al marco legal del mecenazgo en España, el trabajo se centra en el análisis de los datos que proporciona la Agencia Tributaria sobre la contribución de ambos agentes a la cultura. Este análisis se completa con una aproximación a las percepciones y actitudes de la ciudadanía española sobre el mecenazgo cultural, así como el papel de este en las principales instituciones culturales del país. El trabajo pone de relieve, entre otras cosas, la importancia que la configuración de los modelos de política cultural tiene en el uso más o menos eficaz de los instrumentos fiscales en la financiación de la cultura.
... Ett snävare politikbegrepp förlägger kulturpolitiken till de aktörer och institutioner som innehar en politisk roll och ställning på kulturområdet. Kulturpolitiken placeras därigenom helt och hållet in en politisk-administrativ apparat som utgår från statens offentliga styrning och dess funktion att styra kulturområdet genom beslut, regleringar, direktiv, stödfunktioner etc. Särskilt gör sig en sådan inskränkning av kulturpolitiken gällande i en kontext som den svenska med en kulturpolitisk modell som i nästan uteslutande grad baseras på offentlig styrning (Mangset 2011;Hillman-Chartrand & McCaughey 1989). Det snävare politikbegreppet kan breddas mot att innefatta implementeringen av politiska beslut och det förvaltningsmässiga policyarbetet. ...
... Å ena sidan byggs den upp av stora krav på autonomi och finner sitt existensberättigande i en lång historia av försvar för konstens inneboende egenvärden och egenintresse. Denna grundläggande idé har konsekvent reproducerats i den kulturpolitiska diskussionen och blivit formulerad, såväl explicit som implicit, ihop med olika kvalitets-och smakomdömen som det lämnas upp till det konstproducerande fältet själv att bestämma, i enlighet med en grundläggande princip om styrning på armlängds avstånd på kulturens område (Frenander 2011b;Hillman-Chartrand & McCaughey 1989). Å andra sidan innebär den stora offentliga inblandningen på kulturområdet att det, likt andra samhällssektorer, otvivelaktigt blir föremål för politiskt formulerade målsättningar. ...
... De amerikanske statsviterne Cummings og Katz (1987:12) hevder at man kan snakke om en saerskilt fransk kulturpolitisk modell, der "a single ministry, headed by a cabinet minister, would be in charge of all cultural policies." De kanadiske kulturforskerne Hillman-Chartrand og McCaughey (1989) opererer med flere -og mer generelle -kulturpolitiske modeller. De plasserer Frankrike (sammen med blant andre Nederland) inn under arkitektmodellen, 1 en kulturpolitisk modell der kulturdepartement, byråkrater og kunstnerorganisasjoner fordeler kunststøtte ut ifra velferdsmålsetninger. ...
... Bildet av fransk kulturpolitikk framstår på denne bakgrunn kanskje litt mindre entydig enn det enkelte modellbaserte komparative studier gir inntrykk av Hillman-Chartrand & McCaughey 1989). ...
... Domestic debates on cultural policy continue to focus on whether the state's support for creative professionals is adequate. In this respect, the logic of the classificatory categories of patron, facilitator, engineer or architect states, proposed by Hillman- Chartrand and McCaughey (1989), appear to be relevant at a macro level of analysis. This said, it is increasingly difficult to reduce the highly diverse, formal and informal, as well as networked modalities of cultural policy to these models. ...
... On the other, it may refer more narrowly to products of the arts, heritage and creative and media industries. "Policy" may be considered as programmatic sets of ideas or plans of action pursued by any agency' (IJCP n.d) 2. To put it briefly, according to Hillman-Chartrand and McCaughey (1989), there are four models describing the form of governmental engagement in the cultural sector. The facilitator state is a classical liberal, night-watch form of governance where the state puts in place tax relief for different private and corporate actors to support the forms of culture according their own preference, thus resulting in a high plurality of cultural tastes and sources of cultural funding. ...
... administrações culturais da União Europeia (UE). A este respeito, procuramos problematizar a hipótese, amplamente glosada na literatura, segundo a qual, enquanto os modelos europeus centrais e nórdicos de políticas culturais se centram nos valores intrínsecos relacionados com a cultura (em que esta surge como fim em si mesma), os liberais dão prioridade instrumental à excelência artística e aos resultados económicos (Chartrand e McCaughey, 1989;Zimmer e Toepler, 1999;Wesner, 2010). Na verdade, embora muitos autores tenham abordado a forma como os valores específicos da cultura, incluindo os categorizados como intrínsecos e instrumentais, são tipicamente associados a estes modelos, falta-nos a avaliação empírica relativa a tais reivindicações teóricas e a análise de como se relacionam com as configurações da organização do estado. ...
