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Peacebuilding: Women in international perspective
Abstract
This book clarifies some key ideas and practices underlying peacebuilding; understood broadly as formal and informal peace processes that occur during pre-conflict, conflict and post-conflict transformation. Applicable to all peacebuilders, Elisabeth Porter highlights positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. She critically interrogates accepted and entrenched dualisms that prevent meaningful reconciliation, while also examining the harm of othering and the importance of recognition, inclusion and tolerance. Drawing on feminist ethics, the book develops a politics of compassion that defends justice, equality and rights and the need to restore victims' dignity. Complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. Many ideas challenge orthodox understandings of peace. The arguments developed here demonstrate how peacebuilding can be understood more broadly than current United Nations and orthodox usages so that women's activities in conflict and transitional societies can be valued as participating in building sustainable peace with justice. Theoretically integrating peace and conflict studies, international relations, political theory and feminist ethics, this book focuses on the lessons to be learned from best practices of peacebuilding situated around the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. Peacebuilding will be of particular interest to peace practitioners and to students and researchers of peace and conflict studies, international relations and gender politics.
... Women are piloting new approaches to indigenous peace leadership that is collaborative and expanding cultural boundaries, thereby dismantling dominant idiosyncrasies and beliefs that impugned on inclusive peace process (John, 2013). Due to their nurturing characteristics, women have been able to start challenging peace processes, following through, and accounting for mileage of progress ( (Porter, 2007). It is significant to note that the women are currently in positions of leadership in their communities, and contributing to tangible and sustainable peace processes, through everyday practices . ...
... The tension between the realist and the feminist have supplanted the deeply entrenched realist traditions that privileges male actions and voices in peace building (Steans, 2003;Gentry, 2018;Tickner, 2001 (Chandler, 2010;Richmond, 2007). Secondly, scholars are interrogating the place of those who experience or bear the brunt of conflict in peace building (Porter, 2007;Donais, 2012). Thirdly, it is important to know who is probing a body of knowledge that neglects women as key actors in peace building (Lund, 2003). ...
... This is the collectivist culture inherent in the Nigerian culture (Hofstede,2011). Their disposition to collaborate with the men highlights one of the ways they approach peace building differently (Porter, 2007;Strickland & Duvvury, 2003). Women also engage through the lens of processual approaches that engenders shared power and blind to ethnicity, religion, and gender (Byrne & McCulloch, 2021;Avruch, 2015). ...
Abstract
Abstract Nigeria has been dealing with protracted fratricidal and intractable communal conflicts, leaving its citizens dwelling in harsh deprivation, helplessness, and hopelessness in its wake. This is further exaggerated by poor leadership and economic insolvency, which has placed the country at a precipice of unprecedented poverty and insecurity. At the center of all this pathetic condition is poor leadership, which has affected provision of basic infrastructures like education, health, power, housing, water, sanitation, and hygiene. It also accounts for high levels of unemployment, with millions of idle minds available to mischief and notorious practices. The effect of poor or good leadership cannot be hidden, and this is manifested in the health of the ecosystem where it is occurring. This means that leadership is not static, it is dynamic, and its dynamism is locked in everyday practices. Several extant leadership literatures theorize that Nigeria is lacking in the exercise of leadership that meets the complexities and lived realities of our time. Leadership is not something you pick off the shelf and administer like a template or blueprint, and this has not served the country overtime. However, a crop of scholars and practitioners are evoking a practice turn, that elevates the need to look inwards, and be endogenously creative. These folks are engaging context driven consideration in approaching leadership, prioritizing cultural practices, the lived realities of the people, with cognizance of the ever-evolving face of peace and conflicts. This study sought to understand how context influences emergent local leadership practices in extremities. The research site is a conflict-ridden area which has experienced sporadic communal conflicts for over 23 years; highly patriarchal, with rigid gender and social hierarchy; and particularly under-resourced. This is a qualitative study, and leaned on the theoretical framework of adaptive leadership, leadership-as-practice, and everyday peace. A twining of constructivist approach and case study methodology was utilized to understand the phenomenon, through co-construction of meanings with the co-researchers. Eight women leading peace building engaged in this study, through in-depth semi-structured interviews using mediated mediums (Zoom and Phone calls). Data was analyzed using an abductive thematic analysis which surfaced eleven themes and compressed as three main themes: (1) Leadership requires authority(or authorizing self), inclusion and should be nimble; (2) Community groups working on peace building should consider communication, collaboration, supportive culture, and leading by example as essential practices; (3) Groups may be motivated to engage in peace building because of experiences of exclusion & marginalization, hardships & loss, the gendered impacts of conflicts, and empowerments from trainings. The synthesis of these themes informed the overarching theme that: Context has a mediating and moderating influence in the emergence and practice of peace leadership. The findings suggest that both intangible and tangible elements provide context to leadership. Leadership does not happen in a vacuum but requires a container that holds space for different elements to interact. The occupiers of this container serve as moderating or mediating factors that provokes progress of not. This includes the combination of the people (identities, reasoning) the culture and traditions (practice, artifacts), social norms, language, policies, and laws, lived experiences, and the environment. This study recommends that both peace leadership researchers and practitioners continue to expand the prism of theorizing and praxis to identify and center the varied and evolving elements within specific context as areas of inquiry. Finally, further research may consider how power structures (intergroup and intragroup) in extreme context are established, deconstructed, and dismantled in situatedness.
... The Community area (Wilber's WE quadrant) is the collective, group-based experiences of peace leadership. These include democratic practices and processes, organizational capacity building, fostering diversity, creating relationships, building coalitions, fostering human and social capital, building trust, and utilizing adaptive leadership practices (Adler, 1998;Baker & Dutton, 2007;Cohen et al., 2002;Connerly & Pedersen, 2005;Flora et al., 2016;Ganz, 2010;Goulah & Urbain, 2013;Harber et al., 2003;Heifetz, 1998;Heifetz & Linsky, 2002;McCallum & O'Connell, 2009;McIntyre Miller & Wunduh, 2015;Page, 2007;Porter, 2007;Putnam & Feldstein, 2003;Spreitzer, 2007;Wakefield & Bunker, 2010). These are how individuals and groups engage communities to build collective engagement around peace. ...
... The practices include an understanding of violence and aggression, peacebuilding, and nonviolence. This quadrant also includes important practices, such as the use of moral leadership practice, creative strategization, servant leadership practices, effective dialogue and communication, negotiation, creating effective structures, mediation, reconciliation techniques, and conflict transformation skills (Ackerman & Duvall, 2000;Barash & Webel, 2014;Baruch Bush & Folger, 2004;Beck et al., 2011;Chenoweth & Stephan, 2012;Cose, 2004;Fisher & Ury, 1981;Ganz, 2010;Grossman, 2009;Grossman & DeGaetano, 2014;Ledbetter, 2012Ledbetter, , 2016Lederach, 1997Lederach, , 2003Malhotra, 2015;Ngunjiri, 2010;Patterson et al., 2012;Porter, 2007;Reychler & Stellamans, 2005;Schein, 2014;Schirch, 2004;Zizek, 2008). This quadrant provides the opportunity to link peace leadership work with proven skills and practices. ...
... They are real stories of peace leadership and represent a myriad of women working to bring peace to their communities and countries. Women PeaceMakers serve as exemplars of peace leadership work, especially as literature has demonstrated that women historically have been left out of such endeavors (S/2004/814, 2004) due to patriarchal societies and gendered stereotypes, lack of representation in leadership roles, or limited opportunities for education, economic advancement, and self-confidence development (Berkley & Lackovich-Van Gorp, 2015;Diehl & Dzubinski, 2018;Ely & Rhode, 2010;Justino et al., 2018;Longman & Lamm Bray, 2018;Moosa et al., 2013;Onyido, 2013;Porter, 2007;United Nations General Assembly, 2018;United Nations Women, 2017). When women are present, they can serve in both informal and formal peacebuilding roles and can contribute a great deal to societal and structural change (Bridges & Horsfall, 2009;Justino et al., 2018;Mlinarevic et al., 2015;Moore & Talarico, 2015;Paffenholz et al., 2016;Porter, 2007;Unit, 2000). ...
