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Peacebuilding: Women in international perspective
Abstract
This book clarifies some key ideas and practices underlying peacebuilding; understood broadly as formal and informal peace processes that occur during pre-conflict, conflict and post-conflict transformation. Applicable to all peacebuilders, Elisabeth Porter highlights positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. She critically interrogates accepted and entrenched dualisms that prevent meaningful reconciliation, while also examining the harm of othering and the importance of recognition, inclusion and tolerance. Drawing on feminist ethics, the book develops a politics of compassion that defends justice, equality and rights and the need to restore victims' dignity. Complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. Many ideas challenge orthodox understandings of peace. The arguments developed here demonstrate how peacebuilding can be understood more broadly than current United Nations and orthodox usages so that women's activities in conflict and transitional societies can be valued as participating in building sustainable peace with justice. Theoretically integrating peace and conflict studies, international relations, political theory and feminist ethics, this book focuses on the lessons to be learned from best practices of peacebuilding situated around the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. Peacebuilding will be of particular interest to peace practitioners and to students and researchers of peace and conflict studies, international relations and gender politics.
... The Community area (Wilber's WE quadrant) is the collective, group-based experiences of peace leadership. These include democratic practices and processes, organizational capacity building; fostering diversity, creating relationships; building coalitions; fostering human and social capital, building trust, and utilizing adaptive leadership practices (Adler, 1998;Baker & Dutton, 2007;Cohen et al., 2002;Connerly & Pedersen, 2005;Flora et al., 2016;Ganz, 2010;Goulah & Urbain, 2013;Haber & Davies, 2003;Heifetz, 1998;Heifetz & Linsky, 2002;McCallum & O'Connell, 2009;McIntyre Miller & Wunduh, 2015;Page, 2007;Porter, 2007;Putnam & Feldstein, 2003;Spreitzer, 2007;Wakefield & Bunker, 2010). These are how individuals and groups engage communities to build collective engagement around peace. ...
... The practices include an understanding of violence and aggression, peacebuilding, and nonviolence. This quadrant also includes important practices, such as the use of moral leadership practice, creative strategization, servant leadership practices, effective dialogue and communication, negotiation, creating effective structures, mediation, reconciliation techniques, and conflict transformation skills (Ackerman & Duvall, 2000;Barash & Webel, 2014;Baruch Bush & Folger, 2004;Beck et al., 2011;Chenoweth & Stephan, 2012;Cose, 2004;Fisher & Ury, 1981;Ganz, 2010;Grossman, 2009;Grossman & DeGaetano, 2014;Ledbetter, 2012;2016;Lederach, 1997Lederach, , 2003Malhorta, 2015;Ngunjiri, 2010;Patterson et al., 2012;Porter, 2007;Reychler & Stellamans, 2005;Schein, 2014;Schirch, 2004;Zizek, 2008). This quadrant provides the opportunity to link peace leadership work with proven skills and practices. ...
... al., 2018;Longman & Lamm Bray, 2018;Moosa et al., 2013;Onyido, 2013;Porter, 2017;UNGA, 2018;UN Women, 2017). When women are present, they can serve in both informal and formal peacebuilding roles and can contribute a great deal to societal and structural change (Bridges & Horsfall, 2009;Justino et al., 2018;Mlinarevic et al., 2015;Moore & Talarico, 2015;Paffenholz et al., 2016;Porter, 2007;Unit, 2000). Women often present particular concerns, are survivors of conflict and/or violence, and their inclusion often yields greater equity, stronger relationships, and the improvement of quality of life for all (Goryunova et al., 2018;Issifu, 2015;Hunt, 2005;Oniyido, 2013;Porter, 2007). ...
Integral peace leadership is an emergent framework that creates space for just change by challenging violence and aggression while building positive systems and structures. This article utilizes a deductive qualitative analysis strategy to critically examine the proposed concepts of integral peace leadership to determine their saliency for peacebuilding practice. Utilized to study these concepts are 10 Women PeaceMakers’ narratives. Results indicate that 25 of the 35 concepts studied across four quadrants were relevant in the women’s peace leadership work, with an additional six concepts revealed. The analysis demonstrates that the concepts of integral peace leadership are present in the work of the Women PeaceMakers, with evidence of each woman engaging in work in all of integral peace leadership’s four quadrants. The study findings offer lessons for those wishing to engage in integral peace leadership teaching and practice and point to the need for additional practice-based research to further define and refine integral peace leadership.
... They repeatedly ignored and dismissed admonitions given by God's prophets, appointed ministers and priests. After God had delivered the Israelites from oppression, enslavement and bondage in the land of ancient Egypt where they lived (Exodus 1: [8][9][10][11][12][13][14] and given them the Promised Land through Joshua (Joshua 21: 43), the people of Israel who settled in the Promised Land were generally faithful and obedient to God. Not long afterwards, they began to sin against God. ...