Este artigo centra-se nos principais contributos do projeto europeu Uncharted sobre os valores emergentes na administração cultural europeia, apoiando-se numa vasta análise documental, em grupos focais e entrevistas a uma plêiade de atores. Analisando quatro estudos de caso ibéricos, procura-se identificar a diversidade de valores que moldam as decisões e práticas de política cultural, com foco nas tensões e conflitos entre os atores envolvidos e as suas valorações. Demonstrar-se-á que os atores se mobilizam em torno de disputas sobre a hierarquia de valores, o que exige uma compreensão dos contextos em que cada reportório se estabelece, ainda que a conflitualidade se exerça dentro de um mesmo modelo de política cultural, prevalecente nos dois países ibéricos.
... Thus, cultural policies aimed at developing strategies such as promoting the communitarian re-appropriation of public spaces (Bruner, 1987in Logiódice, 2012. In Argentina, an institutional structure that combines the so-called Anglo-Saxon and French models administrates cultural policy (Chartrand & Mccaughey, 1989), combining a National Culture Ministry and a National Arts Fund. Beyond some rhetorical variations in recent decades, these policies have traditionally focused on the dissemination of the fine arts, with a greater or lesser degree of territorial diversification, but mainly focused on main cities (Mendes Calado, 2015). ...
This book centers people of African descent as cultural leaders to challenge the myth that they do not know how or care about managing and preserving their culture. Arts Management, Cultural Policy, & the African Diaspora also presents comparative case studies of the challenges, differences, similarities, and successes in approaches to cultural leadership across multiple cultural contexts throughout the diaspora. This volume disrupts the enduring and systemic global marginalization, oppression, and subjugation that threatens and undermines people of African descent’s cultural contributions to humanity. The most important distinguishing feature of the volume is its geographical use of the African diaspora to explore the subjects of arts management and cultural policy which, to date, no volume has done before. Furthermore, the volume’s comparative examination of ten critical, historical, practical, and theoretical questions makes it a significant contribution to the literatures in Arts Management, Cultural Policy, Cultural, Africana, African American, and Ethnic studies.
... She claimed to "have little affinity with art and culture", which she regarded as a virtue because "a minister of culture should not be a culture expert […] but have good policy" (HLN, 2010, translated from Dutch). Schauvliege thus supported the "arm's length" principle (Chartrand & McCaughey, 1989). She was mostly concerned with art management (see Vanderbeeken, 2012). ...
Being an artist rarely leads to financial gain. In many Western countries, artists can therefore request state subsidies. While subsidies are meant to ensure artists’ autonomy by protecting them from the laws of the market, the logic of the state itself does not leave the art world unaffected, either. The relationship between the state and the arts is understudied in empirical sociological research. Combining pragmatist and critical art sociology, in this dissertation, I examine to what extent the neoliberalization and professionalization of Flemish cultural policy over the period 1965 to 2015 reflected in 1) the ways visual artists legitimized their applications and 2) the judgments of the evaluating committee. To this end, I analyze 494 grant proposals of Flemish visual artists and 12,254 decisions of the evaluating committee. Using qualitative and quantitative methods, I find, among other things, that over time artists became less inclined to present themselves as romantic, suffering artists and more as entrepreneurs, academics, and questioners of social inequality. Further, the committee, which before 1990 frequently supported both debutant and oft-subsidized applicants, was after the 1990s sharply less inclined to subsidize first-time applicants. Artists’ justifications and the committee’s evaluations did thus indeed change with cultural policy. Still, this cannot be plainly read as a loss of autonomy for the visual arts. Alongside social, academic, and entrepreneurial discourses, artists still used justifications rooted in an artistic vocation and esthetics. Moreover, besides changing demands from the state, the tendency of the art world itself to continually innovate has been a motivator for artists to engage with other fields, such as politics and science. In turn, the committee’s changing selection pattern is no direct evidence of a conscious preference for reputationally established artists. Awarding grants primarily to artists who have previously received grants may reflect consistency in the committee’s esthetic judgment, allowing it to show that it “knows what it is doing,” which is vital for organizations that often receive social critique. Yet the entry of entrepreneurial language into artists’ discourse shows a certain acceptance of the “established order,” and the recent choices of the committee, because of which newcomers have less chance to obtain a grant, affect artists’ careers.
... Flere kulturpolitikkforskere har forsøkt å dele inn ulike kulturpolitiske styringsformer i idealtypiske modeller (se for eksempel Chartrand og McCaughey 1989;Cummings og Katz 1987;Madden 2009;Zimmer og Toepler 1996), bl.a. for å kunne sammenligne ulike varianter av offentlig kulturstøtte. En av disse modellene er den nordiske kulturpolitiske modellen (Duelund 2003;Mangset et al. 2008;Syvertsen et al. 2014). ...
... As an early and intensely capitalist society, England, especially, tended to leave popular music to profit-making venues, such as the music halls which first appeared in the mid-1800s in the wake of mass urbanization (Russell 1997). Following the Second World War and in direct rhetorical reaction to the Soviet Union's Zhadanovschina, the British government assumed what Chartrand and McCaughey (1989) have characterized as a deliberately 'arm's length' cultural policy approach to music (see Looseley 2011), tending to characterize all forms of state finance in the arts as a form of totalitarian interventionism, instead preferring to let "the market" determine financial support for popular music (Breen 2008). ...