Integral peace leadership is an emergent framework that creates space for just change by challenging violence and aggression while building positive systems and structures. This article utilizes a deductive qualitative analysis strategy to critically examine the proposed concepts of integral peace leadership to determine their saliency for peacebuilding practice. Utilized to study these concepts are 10 Women PeaceMakers’ narratives. Results indicate that 25 of the 35 concepts studied across four quadrants were relevant in the women’s peace leadership work, with an additional six concepts revealed. The analysis demonstrates that the concepts of integral peace leadership are present in the work of the Women PeaceMakers, with evidence of each woman engaging in work in all of integral peace leadership’s four quadrants. The study findings offer lessons for those wishing to engage in integral peace leadership teaching and practice and point to the need for additional practice-based research to further define and refine integral peace leadership.
... They repeatedly ignored and dismissed admonitions given by God's prophets, appointed ministers and priests. After God had delivered the Israelites from oppression, enslavement and bondage in the land of ancient Egypt where they lived (Exodus 1: [8][9][10][11][12][13][14] and given them the Promised Land through Joshua (Joshua 21: 43), the people of Israel who settled in the Promised Land were generally faithful and obedient to God. Not long afterwards, they began to sin against God. ...
... On the 17 and 18 April over 150 people died from 1 Niyi Awofeso , Jan Ritchie & Pieter Degeling, "The Almajiri Heritage and the Threat of Non-State Terrorism in Northern Nigeria--Lessons from Central Asia and Pakistan", Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 26, no.4 (2003):314. Migration Ethics (Genesis 47: [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12] And Almajiri (Tsangaya) Children During coronavirus in Kano state alone. 4 Based on this insistence, Nigerians became anxious about these moves. ...
... cit. 9 Sunday Olawale Olaniran, "Almajiri education: Policy and practice to meet the learning needs of the nomadic population in Nigeria", International Review of Education 64, no. 1 (2018): 111-126. 10 Akali Omeni, "The Almajiri in Northern Nigeria: Militancy, Perceptions, Challenges, and State Policies", African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review, 5, no. 2 (2015):128 Migration Ethics (Genesis 47: [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12] And Almajiri (Tsangaya) Children During Context of Genesis 47:1-12 ...
The Socio-Religious dynamics of Covid-19 pandemic in Africa
... (Baumgartner and Jones 1993) Among the main critique of WPS agenda is that the resolutions "does not confront structural roots of gender inequalities including entrenched understandings of patriarchy, masculinity and militarized power (Barnes 2011) are not the root causes of conflict explored in the resolutions." (Porter 2007) The concept of peacebuilding in the resolutions is "too narrow and maintains that peace must be linked to security and justice, freedom from poverty, exclusion and oppression." (Porter 2007) Feminist conflict and security studies shows sexual violence is a constant threat to women on a daily basis whether or not the context is of peace or war. ...
... (Porter 2007) The concept of peacebuilding in the resolutions is "too narrow and maintains that peace must be linked to security and justice, freedom from poverty, exclusion and oppression." (Porter 2007) Feminist conflict and security studies shows sexual violence is a constant threat to women on a daily basis whether or not the context is of peace or war. (Eisenstein, 2007;MacKinnon, 2007) The WPS resolutions argue that it is the context that defines rape and sexual violence as acute. ...
The scope of health research goes beyond genetic, and physiological
differences. The concurrent explanations regarding structural and
hierarchical norms of race, gender, geography, socioeconomic status, and
caste in the context of the Indian sub-continent impact access to resources,
knowledge and service. They become an essential mechanism to take the
discourse further. This also essentialises acknowledging opportunities for
women's health knowledge; both as consumers and as producers. However, as evident, in the context of women, the thrust remains more on consumption
rather than production of knowledge. This is the core exaiantion of the present paper.
... He sees negative peace as the outcome of efforts to stop physical or personal violence (direct violence), and positive peace as the goal of efforts to end indirect structural and cultural violence (indirect violence) that threatens the economic, social and cultural well-being and identity of individual human beings and groups. Porter (2007) further elucidates that the understandings of peace have expanded from negative peace as merely the absence of war, armed conflict, or violence, to positive peace, which requires the resolution of root causes of conflicts and the maintenance of sustainable peace. From this brief discussion of peace as a component of peace building, we now turn to the definition of the latter. ...
... When it seems as if peace is restored in a conflict area, another conflict will rear its ugly head to reverse the initial progress made. Here, Porter's (2007) understanding of positive peace as the resolution of root causes of conflicts and the maintenance of sustainable peace becomes very handy in understanding the nexus between poverty and insecurity which poses challenge to peace building. The peace that the government should aim at building is positive peace which addresses the issue from the root; not negative peace which peripherally scratches the problem on the surface. ...
The necessity of peace building in a world that is being gradually enveloped in
crisis cannot be overemphasized. There is hardly any state in the globe that is
not confronted with one crisis or the other. It has reached a stage where we can
conclude that crisis is part of our existence. As true as this assertion is, crisis is
still not a tolerable reality of our existence. Human is by nature hedonistic.
Crisis deprives him of good things of life which he likes to enjoy. However, the
irony is that he (man) is the cause of crisis. Crisis emanates from his actions or
inactions. In his pursuit to fulfil his objectives in life, his interest clashes with
those of others and culminates into crisis. It is this ugly reality, and attempts to
nip it in the bud, that led to theorization aimed at building peace and averting
crisis. It is worth of note to say that no matter how much we try, whatever
approach we utilize, whichever strategy we employ and whatever mechanism
we deploy, crisis cannot be eradicated in any human habitat. Nonetheless, it can
be managed and minimized. It is with this understanding that efforts of scholars
and governments aimed at peace building are acknowledged and commended.
Scholars of diverse orientations especially in the social sciences have written a
lot on peace building and have identified factors that lead to crises. They have
rightly identified ethnicity, religion, politics, boundary claims and counter
claims, among others, as causes of crisis. It is observed that beneath the
aforementioned causes of crisis is poverty (engendered by corruption). This is
often not given deserved attention as harbinger of crisis. It is on this premise
and assumption that this paper contends that poverty and corruption are the
major challenges confronting peace building in Nigeria.
A hungry person’s stomach is not an arena of peace; so, a hungry person might
not be an advocate of peace. While a hungry person may not necessarily be
violent, he may resort to untoward acts (struggling to feed himself and get rid
of hunger) that can end up in crisis. Poverty, a major precursor to hunger, is
generally understood in monetary term—lack of money
... He sees negative peace as the outcome of efforts to stop physical or personal violence (direct violence), and positive peace as the goal of efforts to end indirect structural and cultural violence (indirect violence) that threatens the economic, social and cultural well-being and identity of individual human beings and groups. Porter (2007) further elucidates that the understandings of peace have expanded from negative peace as merely the absence of war, armed conflict, or violence, to positive peace, which requires the resolution of root causes of conflicts and the maintenance of sustainable peace. From this brief discussion of peace as a component of peace building, we now turn to the definition of the latter. ...
... When it seems as if peace is restored in a conflict area, another conflict will rear its ugly head to reverse the initial progress made. Here, Porter's (2007) understanding of positive peace as the resolution of root causes of conflicts and the maintenance of sustainable peace becomes very handy in understanding the nexus between poverty and insecurity which poses challenge to peace building. The peace that the government should aim at building is positive peace which addresses the issue from the root; not negative peace which peripherally scratches the problem on the surface. ...
The necessity of peace building in a world that is being gradually enveloped in
crisis cannot be overemphasized. There is hardly any state in the globe that is
not confronted with one crisis or the other. It has reached a stage where we can
conclude that crisis is part of our existence. As true as this assertion is, crisis is
still not a tolerable reality of our existence. Human is by nature hedonistic.