... On the 17 and 18 April over 150 people died from 1 Niyi Awofeso , Jan Ritchie & Pieter Degeling, "The Almajiri Heritage and the Threat of Non-State Terrorism in Northern Nigeria--Lessons from Central Asia and Pakistan", Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 26, no.4 (2003):314. Migration Ethics (Genesis 47: [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12] And Almajiri (Tsangaya) Children During coronavirus in Kano state alone. 4 Based on this insistence, Nigerians became anxious about these moves. ...
... cit. 9 Sunday Olawale Olaniran, "Almajiri education: Policy and practice to meet the learning needs of the nomadic population in Nigeria", International Review of Education 64, no. 1 (2018): 111-126. 10 Akali Omeni, "The Almajiri in Northern Nigeria: Militancy, Perceptions, Challenges, and State Policies", African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review, 5, no. 2 (2015):128 Migration Ethics (Genesis 47: [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12] And Almajiri (Tsangaya) Children During Context of Genesis 47:1-12 ...
The Socio-Religious dynamics of Covid-19 pandemic in Africa
... Porter has been able to provide an overview of the conflicts and triggers of those disputes and other modern war-related issues. Former UN Secretary-General Kofi A. Annan's foreword to 'Women, Peace and Security' (2002) gives a clearer picture of the main topic than that which Porter explains, (Porter, 2007, pp. 26-27, as cited in Annan, 2002. ...
... Therefore, if Porter talks about gender balance, it is important to mention more men's rights as well because all soldiers are not culprits. In addition, the focus has changed at the beginning of the book: "Not all women are natural peacemakers, and some women are aggressive fighters" (Porter, 2007, p. 3 as cited in Alison, 2006. There Porter makes notes of countries such as Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Zimbabwe, etc. referring to the contribution of girls to the struggles in these countries over the past decade. ...
Every client, stakeholder, and project team member involved in a construction project has success as their top
priority. However, construction projects frequently cost more than expected, take longer to complete, and don't
even meet quality standards. Although it has a bad reputation, the construction business is very important to the
economy of the nation, thus it should be made sure that it performs better than it presently does. According to
recent research, extra factors linked to people and their interactions in teams may significantly affect project
effectiveness, in addition to the technical factors that are typical for influencing construction project performance.
“Given the nature of contracting, where joint ventures and partnerships seem to be prominent, culture and cultural
differences appear to be one of the significant concerns that need to be dealt with and handled effectively if
projects are to be successful”. Therefore, the study aimed at highlighting the effects of cultural diversity on project
performance in the construction industry. Because culture is regarded as a "soft" issue, empirical measurement of
it is challenging. "Communication, trust, knowledge sharing, and integration" were the four cultural variables that
were examined and selected to be compared to the five conventional project outcomes of project performance
“time, cost, quality, safety, and productivity". 203 participants from construction projects in Colombo, Kaluthara,
and Polonnaruwa district received structured questionnaires. The study's findings demonstrated that cultural
diversity and project performance were related and that cultural variance affected the success of construction
projects.
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This examines grassroots in non-violent resistance despite social conservatism and the iron fists of foreign occupation and political division. It considers women from various social and cultural backgrounds who have already lived through various cycles of struggle, violence and resistance, owing to the shifting political landscapes since the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967. Qumsiyeh (2011) discusses the popular resistance by introducing the challenges facing ordinary Palestinians as they struggle for freedom against incredible odds.
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This examines the active role of civil society organisations’ (CSOs’) local leadership of promotion grassroots’ civic engagement and participatory’ approaches democracy. The contribution and role local leadership of CSOs, for example, in national and local elections, and politics at large is discussed. To what extent have ‘new elites’ of women’s organisations contributed to new structure of civil society? The complications of the relationship between local leadership and ‘elite’ of the national movement, and its impact on grassroots participation in the processes of decision-making and the development of their society is discussed. It discusses the relationship between the new elites and the earlier forms of mass-based organisations over public space, legitimacy and resources. New CSOs advocate governments to change the culture by endorsing and enacting Quotas to increase women’s rights and political representation in local councils and parliament. It discusses this rela- tionship between the ‘elite’ and grassroots women social movement, as well as the challenges facing women, which have already placed the vulnerable groups in a worse situation, remaining on the margins of society. Voting for this parties or that group without real political participation in a violent envi- ronment is a major challenge for civic engagement and active participation in development and change process.