The popular music industries have significant problems when it comes to gender equality. There is now ample evidence that major barriers exist that prevent women and non-binary people from participating fully in almost all activities related to music-making (see Strong and Raine 2019 for an overview). In this chapter, we consider how cultural policy approaches have attempted to address this issue, and to what extent they have been successful, by comparing examples from the popular music sectors in Sweden, the United Kingdom and Australia. We show that the wider national policy contexts of a country and the ways in which women, and music and the creative arts more broadly, have historically been included in policy considerations, leads to different expectations and outcomes for interventions in this area. We conclude with an examination of how policy responses to the COVID-19 crisis in 2020 may be shifting the ground on this issue. Gender and popular music has most often been studied through analysis of representation, by way of close readings of performers, songs, music videos and marketing (see for example Whiteley 1994; Leonard 2007; and Lieb 2013) as well as subjectivities, identities and subcultures (see for example Rose 1994 and Morgan 1999). In contrast, our focus here is on the inequalities of participation in the popular music industries, and the extent to which these gender inequalities have been shaped and addressed by policy. In doing so, the chapter builds on wider research into gender, cultural labour and the creative and cultural industries...
... The concept of the arm's length principle was frequently "used rhetorically by politicians and cultural workers to reinforce the legitimacy of national cultural policy" (Mangset 2009). Although British cultural policy is "generally regarded as the prototype of an independent cultural policy" (Chartrand and McCaughey 1989;Mangset 2009), in the case of the British Council, this concept was used as a rhetorical and normative tool. The goal was to reinforce the "myth" surrounding its relationship with its parent ministry even if it did not always cover the same political reality. ...
Brexit represents a constantly evolving and complex process. To explore it, this paper proposes a new perspective by applying reputation concept arguments in order to observe the general evolution of the EU-UK relationships investigated it from the cultural policy case and with a study of the British Council. It argues that the UK agency responsible for educational exchanges and cultural relations with international influence can be an example of re engagement. As soon as the referendum was announced, the British Council tried to capitalise on Brexit to strengthen its bilateral ties with the European cultural and educational institutions. The UK and the British Council do not have any motive to withdraw from interstitial spaces like European networks for example. The British Council thus reengages under a new status of third country in some European cultural networks or in some programs like Creative Europe or Erasmus+. The analysis of the British Council’s reputation and soft power provides insights into its capacity to share and implement its post-Brexit story about European integration but also the tensions engendered by the specificity of the cultural field. Focusing first on the British Council’s history and its links with the FCO, this article examines then the “audience networks” that the British Council has developed. Finally, the rupture created by Brexit brings to strengthen its cooperation with its European counterparts and to re-enforce the post-Brexit EU-UK cultural cooperation.
... Digitisation has in many ways been a game changer, but has cultural policy been able to adapt to the new economic and technological conditions? Has Danish cultural policy to some extent faced one of the main drawbacks of the Architect State (Hillmann-Chartrand & McCaughey, 1989), namely stagnation? ...
... Icelandic cultural politics, as it manifests itself in aesthetic ideals and public investment in culture and the arts, is in many respects comparable to the policies of the other Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden (Duelund 2003(Duelund , 2008Guðmundsson 2003;Vestheim 2010;Valtýsson 2011;Einarsson 2012;Sigurjónsson 2013). Sometimes referred to as a mixture of the "French Ministry of Culture model and the British 'arm's length' model" (Mangset, Kangas, Skot-Hansen & Vestheim 2008:2; see also Cummings & Katz 1987;Chartrand & McCaughey 1989), the Nordic countries supposedly combine central aspects of both these models, because they both have relatively strong ministries for cultural affairs and relatively strong arts councils (Mangset, Kangas, Skot-Hansen & Vestheim 2008). Iceland, however, has never had an arts council as such, but various cultural policy bodies and institutions are operated in accordance with an "arm's length principle" and we can see from the 2013 National Cultural Policy that there was an interest in strengthening that model. ...
... In turn, we can infer from this approach that this framework gave rise to a paradox in the second half of the twentieth century, namely great dependence on public funding on the one hand and great freedom of action on the other. In English-speaking countries, this combination took the form of "arm's length" governance arrangements (Chartrand & McCaughey, 1989;Mangset, 2017). In Central and Southern European countries, the same combination took the form of The State directly exercising financial control but conferring broad artistic freedoma model inspired by France's approach to High Arts management (Rius-Ulldemolins, Pizzi, et al., 2019). ...
Cultural policy is usually assessed as a positive element for socio-economic development and therefore its criticism is generally confined to poor implementation and discussion of its social effects. However, it is occasionally analysed as an instrument that produces unsustainable development, as a generator of white elephants, or as a means of waste, corruption, and clientelistic domination of the political sphere. This is what we might call the ‘dark side’ of cultural policy. Our case study of the city of València (Spain), focussing on two of its major cultural institutions, the Valèncian Institute of Modern Art, the Palace of Arts, and MuVIM, exemplifies this cultural policy dimension.