Crisis deprives him of good things of life which he likes to enjoy. However, the
irony is that he (man) is the cause of crisis. Crisis emanates from his actions or
inactions. In his pursuit to fulfil his objectives in life, his interest clashes with
those of others and culminates into crisis. It is this ugly reality, and attempts to
nip it in the bud, that led to theorization aimed at building peace and averting
crisis. It is worth of note to say that no matter how much we try, whatever
approach we utilize, whichever strategy we employ and whatever mechanism
we deploy, crisis cannot be eradicated in any human habitat. Nonetheless, it can
be managed and minimized. It is with this understanding that efforts of scholars
and governments aimed at peace building are acknowledged and commended.
Scholars of diverse orientations especially in the social sciences have written a
lot on peace building and have identified factors that lead to crises. They have
rightly identified ethnicity, religion, politics, boundary claims and counter
claims, among others, as causes of crisis. It is observed that beneath the
aforementioned causes of crisis is poverty (engendered by corruption). This is
often not given deserved attention as harbinger of crisis. It is on this premise
and assumption that this paper contends that poverty and corruption are the
major challenges confronting peace building in Nigeria.
A hungry person’s stomach is not an arena of peace; so, a hungry person might
not be an advocate of peace. While a hungry person may not necessarily be
violent, he may resort to untoward acts (struggling to feed himself and get rid
of hunger) that can end up in crisis. Poverty, a major precursor to hunger, is
generally understood in monetary term—lack of money.
... Reconciliation is difficult to achieve, and the idea, in a strong sense, is utopian, but the idealistic applications can be realized by a collective effort of the groups involved in the conflict (Bhhargava 2012). Reconciliation involves transitional justice, i.e., processes and mechanisms to deal with past abuses and histories and achieve accountability, justice, and peace (Satkunanathan 2014;Porter 2007). ...
... In dealing with this context, the critical successful factors learned from the Ahmadiyya adherent's experiences in Manislor could be categorized into three. The first is about the collective psycho-political consciousness of Ahmadiyya itself, which has grown massively and impacts the reconciliation process (Satkunanathan 2014;Porter 2007). The shared experience includes facing the same struggle and suffering. ...
Religious conflicts pose a threat to social integration, including those involving the Ahmadiyya Muslim community in Indonesia. This article discusses the post-conflict reconciliation and fulfillment of civil rights among Ahmadiyya adherents in Manislor, Kuningan, West Java, Indonesia. Social actors have a powerful position in the reconciliation and fulfillment of civil rights, which have become one of their most apparent violations against Ahmadiyya adherents in Manislor. This study uses a qualitative approach with data collected through fieldwork and ethnographic observations with Ahmadiyya adherents in Manislor. This article scrutinizes 1) the typologies of post-conflict reconciliation, 2) reconciliation efforts in the communities by leveraging cultural and religious aspects, and 3) the struggles of fulfilling civil rights, such as issuing marriage certificates and identification cards. The results show that the willingness of Ahmadiyya elites to meet with stakeholders and socio-religious organizations, particularly in Kuningan regency, created a space for a dialogue of understanding that helped the reconciliation between Ahmadiyya and the wider community in Manislor. This study contributes to clarifying the pattern of reconciliation based on the local approaches durably practiced by Ahmadiyya adherents in Manislor, Kuningan, West Java.
... Porter has been able to provide an overview of the conflicts and triggers of those disputes and other modern war-related issues. Former UN Secretary-General Kofi A. Annan's foreword to 'Women, Peace and Security' (2002) gives a clearer picture of the main topic than that which Porter explains, (Porter, 2007, pp. 26-27, as cited in Annan, 2002. ...
... Therefore, if Porter talks about gender balance, it is important to mention more men's rights as well because all soldiers are not culprits. In addition, the focus has changed at the beginning of the book: "Not all women are natural peacemakers, and some women are aggressive fighters" (Porter, 2007, p. 3 as cited in Alison, 2006. There Porter makes notes of countries such as Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Zimbabwe, etc. referring to the contribution of girls to the struggles in these countries over the past decade. ...
Every client, stakeholder, and project team member involved in a construction project has success as their top
priority. However, construction projects frequently cost more than expected, take longer to complete, and don't
even meet quality standards. Although it has a bad reputation, the construction business is very important to the
economy of the nation, thus it should be made sure that it performs better than it presently does. According to
recent research, extra factors linked to people and their interactions in teams may significantly affect project
effectiveness, in addition to the technical factors that are typical for influencing construction project performance.
“Given the nature of contracting, where joint ventures and partnerships seem to be prominent, culture and cultural
differences appear to be one of the significant concerns that need to be dealt with and handled effectively if
projects are to be successful”. Therefore, the study aimed at highlighting the effects of cultural diversity on project
performance in the construction industry. Because culture is regarded as a "soft" issue, empirical measurement of
it is challenging. "Communication, trust, knowledge sharing, and integration" were the four cultural variables that
were examined and selected to be compared to the five conventional project outcomes of project performance
“time, cost, quality, safety, and productivity". 203 participants from construction projects in Colombo, Kaluthara,
and Polonnaruwa district received structured questionnaires. The study's findings demonstrated that cultural
diversity and project performance were related and that cultural variance affected the success of construction
projects.
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This examines grassroots in non-violent resistance despite social conservatism and the iron fists of foreign occupation and political division. It considers women from various social and cultural backgrounds who have already lived through various cycles of struggle, violence and resistance, owing to the shifting political landscapes since the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967. Qumsiyeh (2011) discusses the popular resistance by introducing the challenges facing ordinary Palestinians as they struggle for freedom against incredible odds.
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This examines the active role of civil society organisations’ (CSOs’) local leadership of promotion grassroots’ civic engagement and participatory’ approaches democracy. The contribution and role local leadership of CSOs, for example, in national and local elections, and politics at large is discussed. To what extent have ‘new elites’ of women’s organisations contributed to new structure of civil society? The complications of the relationship between local leadership and ‘elite’ of the national movement, and its impact on grassroots participation in the processes of decision-making and the development of their society is discussed. It discusses the relationship between the new elites and the earlier forms of mass-based organisations over public space, legitimacy and resources. New CSOs advocate governments to change the culture by endorsing and enacting Quotas to increase women’s rights and political representation in local councils and parliament. It discusses this rela- tionship between the ‘elite’ and grassroots women social movement, as well as the challenges facing women, which have already placed the vulnerable groups in a worse situation, remaining on the margins of society. Voting for this parties or that group without real political participation in a violent envi- ronment is a major challenge for civic engagement and active participation in development and change process.
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This provides a specific study on civil society (CS) contributions to active community participation of women, despite the violence, shifts of foreign donors, Israeli occupation and the division in Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). It also examines the peaceful intervention policy of community organisations to institution building. It also delivers a debate on interests, reactions and responses of civil society organisations (CSOs) during the different crises in the OPT. It includes how these CSOs contributed to the peaceful national struggle, community development, relief assistance and documentation of human rights violations by different authorities. CSOs also responded to the needs of the population by delivering social, health, cultural and educational services to all sectors of society during the different harsh circumstances. CSOs also attempted to contribute to the community efforts of in uencing and solving the political division in OPT, but the division has been stronger and more deeply rooted than expected at this stage.
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This discusses Palestinian civil society organisation (CSOs) and their historical perspective, notably their resilience, activism, participatory engagement, and community peace-building policies and practices. Some scholars, activists and leaders, however, prefer to use the term ‘CSOs’ not non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the post-NGOisation process. It examines social, economic and political factors, circumstances and notable changes that have in uenced CSOs’ responses to changing circumstances in the region and their impact on active engagement and community peacebuilding. It also discusses how CSOs participate in shaping the social power structure. It also examines the established interests, reactions and responses of CSOs in light of societal needs stemming from multiple consecutive crises in the region. Indeed, there are many financial and technical barriers and challenges facing CSOs in the recent political environment..