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This provides a specific study on civil society (CS) contributions to active community participation of women, despite the violence, shifts of foreign donors, Israeli occupation and the division in Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). It also examines the peaceful intervention policy of community organisations to institution building. It also delivers a debate on interests, reactions and responses of civil society organisations (CSOs) during the different crises in the OPT. It includes how these CSOs contributed to the peaceful national struggle, community development, relief assistance and documentation of human rights violations by different authorities. CSOs also responded to the needs of the population by delivering social, health, cultural and educational services to all sectors of society during the different harsh circumstances. CSOs also attempted to contribute to the community efforts of in uencing and solving the political division in OPT, but the division has been stronger and more deeply rooted than expected at this stage.
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This discusses Palestinian civil society organisation (CSOs) and their historical perspective, notably their resilience, activism, participatory engagement, and community peace-building policies and practices. Some scholars, activists and leaders, however, prefer to use the term ‘CSOs’ not non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the post-NGOisation process. It examines social, economic and political factors, circumstances and notable changes that have in uenced CSOs’ responses to changing circumstances in the region and their impact on active engagement and community peacebuilding. It also discusses how CSOs participate in shaping the social power structure. It also examines the established interests, reactions and responses of CSOs in light of societal needs stemming from multiple consecutive crises in the region. Indeed, there are many financial and technical barriers and challenges facing CSOs in the recent political environment..
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
It discusses the challenges of violence to young women’s grassroots participatory engagement and their contribution to the development of their society. It also includes an examination of the role of civil society organisations’ (CSOs) activities to help eliminate the phenomenon of domestic violence, for example, against women in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). Young women of OPT have been subject to various cycle of violence under foreign occupation and domestic violence. The marginalised and vulnerable groups face violence as a serious threat to both their civic engagement and the community participation. CSOs seek to promote citizens’ engagement in the decision-making process and to increase their power to decide on change de ned as ‘participatory democracy’,
... Education is a significant tool for the Palestinians to struggle peacefully and represent their identity and society in the international arena. Elisabeth Porter (2007) discusses positive examples of women's peacebuilding in comparative international contexts. ...
... Elisabeth Porter (2007) argues that complex issues of memory, truth, silence and redress are explored while new ideas on reconciliation and embracing difference emerge. These activities would broaden the base of support for the civic engagement through promotion of communication and understanding of the key elements of empowerment. ...
This studies the European Union’s (EU) women’s empowerment- sponsored programmes in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). This chapter also explores the engagement of young women in gender justice activities and discusses how, and to what extent, the programmes they undertake contribute to long-term changes in attitudes. This chapter focuses in particular on women’s empowerment programmes, which have been introduced using participatory methodologies. This chapter shows the impact of the EU’s fund on the services delivered by international and civil society organisations (CSOs) and, in particular, on the attitudes and behaviours of women in rela- tion to building women’s social and political empowerment and institutions even after the ‘peace process’ of the Oslo Agreement. Women’s integration into the peace process, including the reconstruction and rebuilding process, following the conflict is therefore very important. In other words, it examines the efforts and endeavours made by local organisations to achieve the various objectives of women’s empowerment by organising capacity-building training activities, community monitoring and advocacy, research and eld studies, awareness, and media releases.
Have the EU-funded programmes succeeded in empowering women’s civil society in OPT?
... For Elisabeth Porter, peace-building includes all the processes that build positive relationships, heal wounds, reconcile antagonistic differences, restore esteem, respect rights, meet basic needs, enhance equality, instil feelings of security, empower moral agency and are democratic, inclusive and just. 12 Peace however is believed to be a state of tranquillity and calmness that extends to love, joy and happiness. It is this process to ensure the state of calmness and tranquillity that leads to peace building. ...
... According to the NCDC, the 460 new cases were reported from 21 states-Lagos (150), Rivers (49), Oyo (43), Delta (38), FCT (26), Anambra (20), Kano (20), Plateau (18), Edo (14), Bayelsa (13), Enugu (13), Osun (12), Kwara (10), Borno (8), Ogun (7), Kaduna (6), Imo (4) ...
... Whenever fear, anger, bitterness has so accumulated that relationships are impaired, reconciliation is required. 1 The political stalemate that gripped Zimbabwe following the 29 September 2008. This eventually culminated in the formation of a Government of National Unity (GNU), which was supposed to be a two-year transitional mechanism that was only consummated on 15 February 2009 after five months of political bickering, name-calling and endless debate over the allocation of ministerial posts. ...
... The colonial power seized this as a final opportunity to protect the economic interests of the white settler community. The infuriated nationalists grudgingly accepted the constitution despite its clear structural defects, especially the provisions in section 16 (1), which set a ten-year limitation on the future government's ability and power to acquire land compulsorily for state purposes, and section 52, which stipulated that the Declaration of Rights could not be amended for a period of ten years. 19 The new ZANU-PF government believed that although it lost out on the economic front, with the political power in its hands, it was going to alter the situation in Zimbabwe in the future. ...