... In relation to models presented in the research literature on cultural policy, these features makes the Nordic model a combination of the French model, focusing on a ministry of culture, and the British 'arm's length' model; or of the Architect model and the Patron model (cf. Cummings &Katz 1987;Chartrand & McCaughey 1989), combined with a relatively large role for regions, local administration, and interest organizations, but not for market actors. Government control in relation to arm's length bodies is relatively strong in Sweden, but all of the aspects of the Nordic model, as described above, are clearly present (Harding 2007, Mangset 2015. ...
Swedish cultural policy has long been characterized by broad political consensus, partially because it has only drawn very limited attention as an arena for political conflict. There are now indications that consensus around the Swedish model of cultural policy is breaking down. This article explores current criticism of cultural policy in Sweden from the established centre-right, and the populist right. As new political divisions are becoming increasingly important, cultural policy becomes a contested area, including a number of symbolically critical issues, e.g. multiculturalism, controversial modern art, and political influence on arts and culture. In current debates, the arm’s length principle is still widely supported in both, the centre-right, and the centre-left, but the centre-right is increasingly viewing current centre-left cultural policies as politicizing. The nationalist-populist Sweden Democrats stand out in their explicit focus on social cohesion based on Swedish cultural identity, and lower regard for the arm’s length principle.
... Idealet er en vis uafhaengighed af det politiske og her er "armslaengde" eller "armslaengdeprincippet" blevet dét centrale begreb for de mange komplekse relationer og indretninger, der styrer relationen mellem det politiske og kunststøtteorganerne (se bl.a. Hillman-Chartrand & Mccaughey 1989;Madden 2009;Mangset 2009). Der findes ikke én fastlagt definition, men generel enighed om at princippet skal sikre kunststøtten mod politisk indblanding eller pres og derfor skal opfylde to praemisser: der skal vaere et autonomt organ (fx en kunstfond eller -råd), der uddeler støtten og det skal vaere fagfaeller (specialister eller kunstnere), der traeffer beslutningerne ud fra kunstfaglige kriterier (Madden 2009:12;Mangset 2009:273-74). ...
... w sposobie administrowania organizacjami kultury (centralizacja czy decentralizacja, np. Heiskanen 2001), jak i w skali i charakterze wsparcia udzielanego na stymulowanie kreatywności w kulturze bądź jej ograniczanie (Chartrand, McCaughey 1989). Publiczne finansowanie kultury nie oznacza wyłącznie bezpośredniej alokacji środków finansowych, obejmuje bowiem również mechanizm finansowania pośredniego łączącego się m.in. ...
... Julkisen vallan rooli puolueiden taide-ja kulttuurikirjauksissa vastaa osin Hillman-Chartrandin ja McCaugheyn arkkitehtimallia, etenkin sen yhdeksi ominaisuudeksi luettavaa taiteen ja kulttuurin sosiaalisen hyvinvointia tuottavan luonteen painottamista (Hillman- Chartrand ja McCaughey 1989;Häyrynen 2006, 63-64;Kangas ja Vestheim 2010, 276). Arkkitehtimalliin liittyvät hallinnon rakenteet, virkamiesten rooli, instituutiot sekä taiteilijan ja taideyhteisön tuet ja vertaisuuteen perustuva taiteen määrittely eivät näyttäisi olevan puolueiden ohjelmakirjauksien keskiössä. ...
Poliitikkojen väitetään vaikenevan taiteesta ja kulttuurista. Suurimmalla osasta puolueista on silti tarve sanallistaa suhdettaan taiteeseen ja kulttuuriin sekä niiden edistämiseen. Tutkimusaineistoni koostuu viimeisen kuudenkymmenen vuoden aikana toimineen 48 puolueen 1270 poliittisesta ohjelmasta. Vuosina 1960–2019 toimivista ja vuodesta 1969 lähtien rekisteröityjen puolueiden ohjelmista yhteensä 579:stä löytyy taide- ja kulttuurikirjauksia. Tämän artikkelin tavoitteena on laadullisen ja määrällisen sisällönanalyysin kautta löytää, tunnistaa ja nimetä eri puolueita yhdistävät pitkät linjat, päämäärät ja motiivit taidetta ja kulttuuria koskevissa kirjauksissa poliittisissa ohjelmateksteissä sellaisina kuin ne ohjelmissa esiintyvät eri aikoina.
... w sposobie administrowania organizacjami kultury (centralizacja czy decentralizacja, np. Heiskanen 2001), jak i w skali i charakterze wsparcia udzielanego na stymulowanie kreatywności w kulturze bądź jej ograniczanie (Chartrand, McCaughey 1989). Publiczne finansowanie kultury nie oznacza wyłącznie bezpośredniej alokacji środków finansowych, obejmuje bowiem również mechanizm finansowania pośredniego łączącego się m.in. ...