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
It discusses the challenges of violence to young women’s grassroots participatory engagement and their contribution to the development of their society. It also includes an examination of the role of civil society organisations’ (CSOs) activities to help eliminate the phenomenon of domestic violence, for example, against women in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). Young women of OPT have been subject to various cycle of violence under foreign occupation and domestic violence. The marginalised and vulnerable groups face violence as a serious threat to both their civic engagement and the community participation. CSOs seek to promote citizens’ engagement in the decision-making process and to increase their power to decide on change de ned as ‘participatory democracy’,
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This studies the European Union’s (EU) women’s empowerment- sponsored programmes in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). This chapter also explores the engagement of young women in gender justice activities and discusses how, and to what extent, the programmes they undertake contribute to long-term changes in attitudes. This chapter focuses in particular on women’s empowerment programmes, which have been introduced using participatory methodologies. This chapter shows the impact of the EU’s fund on the services delivered by international and civil society organisations (CSOs) and, in particular, on the attitudes and behaviours of women in rela- tion to building women’s social and political empowerment and institutions even after the ‘peace process’ of the Oslo Agreement. Women’s integration into the peace process, including the reconstruction and rebuilding process, following the conflict is therefore very important. In other words, it examines the efforts and endeavours made by local organisations to achieve the various objectives of women’s empowerment by organising capacity-building training activities, community monitoring and advocacy, research and eld studies, awareness, and media releases.
Have the EU-funded programmes succeeded in empowering women’s civil society in OPT?
... For Elisabeth Porter, peace-building includes all the processes that build positive relationships, heal wounds, reconcile antagonistic differences, restore esteem, respect rights, meet basic needs, enhance equality, instil feelings of security, empower moral agency and are democratic, inclusive and just. 12 Peace however is believed to be a state of tranquillity and calmness that extends to love, joy and happiness. It is this process to ensure the state of calmness and tranquillity that leads to peace building. ...
... According to the NCDC, the 460 new cases were reported from 21 states-Lagos (150), Rivers (49), Oyo (43), Delta (38), FCT (26), Anambra (20), Kano (20), Plateau (18), Edo (14), Bayelsa (13), Enugu (13), Osun (12), Kwara (10), Borno (8), Ogun (7), Kaduna (6), Imo (4) ...
... Galtung distinguished between negative peace as the outcome of efforts to stop physical or personal violence (direct violence), and positive peace as the goal of efforts to end indirect structural and cultural violence (indirect violence) that threaten the economic, social and cultural well-being and identity of individual human beings and groups. Porter (2007) further elucidates that the understandings of peace have expanded from negative peace as merely the absence of war, armed conflict or violence, to positive peace, which requires the resolution of root causes of conflicts and the maintenance of sustainable peace. Peacebuilding is, in the words of Boutros-Ghali (1992: 8), "rebuilding the institutions and infrastructures of nations torn by civil war and strife; and building bonds of peaceful mutual benefit among nations formally at war". ...
Peace building is a bulwark against the occurrence of conflicts in the first place. It is the sine qua non for growth and development in any human habitat. Man is intrinsically hedonistic and hence, his unending search for a blissful environment that is free from threat and insecurity. It is against this background that states around the globe earnestly embark on peace building project. Every state owes its citizens a social responsibility to avert crisis and insecurity. This paper espouses women mainstreaming in the peace building project with focus on the North Eastern Nigeria. It observes that they are more vulnerable, compare to men, in situation of conflict as being widowed, internally displayed, sexually abused and more prone to HIV/AIDS. It avers that women are stakeholders in both conflict and post conflict situations as actors who disrupt and work toward peace and security. Their roles are therefore put on the map.This paper utilizes 'Feminist Peace and Conflict Theory' as its analytical framework and heavily relies on secondary sources of data collection. It finds that turning a blind eye to the roles of women who constitute half of world population leaves much to be desired in the process of peace building and conflict resolution. Thus, it concludes that women know better how to handle gender (female) related issues as they bear on insecurity and peace. It recommends that the participation of women in peace building invigorates the possibility of a long-lasting peace.
... The bulk of decision-making positions in diplomacy have historically been held by men, who also predominately dominate the profession. On the other side, women have traditionally been kept out of high-level diplomatic conversations and frequently restricted to support functions, including secretarial or administrative posts (Porter 2007). While women's involvement in diplomacy dates back to some early instances, such as their unofficial attendance at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, their responsibilities were constrained and they were not recognized as official representatives of their nations (Ide et al., 2021). ...
Gender diplomacy is a critical examination of the impact of women on global affairs, specifically focusing on their roles in key diplomatic positions such as ambassadors, foreign ministers, and heads of international organizations. This article employs a thorough analysis of statistical data and trends to assess the extent of gender parity in decision-making positions within international relations. It explores the influence of women's participation in shaping international relations, emphasizing instances where their involvement has contributed to conflict resolution and the implementation of gender-driven strategies. The article also sheds light on successful examples of gender-equal diplomacy while addressing pervasive challenges such as minimal representation, glass ceilings, and cultural biases. Structural and personal barriers are explored, with a particular emphasis on the absence of gender-sensitive policies and the delicate balance required between work and family commitments. To propel gender equality within the diplomatic arena, the article proposes a series of strategic measures, including policy recalibration, awareness initiatives, and robust international cooperation. The overarching goal is to foster a diplomatic environment characterized by genuine and comprehensive gender parity
... The processual nature of peacebuilding demands for a recognition of that fact that it is a dynamic process. In practice, it means that peacebuilding is a dynamic phenomenon and having something to contribute in every phase of a conflict, always changing in response to the situation and the stage of peace-making efforts (El-Bushra, 2000;Kirk, 2004;Porter, 2007;Pankhurst, 2003;Cohn, Kinsella & Gibbings, 2004;Jordan, 2003). Peacebuilding covers all the possible forms of conflict and trying to mitigate the socio-cultural and political factors of it (Chinkin & Charlesworth, 2006;Hamber, et. ...
The UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on "Women, Peace, and Security" stresses the importance of women's "equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, and the need to increase their role in decision making with regard to conflict prevention and resolution". However, the situation on the ground with respect to women's participation in peacebuilding efforts in many countries is still not very encouraging. This paper highlights the unequal treatment of women in the peacebuilding process in Pakistan in general and the Pashtun belt in particular where women have suffered in a number of ways during the ongoing conflict. The article articulates that the patriarchal Pashtun society and culture present numerous hurdles in the way for women to actively participate in the peacebuilding process and that their role in peacebuilding efforts is not recognized and appreciated.
... Scholarly work has shown that gender concerns during war have been ill-addressed by national and international elites during transition or after conflict (Abdullah and Fofana-Ibrahim 2010;Bueno-Hansen 2015;El-Bushra 2007;Porter 2007;Sjoberg 2013). In part because of that work, various international organizations have moved to place gender considerations at the forefront of their mission. ...
A substantial amount of scholarly work has been conducted on considerations (or lack thereof) of gender in the context of peace negotiations. While gender-specific concerns, particularly those focused on women’s empowerment, are now emphasized in the language of international and national organizations involved in peacebuilding (e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 1325), many times this language is just “talk.” Often, on-the-ground practice and policy does not reflect the lived experiences of women in post-accord or transitional contexts. This article analyzes the change in roles and the roles available to women in pre-negotiation and framework-setting negotiation processes between the Colombian government and nonstate armed actors. The study examines the negotiations between the Colombian government under the Juan Manuel Santos administration and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC) in 2012–2016 to interrogate the ways that women, feminist groups, and women’s organizations play a role in pre-negotiation processes.
... La figura sufriente es principalmente representada en un cuerpo femenino. La estereotipada norma de género que establece la dicotomía mujer-víctima, hombre-guerrero, y la correlativa asignación del cuidado y la empatía a lo femenino y la actividad y dominancia a lo masculino, se reproduce en muchas representaciones sobre conflictos armados -tal como han criticado, entre otras, Cockburn (1998), Porter (2007 o Alison (2009). Siendo la pasividad uno de los rasgos que caracterizan la configuración de víctima (Crumbaugh, 2007), aquellas que son reconocidas en el espacio público como víctimas, sin embargo, pese a su representación, no son pasivas -como ha insistido Das (2006). ...