This article seeks to show that the emotive reconciliation project in Zimbabwe,
which is currently spearheaded by the Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation
and Integration, is not new in the Zimbabwe polity. Its incarnation under the
Government of National Unity clearly indicates the inadequacies and ineffectiveness
of the initial reconciliation project, which was enunciated immediately
after independence in 1980. In this article we argue that while the notion of
resuscitating reconciliation is an important step towards durable peace, this
institutionalised, state-centric and state-propelled project is haunted by the very
same challenges that undermined and shattered its predecessor. We further assert
that the reconciliation and healing project, which is politically engineered and
institutionally driven without being inclusive and community driven, is a mere
token that comes at the expense of durable peace and the actual victims of
violence and impunity.
... According to Porter (2007), women need to be empowered in order to play the important role in peace building. She emphasizes that women have traditionally played very limited role in peace building processes even though they bear the responsibility for providing for their families" basic needs in the aftermath of violent conflict. ...
... The different forms of empowerment included education and economic empowerment. Further, Porter (2007) explains that the idea behind this strategy is that peace building scholars and the United Nations have recognized that women play a vital role in securing the three pillars of sustainable peace namely: economic recovery and reconciliation, social cohesion and development, and political legitimacy, security and governance. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf of Liberia and Michelle Bachelet of Chile were the first female heads of state from their respective countries. ...
The memories of the events of the 2007 post-election violence that ravaged the country, still brings a lot of pain to many Kenyans. Despite the use of diverse peace building strategies in the region over the years, sustainable peace is yet to be achieved. This situation generated questions as to whether the peace building strategies used were truly effective. This study examined the types and nature of peace building strategies used in Uasin Gishu County after the 2007 post-election violence. Four humanitarian organizations that were active in peace building efforts in the county were involved in the study. The humanitarian organizations studied were the Catholic Justice and Peace Commission (CJPC), Rural Women Peace Link (RWPL), Wareng Youth Initiative for Peace and Development (WYIPD) and Africa Sports and Talents Empowerment Program (ASTEP-Kenya). The conceptual framework of the study was drawn from the Conflict Transformation and Human Needs theories. Descriptive and exploratory designs were used in the study, as well as the quantitative and qualitative approaches. The study population was 894,406. A sample size of 400 respondents was used. This study adopted stratified sampling procedure. The target population was split into three stratums and from each stratum, simple random sampling procedure was applied to arrive at the final sample. The research information was collected using questionnaires, interviews, observation and secondary data. The study used Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) to analyze quantitative data while the qualitative data was thematically analyzed. The findings of the study indicated that various peace building strategies were used. The findings point to the need for organizations to use diverse peace building strategies that endear to all population groups.
... The processual nature of peacebuilding demands for a recognition of that fact that it is a dynamic process. In practice, it means that peacebuilding is a dynamic phenomenon and having something to contribute in every phase of a conflict, always changing in response to the situation and the stage of peace-making efforts (El-Bushra, 2000;Kirk, 2004;Porter, 2007;Pankhurst, 2003;Cohn, Kinsella & Gibbings, 2004;Jordan, 2003). Peacebuilding covers all the possible forms of conflict and trying to mitigate the socio-cultural and political factors of it (Chinkin & Charlesworth, 2006;Hamber, et. ...
The UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on "Women, Peace, and Security" stresses the importance of women's "equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, and the need to increase their role in decision making with regard to conflict prevention and resolution". However, the situation on the ground with respect to women's participation in peacebuilding efforts in many countries is still not very encouraging. This paper highlights the unequal treatment of women in the peacebuilding process in Pakistan in general and the Pashtun belt in particular where women have suffered in a number of ways during the ongoing conflict. The article articulates that the patriarchal Pashtun society and culture present numerous hurdles in the way for women to actively participate in the peacebuilding process and that their role in peacebuilding efforts is not recognized and appreciated.
... Scholarly work has shown that gender concerns during war have been ill-addressed by national and international elites during transition or after conflict (Abdullah and Fofana-Ibrahim 2010;Bueno-Hansen 2015;El-Bushra 2007;Porter 2007;Sjoberg 2013). In part because of that work, various international organizations have moved to place gender considerations at the forefront of their mission. ...