... In turn, we can infer from this approach that this framework gave rise to a paradox in the second half of the twentieth century, namely great dependence on public funding on the one hand and great freedom of action on the other. In English-speaking countries, this combination took the form of "arm's length" governance arrangements (Chartrand & McCaughey, 1989;Mangset, 2017). In Central and Southern European countries, the same combination took the form of The State directly exercising financial control but conferring broad artistic freedoma model inspired by France's approach to High Arts management (Rius-Ulldemolins, Pizzi, et al., 2019). ...
Cultural institutions are growing in importance as tools of cultural policy and for promoting the city brand. Moreover, these major cultural institutions devour the lion's share of public subsidies, sparking debate on the legitimacy of such public largesse and its “value”. In this connection, one needs to ask to whether opera houses are “cultural white elephants” whose sheer cost greatly outstrips their supposed public benefits. This paper analyses the case of Valencia's Palau de les Arts, where the neo-Liberal discourse of management flexibility was combined with a shocking lack of accountability. Moreover, the creative city frame, neo-Liberal discourse and practices, the elitist management and disconnection from local cultural have spawned a herd of “cultural white elephants” that have become the hallmark of Valencian cultural policy.
... The US American cultural policy author Schuster notes that 'each country has its own conception of the arts and of culture and its own view as to what implies about the role of the government in providing support to activities that fall within the defi nition ' (1989, 18). Bearing in mind the specifi city of countries, Harry Chartrand and Claire McCaughey (1989) proposed a taxonomy of approaches. While their approach is now some 30 years old, it still serves as an important tool to understand government intervention in arts and culture (Bell and Oakley 2015). ...
... w sposobie administrowania organizacjami kultury (centralizacja czy decentralizacja, np. Heiskanen 2001), jak i w skali i charakterze wsparcia udzielanego na stymulowanie kreatywności w kulturze bądź jej ograniczanie (Chartrand, McCaughey 1989). Publiczne finansowanie kultury nie oznacza wyłącznie bezpośredniej alokacji środków finansowych, obejmuje bowiem również mechanizm finansowania pośredniego łączącego się m.in. ...
Polityka kulturalna jest „instrumentem prowadzącym do rozwoju przemysłów kulturalnych
i zapewnienia rozwoju poszczególnych kultur w świecie”, jak definiuje to pojęcie UNESCO.
Obejmuje rozwiązania systemowe w sektorze kultury, co jest o tyle istotne, że pozwala istnieć
tym jej przejawom, które nie są w stanie samoistnie funkcjonować w warunkach wolnego
rynku i postępującej globalizacji (Polityka kulturalna UNESCO, b.r.) polityka kulturalna z jednej
strony pozwala właściwie chronić i wspomagać, z drugiej – dyktuje kierunki rozwoju i określa
perspektywy dalszych działań.
Należy przy tym mieć również na uwadze, że polityka kulturalna ma integrować, wspierać
i budować, ale źle sformułowana lub wykorzystana ideologicznie tworzy mechanizmy wykluczające, niszczące i generujące konflikty (zob. Mangset 2018, s. 1). Rozwijająca się świadomość
różnorodności kulturowej i dostrzeganie jej wartości dodatkowo wpływa na konieczność
tworzenia spójnych i inkluzyjnych ram działania (por. O’Regan 2002, s. 15).
Celem niniejszego rozdziału jest charakterystyka wybranych współczesnych wyzwań dla
polityk kulturalnych na podstawie odpowiednich dokumentów, wraz z przedstawieniem
konkretnych, już wdrożonych rozwiązań. Analiza została przedstawiona za pomocą przykładów z różnych szczebli zarządzania: począwszy od skali globalnej (UNESCO), ponadnarodowej (Unia Europejska), narodowej (Niemcy), na regionalnej (Bawaria) i miejskiej kończąc
(Mannheim). Ostatnie dwa przykłady – land Bawarii i miasto Mannheim – opisano szerzej,
by pokazać kompleksowość działań.
Despite its ubiquity in arts and culture, crowdfunding has limitedly been instrumentalized in policy settings. Yet, with joint contributions by friends, fans, governments, and quasi-public institutions, match-funding of arts and culture through crowdfunding platforms may have benefits: increased revenues for makers and cultural fields, transparency in funding allocation, and stronger community engagement. Drawing upon interviews with regional and local match-funding entities in the Netherlands, we explain how and why they engage in match-funding and what is needed for the collaborative funding mechanism to thrive. Funders are attracted by match-funding’s potential to support relatively large numbers of hitherto underserved makers with relatively small amounts of money, complementary to other funding instruments. Aspects largely overlooked are match-funding’s capacity to leverage resources and install co-decisive processes of public funding allocation. Situated at the juncture of funding, policy, and technology, match-funding requires learning and experimentation with other than reward-based formats to unleash its democratizing potential.
This chapter argues that the role of arts practitioners in cultural policy-making has not been widely recognised as an issue for comprehensive consideration in cultural policy research. It compares this treatment to analysis in the generic field of public policy theory; and proposes that approaches which pay attention to the role of a wide range of actors in policy activity and recognise the possibility of agency by those actors, provide useful tools for considering the involvement of arts practitioners in the cultural policy process. Notions of ‘insider’ and ‘outsider’ groups, and of organisations being ‘resource-rich or -poor’, are considered; and the potential for arts practitioners themselves to enhance their place in the policy process by their own organised actions is pinpointed.