Este artículo explora los marcos narrativos de configuración de la memoria tras el alto al fuego de ETA en el contexto del conflicto armado vasco. En el marco institucional, la representación pública del sufrimiento configura la categoría de víctima en este contexto, jerarquizando experiencias de violencia y generando un determinado paisaje emocional “post-conflicto”. Dadas las limitaciones de las representaciones sufrientes y el problemático uso del concepto de empatía en la eliminación de las violencias, sugiero el planteamiento de "escucha vulnerable" como propuesta analítica y política. Esta propuesta trata de ampliar los limitados paradigmas de reconciliación, resalta la importancia de poner la vulnerabilidad en el centro y muestra distintas formas de encuentro en donde la escucha está impregnada de emociones encontradas, contradicciones, complejos tejidos de sufrimiento y placer, incertidumbres y aperturas al reconocimiento de distintas formas de violencia.
... Conflict management is the process of limiting the negative aspects of conflict while increasing the positive aspects or the practice of recognizing and dealing with disputes in a rational, balanced, and effective way. [13] Conflict management is expressed in the principle that all conflicts may not necessarily be resolved, but managing conflict can decrease the bad effects. It deals with maximizing the benefits of conflict. ...
Introduction
Conflicts abound in basic schools of nursing with consequences such as strained relationships among staff, collapsed agreement, poor academic performances, and disruption of planned academic activities. Conflicts can, however, be beneficial when well managed.
Aim
This study aims at assessing the conflict management skills of nurse tutors in Enugu State Basic Schools of Nursing.
Research Design
A prospective survey research method was adopted.
Materials and Methods
Fifty nurse tutors in three Basic Schools of Nursing in Enugu State were studied from June to December, 2015. Modified Thomas Kilman's generated questionnaire was used for data collection. It has 46 items in two sections – Section A, on demographic data, consisting mainly of close-ended questions with few open-ended questions and Section B, formatted on a 6-point Likert scale of 1–6, containing questions to determine conflict management skills of nurse tutors. Convenient sampling technique was used for data collection.
Data Analysis
Statistical Package for Social Sciences version 20.0 was used to analyze data. t -test and analysis of variance test were used to test the set hypotheses.
Results
The mean scores for the various parameters were as follows: stress management skill (4.74 ± 0.666), social skills (5.10 ± 0.54), avoidance skills (3.99 ± 0.101), collaborative skills (4.5 ± 0.50), and competing skill (4.10 ± 0.69). Gender and cadre had no statistically significant influence on the conflict management skills of nurse tutors ( P = 0.33).
Conclusion
Nurse tutors in Enugu State Basic Schools of Nursing possessed good conflict management skills.
... For Elisabeth Porter, peace-building includes all the processes that build positive relationships, heal wounds, reconcile antagonistic differences, restore esteem, respect rights, meet basic needs, enhance equality, instil feelings of security, empower moral agency and are democratic, inclusive and just. 12 Peace however is believed to be a state of tranquillity and calmness that extends to love, joy and happiness. It is this process to ensure the state of calmness and tranquillity that leads to peace building. ...
... While focusing particularly on women's political agency, it also acknowledged the need for better protection from conflict-related sexual violence. 3 There is a pervasive discourse on women's post-conflict political empowerment and the need to reconfigure gender relations in more egalitarian ways through post-war reconstruction measures (Anderlini 2007, Porter 2007, Olsson 2009, Pratt and Richter-Devroe 2011. This applies not least to processes of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and transitional justice (Hauge 2016). ...
In November 2006, a decade of civil war ended with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord by the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The large share of women in the first Constituent Assembly (33 per cent in the 2008 election) was seen as outstanding in the South Asian context, and many viewed the post-conflict scenario in Nepal as a promising opportunity for women's increased political participation. Further women's empowerment landmarks were proclaimed in 2015, when Nepal's parliament elected the country's first female President, Bidhya Devi Bhandari, and its first female Speaker, Onsari Gharti Magar. This chapter discusses the implementation of the UN's Women, Peace and Security agenda in post-conflict Nepal.
... As an academic enterprise gender and peacebuilding has equally grown in stature and scope-globally (e.g., Aoláin et al. 2011;Porter 2007;Shepherd 2017) and on the African continent (Anderlini 2007;Heinecken 2013;Hudson 2016;Okech 2011). At the heart of this growing attention to the gendering of peace globally, lies the recognition that gender lenses are necessary, conceptually, for grasping the meanings of peace and security; empirically, for seeing realities, particularly gendered (in)securities; and normatively, for promoting social justice and durable peace (Sjoberg and Tickner 2011). ...
The article draws attention to the consequences of simplistically equating gender, sex and women when doing peacebuilding. Drawing on the ambivalent nature of security architecture interventions from the African continent, I make a case for keeping a variety of conceptual approaches to gender mainstreaming in mind in order to avoid a narrow fixation on adding women. I show through selected examples how institutional frameworks and commitments may appear progressive but could have potentially exclusionary effects. Gender is an important lens to analyse peacebuilding practices and commitments, but only if viewed as an action or means of ‘doing’ that disrupts additive liberal approaches to peacebuilding. As an alternative, the article proposes a gender-relational and intersected analysis of everyday securities and peacebuilding. A focus on lived, gendered and racialised experiences of insecurity and peacebuilding at the everyday level offsets the abstract and universalised approach adopted by states as well as regional and continental players. The article concludes that approaches to gender mainstreaming through sameness, difference and diversity should be seen as complementary to allow space for a context-specific, thick analysis of gender relations on the ground as well as gendered processes of structural or institutional change.
With the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, security perception in the South Caucasus has been impacted considerably and this has highlighted the need for the international community to pay increased attention to unresolved, “frozen” conflicts. Against this background and the call for an effective and inclusive peace process in Georgia, the article focuses in particular on the inclusion of women in the Georgian peace process. By conducting document analysis and triangulating the findings with original interview data from thirty-one semi-structured interviews conducted in Tbilisi in spring 2023, the article argues that women's substantive inclusion in Georgia's peace processes continues to be limited and that the influence of women remains mostly on track II and III channels. It finds that the following reasons explain this continued exclusion: (1) elite-dominated hard power negotiation structures, (2) cultural factors, (3) the need for empowerment and linking the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) and Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) agendas, and (4) insufficient implementation of commitments made to include women under the existing policy and legal framework. Aiming to spell out the multiple reasons underpinning the exclusion, this article speaks to the importance of ensuring more effective, sustainable, and inclusive peace processes in Georgia and beyond.
In this article, we develop a model of intergenerational peace leadership (IPL) with a particular focus upon young women’s peace leadership. IPL remains under-theorised and under-recognised in both global policy and academic scholarship. We therefore outline and advocate for a young women-focussed IPL model as an opportunity for robust and sustainable peace leadership that aligns with broader UN-driven inclusive peace agendas. We begin the article with efforts to theorise IPL and situate it at the centre of inclusive and sustainable peace agendas. Second, we look at the challenges facing IPL, drawing from three case studies (Papua New Guinea/Bougainville, Nepal and Myanmar) of women’s peace leadership in Asia and the Pacific. While we do identify commitments to IPL in the region, we find significant barriers that undermine its transformative potential. These emerge from contested power dynamics and hierarchies between older and younger generations, which result in young women being marginalised, ignored and silenced within ostensibly intergenerational peace forums. We therefore argue that while IPL is an important link necessary for advancing inclusive peace agendas, we must identify and engage with the hierarchies that hinder its transformative potential.
Las jornadas Mujeres* en movimiento: Género, migración forzada y construcción de paz pretenden generar un espacio de encuentro y trabajo colaborativo entre mujeres* activistas en situación de migración forzada, investigadoras sociales y aliadas. El objetivo es facilitar el intercambio entre mujeres que, a través de sus experiencias migratorias y como activistas de paz, desarrollando iniciativas políticas feministas tanto locales como transnacionales.