A substantial amount of scholarly work has been conducted on considerations (or lack thereof) of gender in the context of peace negotiations. While gender-specific concerns, particularly those focused on women’s empowerment, are now emphasized in the language of international and national organizations involved in peacebuilding (e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 1325), many times this language is just “talk.” Often, on-the-ground practice and policy does not reflect the lived experiences of women in post-accord or transitional contexts. This article analyzes the change in roles and the roles available to women in pre-negotiation and framework-setting negotiation processes between the Colombian government and nonstate armed actors. The study examines the negotiations between the Colombian government under the Juan Manuel Santos administration and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC) in 2012–2016 to interrogate the ways that women, feminist groups, and women’s organizations play a role in pre-negotiation processes.
... La figura sufriente es principalmente representada en un cuerpo femenino. La estereotipada norma de género que establece la dicotomía mujer-víctima, hombre-guerrero, y la correlativa asignación del cuidado y la empatía a lo femenino y la actividad y dominancia a lo masculino, se reproduce en muchas representaciones sobre conflictos armados -tal como han criticado, entre otras, Cockburn (1998), Porter (2007 o Alison (2009). Siendo la pasividad uno de los rasgos que caracterizan la configuración de víctima (Crumbaugh, 2007), aquellas que son reconocidas en el espacio público como víctimas, sin embargo, pese a su representación, no son pasivas -como ha insistido Das (2006). ...
Este artículo explora los marcos narrativos de configuración de la memoria tras el alto al fuego de ETA en el contexto del conflicto armado vasco. En el marco institucional, la representación pública del sufrimiento configura la categoría de víctima en este contexto, jerarquizando experiencias de violencia y generando un determinado paisaje emocional “post-conflicto”. Dadas las limitaciones de las representaciones sufrientes y el problemático uso del concepto de empatía en la eliminación de las violencias, sugiero el planteamiento de "escucha vulnerable" como propuesta analítica y política. Esta propuesta trata de ampliar los limitados paradigmas de reconciliación, resalta la importancia de poner la vulnerabilidad en el centro y muestra distintas formas de encuentro en donde la escucha está impregnada de emociones encontradas, contradicciones, complejos tejidos de sufrimiento y placer, incertidumbres y aperturas al reconocimiento de distintas formas de violencia.
... Conflict management is the process of limiting the negative aspects of conflict while increasing the positive aspects or the practice of recognizing and dealing with disputes in a rational, balanced, and effective way. [13] Conflict management is expressed in the principle that all conflicts may not necessarily be resolved, but managing conflict can decrease the bad effects. It deals with maximizing the benefits of conflict. ...
Introduction: Conflicts abound in basic schools of nursing with consequences such as strained relationships among staff, collapsed agreement, poor academic performances, and disruption of planned academic activities. Conflicts can, however, be beneficial when well managed. Aim: This study aims at assessing the conflict management skills of nurse tutors in Enugu State Basic Schools of Nursing. Research Design: A prospective survey research method was adopted. Materials and Methods: Fifty nurse tutors in three Basic Schools of Nursing in Enugu State were studied from June to December, 2015. Modified Thomas Kilman's generated questionnaire was used for data collection. It has 46 items in two sections – Section A, on demographic data, consisting mainly of close-ended questions with few open-ended questions and Section B, formatted on a 6-point Likert scale of 1–6, containing questions to determine conflict management skills of nurse tutors. Convenient sampling technique was used for data collection. Data Analysis: Statistical Package for Social Sciences version 20.0 was used to analyze data. t-test and analysis of variance test were used to test the set hypotheses. Results: The mean scores for the various parameters were as follows: stress management skill (4.74 ± 0.666), social skills (5.10 ± 0.54), avoidance skills (3.99 ± 0.101), collaborative skills (4.5 ± 0.50), and competing skill (4.10 ± 0.69). Gender and cadre had no statistically significant influence on the conflict management skills of nurse tutors (P = 0.33). Conclusion: Nurse tutors in Enugu State Basic Schools of Nursing possessed good conflict management skills.
... For Elisabeth Porter, peace-building includes all the processes that build positive relationships, heal wounds, reconcile antagonistic differences, restore esteem, respect rights, meet basic needs, enhance equality, instil feelings of security, empower moral agency and are democratic, inclusive and just. 12 Peace however is believed to be a state of tranquillity and calmness that extends to love, joy and happiness. It is this process to ensure the state of calmness and tranquillity that leads to peace building. ...
... While focusing particularly on women's political agency, it also acknowledged the need for better protection from conflict-related sexual violence. 3 There is a pervasive discourse on women's post-conflict political empowerment and the need to reconfigure gender relations in more egalitarian ways through post-war reconstruction measures (Anderlini 2007, Porter 2007, Olsson 2009, Pratt and Richter-Devroe 2011. This applies not least to processes of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and transitional justice (Hauge 2016). ...