To what extent did the Covid-19 pandemic affect the tools, priorities and organisation of cultural policies? And did the pandemic enhance the digital aspect of these policies? This paper compares pandemic cultural policy measures in seven European countries to answer these questions. The countries all installed a plurality of mitigating measures, combining grants and subsidies, compensation of lost income, income support and financial flexibility, creating a tendency towards cultural policy turning into economic policy, fiscal policy, and labour market policy. Cultural policies have not been fundamentally challenged by the pandemic, in the sense that it has affected the essential political tools, divisions of labour, or core goals. The responses have confirmed an existing policy structure or enhanced existing developments. The importance of a state-centred or a federalist cultural policy system has not been challenged in a substantial way. Secondly there is little evidence to show a general acceleration of national digital cultural policies.
Estonian community houses were built in towns and the countryside by the local people, who had been joining cultural and other societies since the second half of the 19th century. These cultural centres supported the process of building the Estonian state. The space for culture became basis for the lifelong learning system of informal education, which later was regulated and developed according to the politics of culture and education in the Estonian nation-state (1918–40) and the Soviet Union (1940–91). After the invasion of the Baltic States by the Soviet Union in 1940, extensive restructuring or sovietization of the Estonian public administration, economy and culture began. The article examines the sovietization process of Estonian community houses, i.e., how they were turned into the ideological tools of Soviet totalitarian propaganda.
In Argentina, the second country of a subcontinent that received some 12 million enslaved Africans, those political elites aligned with the construction of a westernized and racially white Nation have successfully implemented the myth of the disappearance of Afro descendants. This chapter addresses how Argentina’s political elite shaped the hegemonic narratives about national identity in Argentina, specifically in relation to its Afro component and heritages. It seeks to understand the role of culture and the arts in this process of construction of a racist common sense. At the same time, I analyze Afro Argentinians’ use of their artistic practices in the framework of their political struggles for equality and respect for their differences. Culture and the arts have accompanied the invisibilization of Afro Argentinean people in Argentina, but they also constitute an arena from which they work to promote their own political empowerment. From this perspective, I will describe the impact of the cultural diversity agenda on contemporary cultural public policies to evaluate which transformations are taking place within the State as a result of the contemporary emergence of the Afrodiasporic issue. In sum, this chapter seeks to address the question on how cultural policies have historically accompanied the minoritisation of the Afro-Argentine population, as well as how recently the Argentinian State has begun to recognise the value of the cultural practices and values of Afro-descendants as part of the national identity.
This article examines legitimacy and legitimation processes in cultural policies after the 2008 crisis. This is done by studying the relationships between the main institutional and economic reforms carried out by France, the UK, Spain and Greece cultural policies between 2008 and 2012 and legitimation narratives used to frame them. Based on literature and documentary review, this comparative case studies analysis addresses cultural policy models, each country cultural systems’ economic power, and continuity and change in policy legitimation strategies. The comparative analysis reveals the Importance of the EU centreperiphery dynamics and historical trends for cultural policy legitimation approaches adopted in changing socioeconomic scenarios.
Using an in situ methodologies to capture owe (proverbs) as central to Yoruba thought and epistemological concerns, this paper reflects on the multiple jeopardy of knowledge production among the Yoruba of South-Western Nigeria. The paper underscores the fact that, indigenous knowledge production and transmission for public good is confronted by myriads of problems. It is contended that, to achieve social equilibrium, the mode of knowledge production as well as the forms which vehicle them deserve another look. The paper shows that proverbs are central to Yoruba indigenous epistemology and serve as purveyors of sacred knowledge which are still useful in contemporary times.
The article analyses current public management and funding practices of cultural organisations in Italy by using comparative and statistical analysis. The structure of the sector’s governing bodies and approaches to budgeting for culture at national level have been explored. Trends in decreasing funding from provincial, regional and local budgets have been identified. The status, legislative and institutional conditions for the emergence of Italy’s unique multichannel cultural financing system have been described. An analysis of the Italian museum system’s reform has been presented. The activities of private opera foundations have been discussed in detail. The main similarities between Russian and Italian cultural policies have been described. These are the drive to expand the boundaries and activities associated with the cultural sector, the significant burden on local and regional authorities in the field of cultural heritage preservation, the “quantitative approach” and the application of financial performance indicators to assess cultural organisations performance.The article’s scientific novelty lies in the complex approach to the study of Italian cultural policy using the criteria proposed by D. Montias and A. I. Glagolev, and in the study of the activities of Italian opera foundations and museums, which had not previously been sufficiently covered in the Russian and foreign literature. The prospect of the topic, the practical significance and relevance of the research are due to the need to implement regulations in Russia which set a course for the creation of a multi-channel system of funding and a broad understanding of the cultural sector, and ensuring inter-agency and inter-regional cooperation between the authorities in the implementation of cultural policy.The article analyses a wide range of financial support mechanisms for culture, most of which are named in the “Strategy of State Cultural Policy of Russia as Targets by 2030”, while Italy has accumulated considerable experience in this area for several decades.