Las jornadas promueven una lectura más allá del lugar de únicamente “víctimas” en el que se pretende englobar a las mujeres de las diásporas, refugiadas, migradas y exiliadas en la acción internacional y, por ende, su lento reconocimiento como agentes activas en escenarios de construcción de paz. Al contrario, desde estas jornadas visibilizamos roles sujetas políticas, activas y propositivas hacia cambios políticos concretos como en negociaciones, resolución y mediación de conflictos, procesos de justicia transicional, incidencia política, entre otros procesos personales, colectivos y comunitarios en búsqueda de la paz.
Al hablar de mujeres* en movimiento, entendemos las amplias denominaciones como el exilio, diásporas o migración forzada para dar cuenta de la imbricación entre acción colectiva y experiencia migratoria. Nos centramos en las narrativas y apuestas que surgen desde enfoques de género e interseccionales, cuidados y experiencias vitales de las mujeres y comunidades afectadas por dinámicas de violencia política, guerras y conflictos armados y que se encuentran en situación de migración forzada. Elevamos las particularidades y formas de afectación diferenciales producto de violencias basadas en género hacia mujeres activistas como en sus representaciones atravesadas por afectaciones económicas y sociales desde sus países de origen.
Promovemos así un enfoque interseccional a partir del reconocimiento de factores de género, edad, sexualidad, raza, clase, origen y/o estatus migratorio. En los años recientes los estudios de género y los movimientos feministas han ampliado las miradas a la identificación de características sociales que se imbrican y fundamentan que influencian aperturas en la participación política, además de cuestionamientos de los orígenes exclusivos de los conocimientos concentrados en y por el Norte Global. Al contrario, fomentamos un escenario de reconocimiento de las epistemologías del Sur Global y fronterizas al elevar las experiencias sociales como generadoras de conocimiento social.
En ciudades como Barcelona, con una histórica tradición de solidaridad y acciones en torno a la paz, mujeres* de diversos orígenes geográficos han movilizado encuentros y apuestas de cambio político. Las mujeres en movimiento* promueven no solamente hacia actos solidarios y de denuncia hacia sus países, sino también fortalecen puentes transnacionales en donde ellas son protagonistas. Por ejemplo, la experiencia de la participación de las organizaciones de mujeres en Diáspora en diferentes lugares del mundo en torno a la Comisión de la Verdad ha sido innovadora y muy importante por las aportaciones que ha hecho tanto a la inclusión de las víctimas en el exterior, como la participación en la toma de testimonios. En la actualidad en Barcelona confluyen diferentes propuestas organizativas de mujeres de diferentes orígenes que se esfuerzan por contribuir a la construcción de paz en diferentes países y a la vez establecen diálogos y encuentros entre ellas.
Discourses on peacebuilding in Zambia revolve around the country’s contributions to the liberation struggles, hosting of refugees, and engagement in peacekeeping missions. The narratives of individuals who contributed to the country’s role in peacebuilding remained obscured in national discourses on peacebuilding and development in contemporary times. Therefore, this chapter draws on a narrative research design by restorying the narrative of Doreen Mazuba Malambo (the 2020 UN woman police officer of the year award winner) to show the interconnectedness of gender, religion, peacebuilding, and Sustainable Development Goal 16 (on the promotion of just, peaceful, and inclusive societies) in Zambia. It shows that Malambo’s contributions to peacebuilding were at local and international levels through her service to the Zambia Police Service and deployment with the United Nations Missions. Besides being a gender advisor, she helped to establish the Stand Up for Rights of Women and Girls Initiative, thereby promoting gender mainstreaming, peacebuilding, and development in different fronts. The chapter concludes that the contributions of Malambo were shaped by her personal experiences as a woman, an officer of the law, gender activist, and her religious worldview. This chapter argues that although the interaction of gender, religion, peacebuilding and development is often centred on institutionalised religion, religion at a personal level also remains a resource for contributing towards the attainment of Sustainable Development Goal number 16.
The reporting of the wars in the former Yugoslavia tends to represent women and mothers predominately as victims of male violence. However, it is well documented in feminist literature that women’s groups across the republics have played a critical role in organising peace protests, building bridges across contested ethnic lines and exercising agency. Even though North Macedonia proclaimed independence without engaging in the Yugoslav wars, it experienced an ethnic conflict in 2001. There is limited knowledge on the impact the conflict had on women and on their contributions to the peace efforts. The aim of this chapter is to explore women’s experiences of peace activism and how it is linked to their constructions of motherhood. The chapter is based on empirical research with 24 leaders from women’s non-governmental organisations located in three ethnically diverse cities in North Macedonia. The research adopted feminist research methodology, and data was collected through semi-structured interviews and focus group meetings. The findings demonstrated that the common experiences of being women faced with similar structural obstacles and being mothers concerned for the safety and future of their children helped the participants in this research overcome vast political differences and collaborate across ethnic lines. Also, some of them strategically drew links between their identity as women and potentially mothers to have their voices heard and gain legitimacy and recognition within broader peacebuilding efforts. Women relied on their experience and constructions of motherhood to protest against violent actors and to demand social change. However, this paper also cautions against the use of gender essentialism which might de-politicise their efforts.
This article presents select findings from a case study about applied theatre at a school for girls with refugee backgrounds in the United States. The data were collected through direct observations, semi‐structured interviews, and analysis of students' work. The study uses an intersectional analysis to explore relationships between gender, race, heritage cultures, and language use in arts‐based activities. The author describes one assignment in which students researched a woman from history and then wrote and performed a first‐person monologue from this person's point of view. The researcher discusses ways that the assignment's structure limited students' choices about whom to learn about and portray. In particular, the assignment centered gender over other aspects of students' identities related to heritage cultures, heritage languages, and race. Findings are also reported from interviews with students about how they navigated these parameters and their experiences as writers and performers. Finally, the author considers ways audiences may shape the narratives students are encouraged to tell. Findings highlight ways arts‐based practices directly and indirectly influenced the narratives students with refugee backgrounds created and performed in their resettlement community. The author concludes by discussing implications for arts‐based practices for teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL).
Članek prikazuje tesno prepletene poti islamskega feminizma in vzpostavljanja miru v Bosni in Hercegovini. Proučuje, kako je družbeno-politični kontekst regije vplival na nastajanje miru in islamski feminizem ter kako so sekularne človekove pravice in feministične organizacije bosanskim aktivistkam omogočile plodno podlago za izvajanje feministične teologije, še preden so bile izpostavljene teoretičnim temeljem islamskega feminizma. S primeri pomembnih feministk in aktivistov za človekove pravice v regiji in projektov, ki se zavzemajo za ozaveščanje o temah, kot so enakost spolov, mir in sprava, prispevek raziskuje trajen odnos med islamskim feminizmom in izgradnjo miru. Jezik religije in feminizma se je izkazal kot koristno orodje za pospeševanje izgradnje miru in dialoga znotraj skupnosti, hkrati pa sekularne organizacije za človekove pravice še naprej zagotavljajo edini prostor za sodelovanje z islamskim feminizmom v patriarhalni družbi.
For years, the insecurity and violence against women in many parts of Pakistan have magnified the danger of the prevalent worldview of strong and protective men. In contrast, women are weak and protected by men. Inevitable victimisation and powerless women are counterproductive since women are central to the community's household institution. This paper explores local community peacebuilding initiatives of women's first Jirga by a local activist Tabassum Adnan in Pakistan's Province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Exploring women's Jirga as an agency of regional and gendered peace formation in a salient patriarchal Pakhtun worldview underscores women's security and gendered Peace perspective in recognising the need to consider the missing systemic and unpeaceful change and transformation in contemporary Pakistan and South Asia. Adopting qualitative methods of Feminist Peace research unravels the potential and pitfalls of how women can embark upon alternative dispute resolutions (ADR) when patriarchal conceptualisations of conflict resolution prevent their active participation. Findings show multidimensional links between local community peace and global systemic and peaceful transformation of international relations (IR). Recognising the transformative roles of women in overcoming GBV is a critical transnational shift from the past and minimal human rights protection of women to the present and maximal recognition of women as emancipatory agents of peace.