In November 2006, a decade of civil war ended with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord by the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The large share of women in the first Constituent Assembly (33 per cent in the 2008 election) was seen as outstanding in the South Asian context, and many viewed the post-conflict scenario in Nepal as a promising opportunity for women's increased political participation. Further women's empowerment landmarks were proclaimed in 2015, when Nepal's parliament elected the country's first female President, Bidhya Devi Bhandari, and its first female Speaker, Onsari Gharti Magar. This chapter discusses the implementation of the UN's Women, Peace and Security agenda in post-conflict Nepal.
... As an academic enterprise gender and peacebuilding has equally grown in stature and scope-globally (e.g., Aoláin et al. 2011;Porter 2007;Shepherd 2017) and on the African continent (Anderlini 2007;Heinecken 2013;Hudson 2016;Okech 2011). At the heart of this growing attention to the gendering of peace globally, lies the recognition that gender lenses are necessary, conceptually, for grasping the meanings of peace and security; empirically, for seeing realities, particularly gendered (in)securities; and normatively, for promoting social justice and durable peace (Sjoberg and Tickner 2011). ...
The article draws attention to the consequences of simplistically equating gender, sex and women when doing peacebuilding. Drawing on the ambivalent nature of security architecture interventions from the African continent, I make a case for keeping a variety of conceptual approaches to gender mainstreaming in mind in order to avoid a narrow fixation on adding women. I show through selected examples how institutional frameworks and commitments may appear progressive but could have potentially exclusionary effects. Gender is an important lens to analyse peacebuilding practices and commitments, but only if viewed as an action or means of ‘doing’ that disrupts additive liberal approaches to peacebuilding. As an alternative, the article proposes a gender-relational and intersected analysis of everyday securities and peacebuilding. A focus on lived, gendered and racialised experiences of insecurity and peacebuilding at the everyday level offsets the abstract and universalised approach adopted by states as well as regional and continental players. The article concludes that approaches to gender mainstreaming through sameness, difference and diversity should be seen as complementary to allow space for a context-specific, thick analysis of gender relations on the ground as well as gendered processes of structural or institutional change.
... For example, Call and Cousens (2007)), have defined peace building as those actions undertaken by international or national actors to institutionalize peace, understood as the absence of armed conflict (negative peace) and a modicum of participatory politics (as a component of positive peace) that can be sustained in the absence of an international peace operation. Similarly, Porter (2007), defined peace-building to mean all processes that build positive relationships, heal wounds, reconcile antagonistic differences, restore esteem, respect rights, meet basic needs, enhance equality, instill feelings of security, empower moral agency and are democratic, inclusive and just. Therefore, peace psychologists have described peace building in terms of resolution, being proactive, problem solving, meeting human needs, and ending oppression and inequality. ...
This paper examined the role of De Norsemen Kclub Incorporated in peace building and conflict transformation in an environmentally challenged society like Nigeria. Over the years, environmental crisis has become a re-occurring decimal that threatens the sovereignty of Nigeria with the civil societies, religious leaders and nongovernmental organisations seeking to proffer solutions. However, arguments have raged on whether or not De Norsemen has the capacity to ensure peace and resolve conflict in a volatile country like Nigeria. Some are of the opinion that De Norsemen Kclub lacks the legitimate powers to maintain peace because of their inclination to school cult gangs and therefore, they should be proscribed. Other side of the argument opines that De Norsemen Kclub Incorporated are legitimate organization registered under the Corporate Affairs Commission whose motto is “service to humanity” and since conflict is a threat to human security, they therefore have the powers to advocate for peace. Against this background, this paper argued that peace building and conflict transformation are concepts in conflict resolution strategies that are often taken to ensure that conflicts in the society are deescalated and reduced to the barest minimal. The position of the paper is that De Norsemen Kclub is not associated with any form of cultism, they operate under the sovereign constitution of Nigeria and has right like other nongovernmental organisations to make peace and resolve conflict in Nigeria. Key Words: Peace building, conflict transformation, De Norsemen, environment, society
... Whereas women have been actively involved in peace initiatives almost in every conflict; peace agreements are often exclusive to men (Bouta et al. 2005;Porter 2007). The United Nations (2002) observed that peace processes can no longer minimize or disregard the contributions of females in all stages of peace processes. ...