The emergence and development of the community arts movement in the UK from the late 1960s was premised on a critique of dominant cultural production and radical objectives of social, cultural and political change. Inspired by ground-breaking work in popular education and theatre (Freire, Boal) and nurtured by the counterculture of the 1960s, community artists defended the idea that artists had a political role to play in contexts outside of the studio or the art gallery. The projects they set up opened artistic practices to working class audiences and defended values of pluralism, accessibility and participation as the founding blocks of a renewed social art. The community arts movement occupied an oppositional position in relation to the cultural Establishment and attempted to challenge the elitism of the Arts Council. However, constantly maintained on a diet of limited and insufficient funding, and lacking support within the traditional labour movement, community arts organisations were never able to represent a solid radical alternative in the 1970s. From 1979, Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative Government opposed the principle of State-sponsored cultural production. It based its cultural policy on objectives of reduced public expenditure, the growth of private sponsorship, and stronger control of the Arts Council’s operations. In this specific juncture, the Greater London Council led by Labour Ken Livingstone (1981-1986) attempted to prove that there was an alternative, within a renewed radical socialism. His cultural policy for London gave pride of place to community arts practices and championed the objectives of cultural democracy, as defined in the spheres of the New Left and defended by the more radical fringe of the community arts movement around this period. The trajectory of community arts practices in the UK thus sheds lights on the cultural battles played out in the 1980s over concepts of cultural production, hegemony, popular culture and community activism. It also highlights how the radical contestation of cultural domination can be vulnerable to appropriation and depoliticisation in mainstream culture.
El objetivo de este libro es aportar reflexiones para aprovechar esa oportunidad de futuro desde la perspectiva económica, así como proporcionar evidencia y análisis que permitan abordar de manera crítica qué medidas podrían impulsar mejor ese potencial. Sin duda, las actividades culturales y creativas, tanto en los aspectos vinculados a su producción y provisión como en los relacionados con el acceso y la práctica, tienen características peculiares frente a la generación y consumo de otros bienes y servicios económicos. Además, la cultura está llamada a tener una contribución central en la consecución de objetivos sociales –como la construcción de sociedades multiculturales– o en el progreso hacia los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible. En el plano material, en el marco de la economía del conocimiento, tanto los activos culturales de un país heredados del pasado o creados en el presente como los trabajadores culturales han de lugar un papel importante por la centralidad de los mensajes simbólicos de la actividad creativa.
El artículo ofrece los primeros hallazgos de un amplio estudio sobre la política cultural en Nuevo León, México. Específicamente, se analiza el caso del Consejo para la Cultura y las Artes (Conarte), único órgano rector de la política cultural a nivel estatal que, además de ser un consejo vinculante y descentralizado, incorpora una gestión compartida entre el gobierno y la sociedad civil. El estudio se inserta dentro de una preocupación científica por descentralizar y regionalizar la investigación sobre las políticas culturales en México. Primeramente, se analizan los antecedentes socio-históricos de Conarte, para proceder al estudio de su creación y primeros seis años de funcionamiento (1995-2001). Los hallazgos permiten caracterizar al modelo de política cultural de Nuevo León como sui generis, por presentar rasgos propios de las instituciones participativas, pero también de los modelos centralizados y arm's lenght. La metodología empleada incluye: análisis de archivo, entrevistas a profundidad y revisión en fuentes hemerográficas.
This chapter is aimed at exploring the relationship between continental copyright law and culture regulated by this law on the example of Poland. The theoretical objective consists of searching for the most important areas of intersection between copyright and culture, including cultural production and participation. The empirical objective is to reconstruct understandings of the interrelations between copyright law and culture functioning within the Polish public discourse on copyright in order to investigate the most visible interdependencies of discourses on copyright and culture. The inferences from the empirical material show that the way in which culture is defined is the most important factor determining the perception of the relationship between copyright and culture. Moreover, it can be concluded that Polish non-governmental organisations play a crucial role in describing and explaining the “copyright–culture” relationship. Finally, on the basis of both empirical and theoretical data, a typology is proposed of four essential areas in which this relationship is the most intense. Because a balance between copyright fixity and cultural variability is needed (as the more general conclusion from the data indicates), the proposed typology is also an indication of the spheres where maintaining equilibrium has the greatest importance.
A large number of empirical studies have discussed the revenue diversification strategy for nonprofits, but little attention has been paid to the components of revenue portfolios, even though each revenue source flows into a nonprofit with its own characteristics. Drawing on Young’s benefits theory, this study tests the proposition that a nonprofit would be stronger financially if its income portfolio reflected the mix of benefits it provides. We find evidence that the benefit-based revenue strategy is associated with better financial outcomes using the data set from DataArts (2008–2016). Yet, this relationship is not linear, and the positive relationship is seen only when the share of benefit-based revenues is above a certain threshold. A detailed examination reveals that the benefit-based revenue strategy should be employed judiciously, depending on each organization’s own capacity. We discuss the ways nonprofits can employ benefit-based financing while diversifying revenue streams.