While the naïve optimism of the liberal peacebuilding perspective has been tempered by recent real-world events that have revealed the complex and stubborn nature of conflict-ridden societies, peacebuilding remains a relevant tool for recovering from post-conflict devastation. This edited volume aims to examine the relevance of contemporary peacebuilding to post-conflict reconstruction by relying on evidence that illustrates how these programs work to address conflict-related problems on the ground. To contextualize the arguments contained in this volume within recent debates on peacebuilding, this chapter introduces the theoretical and practical trends and the validity of micro-level approaches to peace and conflict studies.
The plurality and subjectivity of peace means that transitions from war are contested – i.e. permeated by conflicts between previously warring antagonists who want to (re)order postwar society according to competing peace(s). But while there always will exist mutually excluding peace(s), such outliers do not foreclose middle grounds where multiple peace(s) can coexist. In this article, I argue that the postwar city can generate coexistence between peace(s) of varying divergence through the creativity, accommodation, and fragmentation of city spaces. These arguments are illustrated through examples from postwar Belfast, Mitrovica, and Mostar. I term this conceptualization urban peace.
2000 yılında, küresel çapta feminist hareketlerin baskı ve çabalarıyla Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nde 1325 sayılı karar oybirliğiyle kabul edilmiştir. Bu karar savaş ve barışta kadınların, çatışmaların çözümü ve barış süreçlerine katılımlarını sağlayarak, hem şiddetten korunmalarını hem de görünür kılınmalarını mümkün kılacak bir küresel model kurmayı hedeflemiştir. 1325 sayılı kararın sonrasında tesis edilen on Güvenlik Konseyi kararıyla birlikte Kadın, Barış ve Güvenlik başlıklı bir alan/gündem inşa edilmiştir. Bu alan katılım, çatışmayı önleme, koruma, yardım ve iyileşme boyutları çerçevesinde cinsel şiddetle mücadele, barışın korunması, kapsayıcı katılım gibi konuları temel alan bir gündem içermektedir. Kadın, Barış ve Güvenlik gündemini çok sayıda devletin yanı sıra NATO, AB gibi örgütler de eylem planlarıyla politikalarına entegre etmektedirler. Ancak pandemi koşullarının da etkisiyle içinde bulunduğumuz 2022 yılına kadar ki gelişmeleri dikkate aldığımızda, kadınların hala barış sürecinde gerek karar verici gerek uygulayıcı olarak son derece az temsil edildikleri, Ukrayna savaşı örneğinde olduğu gibi çatışma ortamında cinsel şiddete maruz kalmaya devam ettikleri görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada Kadın, Barış ve Güvenlik gündemi temelinde Güvenlik Konseyi kararları ortaya koydukları hedefler, üye devletlere zorunlu kıldığı uygulamaların yanı sıra eksiklikleri ve tartışmalı noktalarıyla birlikte feminist güvenlik yaklaşımı temelinde analiz edilecektir.
The emergence of middle-class Muslim women entrepreneurs known as mompreneurs is an intriguing social phenomenon. In this book, Sakai and Fauzia show that becoming a Muslim mompreneur is a considered response of middle-class Muslim women to modernity. This chapter provides theoretical discussions on middle-class entrepreneurialism and women, and our approach to examining women’s agency. We focus on Indonesia as the largest Muslim-dominant country and cover other countries in the Asia–Pacific. In this book, narratives of women, social media, government policies and responses from Muslim women’s organisations will be examined to analyse women’s perceptions about their gender roles. The authors argue that middle-class Muslim mompreneurs are shifting the gender power balance within the framework of Islam.
Monica McWilliams and Avila Kilmurray offer a gendered analysis of peacebuilding in Northern Ireland, showing the importance of women to the process. They describe the multi‐faceted and cross‐community women's movement which developed from the 1970s, culminating with establishment of the Norther Ireland Women's Coalition (NIWC) in 1996. The coalition united across the sectarian divide around principles of equality, human rights, and inclusion. Despite women's historical underrepresentation in politics, and continuing antagonism against them, the coalition insisted upon the importance of the female voice in peace talks. In so doing, they re‐envisaged the political space away from adversarial and triumphalist agendas. They offered a new and crucial dimension to peace talks, focussing not only short‐term goals of demilitarisation but also on long‐term social progress.
Since a culture of violence, rooted in its intricate history, is deeply ingrained into society, Myanmar is in constant danger of violent conflict. Consequently, this chapter aims to discuss the potential of ethnic women’s organisations (EWOs) as agents for restoring a culture of peace (CoP) from Myanmar’s periphery. It reviews the literature on CoP that is related to women, and then presents a case study to explore the means, approaches and projects of two representative EWOs. Furthermore, it reveals how EWOs promote CoP in order to consolidate social cohesion at the grassroots level and the relationship between their work and the promotion of CoP. Finally, the chapter aims to construct a conceptual framework for promoting CoP in order to highlight the importance of the roles of EWOs that could fulfil grassroots social transformation from the periphery in a divided society.
Impacts foreign capital inflow has on Nigeria stock market
In this article the 'genre' of the TRC Report is clarified in order to answer some of the criticisms of the TRC. It is argued that the TRC conceptualised its role as the promotion of restorative justice rather than retributive justice. Justice and reconciliation is served not by isolating perpetrators of gross human rights violations but by restoring human community. Different aspects of the effects of the TRC's work are considered, namely reconciliation, amnesty and forgiveness Justice-based and reconciliation-based criticisms of the TRC are answered.
The idea that open dialogue is the key to transformative politics sounds straightforward. However, in a polity such as Northern Ireland where deep discord has intricate roots, an openness to difference is complex. I argue that dialogical spaces are created when people are prepared to engage in a risk-taking that conjoins self-disclosure with the vulnerability of being truly open to others; and are willing to bear the responsibility of mutually speaking with and listening to the plural other. First, I explain the relationship between identity, difference and political participation of women in Northern Ireland, examining alliance politics and solidarity. I offer suggestions for how difference, multiplicity and justice can be accommodated. Second, I extend beyond the specific context of Northern Ireland to evaluate the ability of feminist theories of deliberative democracy to facilitate dialogue across difference. I examine the importance of normative notions of deliberation, communication, narrative and competing needs. Third, I extrapolate from these theories the idea that the dynamic between listening and speaking creates a space to include diversity and commonality.
This paper analyses the potentially positive role churches can play in encouraging public debate and moral reasoning on security matters. In particular, it explores Australian churches' vocal condemnation of Australia's involvement in the Iraq war through examining responses of spokespersons from the three largest Christian churches in Australia, namely Catholic, Anglican and Uniting Churches. It examines three types of reasons given for the condemnation: legal explanations of the lack of a plausible justification for war without UN sanctions; religious and moral reasons that defend peace and reconciliation; and political reasons that a war led by the “Christian West” increases global enmity and the likelihood of terrorism. I situate this analysis within just war theory. I suggest that churches can play an important social role in fostering tolerance, inter-faith dialogue and peace.
This essay formulates eight goals that have emerged from worldwide moral deliberation on “transitional justice” and that may serve as a useful framework when particular societies consider how they should reckon with violations of internationally recognized human rights. These goals include: truth, a public platform for victims, accountability and punishment, the rule of law, compensation to victims, institutional reform and long-term development, reconciliation, and public deliberation.
These eight goals are used to identify and clarify (1) the variety of ethical issues that emerge in reckoning with past wrongs, (2) widespread agreements about initial steps for resolving each issue, (3) leading options for more robust solutions of each issue, and (4) ways to weight or trade off the norms when they conflict. The aim is to show that there are crucial moral aspects in reckoning with the past and to clarify, criticize, revise, apply, and diffuse eight moral norms. These goals are not a “one-size-fits-all” blueprint but rather a framework by which societies confronting past atrocities can decide–through cross-cultural and critical dialogue–what is most important to accomplish and the morally best ways to do so.