In 2000, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 affirmed the importance of including women in conflict resolution and peacebuilding processes. Despite the existence of Security Council Resolution 1325, women continue to remain tokens in peacebuilding processes. There is need to have gendered peacebuilding process because it brings in new nuances and perspectives with regard to peacebuilding and conflict resolution. A gendered peacebuilding process counterbalances peace processes and policies that are influenced and informed by masculinity militarization. It also helps in formulating peacebuilding processes that are beyond masculinity and femininity lenses. A gendered peacebuilding process goes beyond the essentialist way of interpreting reality. More significantly, the inclusion of both femininity and masculinity perspectives creates a paradigm shift with regard to the use of languages and strategies employed in peacebuilding processes. A gendered peacebuilding approach contributes constructively to the achievement of responsive, inclusive, and sustainable peace because it draws from men’s and women’s experiences to address conflict issues that affect humanity.
... In Nigeria, most people are still reluctant to accept women for senior management positions in a corporate organisation, despite the fact that there are qualified women for managerial positions. In this economy, a wide range of customs, traditions and cultural stereotypes are used to justify the exclusion of women from negotiating tables (Porter, 2007). It has been argued that a mixed board is effective and productive because women by their nature bring different perspectives and voices to the table, to the debate and to the decision-making process in the organisation (Zelechowski & Bilimoria, 2004). ...
Electoral systems, candidate recruitment and selection procedures are the instruments
which shape the role of a democratic government, directing the legislative to fulfill its
agenda and determining the role of individual (members of a parliament). Individual
means both men and women; however, the patriarchal practices interpret it as male
representation, thus making it as a male domain. To include females, the gender
quota became an effective instrument. The supporters of gender quotas argue that
it is to increase the diversity of female legislators, but opponents claim that reforms
are required to include qualified women. In Pakistan, election procedures for reserved
seats are through assemblies and each party gets its share according to its acquired
seats. The process of recruitment within parties is highly male-dominated and nontransparent.
It has also been based on partiality and favoritism. All elected women
to the reserved seats are selected by the male party leadership. Additionally, women
party workers are typically ignored and not nominated as parliamentary candidates.
This indirect mode of election is criticised and not free of drawbacks. Analysing this
process, the paper discusses the impact of election procedures on reserved seats
for women and how the selection of candidates have an impact on the exclusion of
middle-class women in Pakistan.
The reporting of the wars in the former Yugoslavia tends to represent women and mothers predominately as victims of male violence. However, it is well documented in feminist literature that women’s groups across the republics have played a critical role in organising peace protests, building bridges across contested ethnic lines and exercising agency. Even though North Macedonia proclaimed independence without engaging in the Yugoslav wars, it experienced an ethnic conflict in 2001. There is limited knowledge on the impact the conflict had on women and on their contributions to the peace efforts. The aim of this chapter is to explore women’s experiences of peace activism and how it is linked to their constructions of motherhood. The chapter is based on empirical research with 24 leaders from women’s non-governmental organisations located in three ethnically diverse cities in North Macedonia. The research adopted feminist research methodology, and data was collected through semi-structured interviews and focus group meetings. The findings demonstrated that the common experiences of being women faced with similar structural obstacles and being mothers concerned for the safety and future of their children helped the participants in this research overcome vast political differences and collaborate across ethnic lines. Also, some of them strategically drew links between their identity as women and potentially mothers to have their voices heard and gain legitimacy and recognition within broader peacebuilding efforts. Women relied on their experience and constructions of motherhood to protest against violent actors and to demand social change. However, this paper also cautions against the use of gender essentialism which might de-politicise their efforts.
This article presents select findings from a case study about applied theatre at a school for girls with refugee backgrounds in the United States. The data were collected through direct observations, semi‐structured interviews, and analysis of students' work. The study uses an intersectional analysis to explore relationships between gender, race, heritage cultures, and language use in arts‐based activities. The author describes one assignment in which students researched a woman from history and then wrote and performed a first‐person monologue from this person's point of view. The researcher discusses ways that the assignment's structure limited students' choices about whom to learn about and portray. In particular, the assignment centered gender over other aspects of students' identities related to heritage cultures, heritage languages, and race. Findings are also reported from interviews with students about how they navigated these parameters and their experiences as writers and performers. Finally, the author considers ways audiences may shape the narratives students are encouraged to tell. Findings highlight ways arts‐based practices directly and indirectly influenced the narratives students with refugee backgrounds created and performed in their resettlement community. The author concludes by discussing implications for arts‐based practices for teaching English to speakers of other languages (TESOL).
Članek prikazuje tesno prepletene poti islamskega feminizma in vzpostavljanja miru v Bosni in Hercegovini. Proučuje, kako je družbeno-politični kontekst regije vplival na nastajanje miru in islamski feminizem ter kako so sekularne človekove pravice in feministične organizacije bosanskim aktivistkam omogočile plodno podlago za izvajanje feministične teologije, še preden so bile izpostavljene teoretičnim temeljem islamskega feminizma. S primeri pomembnih feministk in aktivistov za človekove pravice v regiji in projektov, ki se zavzemajo za ozaveščanje o temah, kot so enakost spolov, mir in sprava, prispevek raziskuje trajen odnos med islamskim feminizmom in izgradnjo miru. Jezik religije in feminizma se je izkazal kot koristno orodje za pospeševanje izgradnje miru in dialoga znotraj skupnosti, hkrati pa sekularne organizacije za človekove pravice še naprej zagotavljajo edini prostor za sodelovanje z islamskim feminizmom v patriarhalni družbi.