Cultural policy typologies are a widely discussed topic in cultural policy research, though only a few typologies have been developed so far. The aim of this paper is to analyze existing cultural policy typologies for European countries and contextualize them for Central-Eastern European countries with a focus on cultural economies. Based on existing indicators on national and international levels to compare these assumed typologies, we use Bayesian hierarchical cluster analysis supported by spike and slab empirical priors. The article focuses specifically on four Central-Eastern European countries: Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Results reveal several inconsistencies in the existing typologies and a strong common cluster of Eastern European countries in terms of cultural policy and cultural economic characteristics. We sketch out a new cultural policy model typology based on empirical evidence on cultural economies.
This paper examines the transformations of contemporary cultural policy in the Russian Federation on three basic levels: organizational, politico-discursive, and legislative. It also establishes the continuity and differences in that policy vis-à-vis the Soviet period. The principal thesis of this article is that the organizational behavior of the state sector of cultural policy currently seeks to reproduce the model that emerged in the final period of the USSR’s existence. State cultural organizations competing for state resources publicly demonstrate ritualistic ceremonial behavior in relation to political discourse and the established legal system, but at the same time avoid direct ideological instrumentalization of their activities, while seeking to support, update, and expand their network.
Recent political science literature has identified the emergence of a new form of authoritarian regime, in which formal democratic institutions continue to exist but the playing field becomes seriously tilted towards the incumbents. This article offers an interpretation of the recent turn in Hungarian cultural policy in such a competitive authoritarian context. It focuses on state interventions that seek to limit the autonomy of the cultural sphere. They have the following features: 1) the growing significance of nationalist ideology (‘culture wars’), 2) an increasing instrumentalisation of cultural policy, and 3) no clear separation between cultural policy and politics (the emergence of political patronage and the replacement of the former cultural elite). The article explores the means, actors and institutions through which these interventions have occurred and the extent of their success.
This paper reflects on urban cultural development in a post-Soviet context. Most literature on arts and the city focuses either on Western cities, often recovering from post-industrial decline, or emerging global cities. However, post-socialist cities have remained under-investigated. The paper argues that the existing accounts of urban cultural development often underestimate the impact of national policy frameworks and historical trajectories. In post-Soviet countries, these national dynamics—often responding to broader diplomatic and cultural shifts—need to be considered. The paper uses the case study of Kazakhstan and its two major cities Almaty and Astana (recently renamed Nur-Sultan) to explore the role of path dependence and national policy in urban cultural development. It concludes by arguing for integrating a complexity perspective into the study of arts and the city, looking at macro policy and infrastructural changes, meso local urban responses, and micro dynamics of collaboration and work amongst creative and cultural practitioners in cities.
Seoul is the urban locus of a remarkable pop cultural phenomenon, the Korean Wave. Seoul's participation in the global creative city competition results in the paradoxical exclusion of the concerns and participation of its citizens. Korean Wave-centric initiatives are focused at either attracting more tourists and/or providing marketing opportunities for those within the industry. This Seoul case study illustrates a more nuanced analysis of the creative city reality (as a center of international creative business) and governance, one that questions the creative city paradigm as a whole. It advances the discussion of creative cities from ahistorical one that centers the European and American experiences. Seoul therefore questions the paradigm for creative city policymaking in the Non-West.
The present study entails an analysis of the early measures and policies developed by five smaller and medium-sized European countries (the Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Portugal, Slovenia, Switzerland) in response to the global COVID-19 pandemic. In order to enable such a comparison, data was collected and categorised on government measures that could affect cultural and creative organizations and workers, issued by departments as diverse as economy and business, social affairs, education, and culture. By using interpretative argumentative techniques, and consideration of selected context factors, possible explanatory patterns of how and why countries have implemented which types of measures are discussed. The findings highlight that early policy measures have been developed against the backdrop of a complex interplay of public policy priorities over the last years. In these priorities the intensity of state involvement, the economic situation before the pandemic and the propensity of self-employment in society are key to understanding the adoption of specific policy measures across countries.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the status and policy of the fashion industry of fashion capitals worldwide, and to suggest a policy direction for each city to develop its fashion industry. To this end, we examined the status of the fashion industries which were selected as representative fashion capitals, based on the apparel industry development stage and global cities index, and analyzed their fashion policies to compare. The cities were classified into four stages: Jakarta, classified as the 1st stage, is an architect state, and Beijing, classified as the 2nd stage, is an engineer state. Seoul, the 3rd stage, is an architect state. The final stage, stage 4th, was divided into two states. London is a Patron state and New York is a facilitator state. This international comparative study is of great significance in that it has improved the understanding of the fashion policies and analyzed the institutional meaning and policy performance of these cities and provided information that could be used to promote their rationality and effectiveness. Therefore, it is expected that fashion capitals will be able to solve the actions to be taken to advance to the next stage through the analysis in this study.
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