This chapter explores the methodological implications of putting otherwise marginalized research subjects at the center of IR inquiry. Centering the marginalized subject - namely the survivors of gender-based violence during and after the Independence War of Bangladesh - requires asking ethical and substantive questions that impact not only the research design but, more fundamentally, the research question itself. I began my methodological journey by asking questions about a gendered silence - the rape of of women during this war - and ended up exploring the story of nation-building. The subjects of my study were written out of that history, but that history was drafted on and with their bodies and families. Placing their stories as the focal point of my study, I demonstrate that centering the marginalized yields otherwise inaccessible theoretical insights to the question of nation-building, a central theme in mainstream IR. IR, with its primary interest in state power, is now increasingly paying attention to normative frameworks of analysis. In addition, violence in Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Haiti demonstrated that an unresolved past has the power to ferociously destabilize the present. A new generation of IR scholars is gradually daring to pursue unconventional projects that bring in people's voices and deploy them within the boundaries of the discipline. This is what feminist IR scholars, working on areas that have been traditionally overlooked by IR, such as gender, race, and class, have been doing for years.
Something about revenge breeds its escalation. It is an all too familiar pattern. Someone harms us, and we retaliate, which in turn brings about yet another harmful response – and so on. This progression of retaliatory actions often incurs costs that are out of proportion to the harm that initiated the conflict in the first place. What causes this costly, often deadly, pattern of vengeful behavior? The main goal of this chapter is to examine the role of vengeance in escalating conflict. While acknowledging that many factors often contribute to conflict escalation (see Pruitt and Kim 2004), I argue that the desire for vengeance is a key driving force behind many escalating conflicts. I also try to show that an understanding of the nature of vengeance, especially as it operates at the collective level, reveals why it is such an important factor. Finally, I briefly suggest a few ways that the escalatory pattern of vengeance can be curbed. The Nature of Vengeance Potency of vengeance O child, child now I begin my mourning, the wild newly-learned melody from the sprit of revenge Euripides, Hecuba In Euripides’ great tragedy, Hecuba suffers unimaginable harm at the hands of the Greeks. They destroy her beloved Troy, kill her husband and most of her children, and reduce her, the queen of Troy, to a Greek slave. Remarkably, despite these torments, her heart remains relatively free from the desire for vengeance. © International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis 2005 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Given the incredible diversity of the anti-globalization movement, developing inclusive and participatory spaces is an enormous challenge. Inequities in power, resources, and experience between Northern and Southern activists are of particular concern to a movement that values democratic participation. Dialogue is seen as a critical new way of addressing conflicts within the movement. For three decades, women's organizations dealt with similar issues at the UN World Conferences on Women. It was not until the 1990s that a global women's movement emerged. This paper, which is based on a qualitative study of women's peace organizations gathered at the Fourth UN World Conference on Women in 1995, addresses the development of positive coalition dynamics. The focus on individual activist stories fills in gaps left by studying organizations as units of analysis or on transnational movements as a whole. My research shows that if transnational activists use constructive approaches, conflict can assist in building coalition dynamics necessary for effective and equitable cooperation. I conclude that a commitment to respond to conflict in a constructive manner is as important for coalition building as formal processes or mechanisms that foster dialogue.
This paper focuses on what can be done during emergency and transition periods to promote sustainable peace, in the aftermath of complex political emergencies in Africa, with particular reference to issues of reconciliation and justice. There is no common understanding of the political conditions under which efforts at reconciliation should be minimal in relation to a focus on justice in order to achieve the 'best' peace, or of those where the pursuit of justice should become paramount. There is also not even a common language of what justice and reconciliation mean in the context of post-conflict peace-building. The paper concludes that there is a much greater potential role for outsiders with regard to justice, while reconciliation is considered to be more of an internal affair in which international actors can only be present as supporters of domestic initiatives, and even then with great caution.
Based on her experience as a member of the South African and the Sierra Leonean truth and reconciliation commissions, the author formulates guiding principles and looks at the circumstances in which a truth and reconciliation commission constitutes an appropriate instrument to deal with transitional justice issues. The author also identifies possible contributions that truth and reconciliation commissions can make during a period of transition. © 2006, International Committee of the Red Cross. All rights reserved.
In this essay we make visible the contribution of women even and especially when women cannot be added to mainstream, non-feminist accounts of peace. We argue that if feminism is taken seriously, then most philosophical discussions of peace must be updated, expanded and reconceived in ways which centralize feminist insights into the interrelationships among women, nature, peace, and war. We do so by discussing six ways that feminist scholarship informs mainstream philosophical discussions of peace.
In this article 1 discuss Claudia Card's treatment of war rape in relation to her discussion of the victim's moral power of forgiveness. I argue that her analysis of the victim's power to withhold forgiveness overlooks the paradoxical structure of witnessing, which implies that there is an ungraspable dimension of atrocity. In relation to this ungraspable element, the proposal that victims of atrocity have the power to either offer or withhold forgiveness may have little relevance.
Are women “natural” peacemakers? If so, is this because of natural inclinations to avoid conflict or to engage in tough discussions? Are there particular skills in which women excel that make them more likely than their male counterparts to be able to build relational bridges, to facilitate negotiations, and to reduce tensions? After a review of the literature on gender differences in such skills, a systematic comparison of interaction quality is made between two Israeli-Palestinian interactive problem-solving workshops that differed only in gender composition. A third Israeli-Palestinian workshop that involved female political elites is also examined for subsequent changes in the conflict relationship or for changes in political activity. The implications of different repertoires of skills for altering political processes are discussed.
Peacebuilding is frequently viewed in terms of post-conflict societal reconstruction without consideration of cultural context and gender. Using a feminist participatory methodology, this study investigated South African women's understandings of peacebuilding and how these are mediated by gender and context. Sixteen women engaged in dialogue over 2 days. Thematic analysis of the recorded dialogue provided insight into how the 16 South African women leaders understand their efforts to build a more peaceful society. The findings pointed to gender- and context-specific aspects of peacebuilding. Most of participants' peacebuilding activities occurred outside of the aegis of national governmental institutions and their peacebuilding priorities focused less upon structural rebuilding and more on processes, people, and relationships. One of the important priorities was the prevention of violence toward women. Whether these findings are gender-specific and contextually unique are topics for future research.
This article critiques Francis Fukuyama's “Women and the Evolution of World Politics.” Questioning feminists' commitment to social constructivism, Fukuyama uses a sociobiological argument to make the claim that a world run by women would be more peaceful than one ruled by men, whose aggressive instincts he compares to those of chimpanzees at Gombe. While he sees a possibility of this “feminized world” being realized in the West, Fukuyama argues for keeping men in charge as protection against the non-Western world where aggressive men will continue to dominate politics. This article claims that, in spite of seemingly sympathetic attitudes toward feminist politics, Fukuyama's argument is deeply conservative and has the effect of not only keeping women out of politics, but also reinforcing recent arguments in IR about civilizational conflicts. His claims divert attention from more pressing feminist agendas, which include a better understanding of the disadvantaged political, economic, and social status of so many of the world's women. Rather than running the world, these disadvantages are closer to the realities of most women's lives. Preferred futures are ones in which both women and men work together to reduce unequal social structures, including hierarchical gender structures, which prevent the achievement of real security and social justice.
In her discussions of the different forms of justice, Rama Mani argues that international peacebuilders have sometimes imposed rather than proposed and facilitated solutions. She proposes that in order to rejoin peace and justice there must be a ‘social compact’ forged between all stakeholders in post-conflict societies: civilians and combatants, citizens and governments, international peacebuilders and national recipients. Development (2005) 48, 25–34. doi:10.1057/palgrave.development.1100165
Sanam Naraghi-Anderlini reflects on the experiences of women who have survived war and its atrocities and are working for peace and a social reconstruction process. She argues that indictment of war criminals alone does not address the immediate and long-term needs of the maimed and the raped, the orphans and the AIDS carriers. Justice can include reparations or support and care, access to health care and education, opportunities to become skilled and employed. But at the very minimum it means living free of discrimination and ostracism, beyond their victimhood, and having the right to a dignified life. Development (2005) 48, 103–110. doi:10.1057/palgrave.development.1100154