For years, the insecurity and violence against women in many parts of Pakistan have magnified the danger of the prevalent worldview of strong and protective men. In contrast, women are weak and protected by men. Inevitable victimisation and powerless women are counterproductive since women are central to the community's household institution. This paper explores local community peacebuilding initiatives of women's first Jirga by a local activist Tabassum Adnan in Pakistan's Province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Exploring women's Jirga as an agency of regional and gendered peace formation in a salient patriarchal Pakhtun worldview underscores women's security and gendered Peace perspective in recognising the need to consider the missing systemic and unpeaceful change and transformation in contemporary Pakistan and South Asia. Adopting qualitative methods of Feminist Peace research unravels the potential and pitfalls of how women can embark upon alternative dispute resolutions (ADR) when patriarchal conceptualisations of conflict resolution prevent their active participation. Findings show multidimensional links between local community peace and global systemic and peaceful transformation of international relations (IR). Recognising the transformative roles of women in overcoming GBV is a critical transnational shift from the past and minimal human rights protection of women to the present and maximal recognition of women as emancipatory agents of peace.
While the naïve optimism of the liberal peacebuilding perspective has been tempered by recent real-world events that have revealed the complex and stubborn nature of conflict-ridden societies, peacebuilding remains a relevant tool for recovering from post-conflict devastation. This edited volume aims to examine the relevance of contemporary peacebuilding to post-conflict reconstruction by relying on evidence that illustrates how these programs work to address conflict-related problems on the ground. To contextualize the arguments contained in this volume within recent debates on peacebuilding, this chapter introduces the theoretical and practical trends and the validity of micro-level approaches to peace and conflict studies.
The plurality and subjectivity of peace means that transitions from war are contested – i.e. permeated by conflicts between previously warring antagonists who want to (re)order postwar society according to competing peace(s). But while there always will exist mutually excluding peace(s), such outliers do not foreclose middle grounds where multiple peace(s) can coexist. In this article, I argue that the postwar city can generate coexistence between peace(s) of varying divergence through the creativity, accommodation, and fragmentation of city spaces. These arguments are illustrated through examples from postwar Belfast, Mitrovica, and Mostar. I term this conceptualization urban peace.
2000 yılında, küresel çapta feminist hareketlerin baskı ve çabalarıyla Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nde 1325 sayılı karar oybirliğiyle kabul edilmiştir. Bu karar savaş ve barışta kadınların, çatışmaların çözümü ve barış süreçlerine katılımlarını sağlayarak, hem şiddetten korunmalarını hem de görünür kılınmalarını mümkün kılacak bir küresel model kurmayı hedeflemiştir. 1325 sayılı kararın sonrasında tesis edilen on Güvenlik Konseyi kararıyla birlikte Kadın, Barış ve Güvenlik başlıklı bir alan/gündem inşa edilmiştir. Bu alan katılım, çatışmayı önleme, koruma, yardım ve iyileşme boyutları çerçevesinde cinsel şiddetle mücadele, barışın korunması, kapsayıcı katılım gibi konuları temel alan bir gündem içermektedir. Kadın, Barış ve Güvenlik gündemini çok sayıda devletin yanı sıra NATO, AB gibi örgütler de eylem planlarıyla politikalarına entegre etmektedirler. Ancak pandemi koşullarının da etkisiyle içinde bulunduğumuz 2022 yılına kadar ki gelişmeleri dikkate aldığımızda, kadınların hala barış sürecinde gerek karar verici gerek uygulayıcı olarak son derece az temsil edildikleri, Ukrayna savaşı örneğinde olduğu gibi çatışma ortamında cinsel şiddete maruz kalmaya devam ettikleri görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada Kadın, Barış ve Güvenlik gündemi temelinde Güvenlik Konseyi kararları ortaya koydukları hedefler, üye devletlere zorunlu kıldığı uygulamaların yanı sıra eksiklikleri ve tartışmalı noktalarıyla birlikte feminist güvenlik yaklaşımı temelinde analiz edilecektir.
The emergence of middle-class Muslim women entrepreneurs known as mompreneurs is an intriguing social phenomenon. In this book, Sakai and Fauzia show that becoming a Muslim mompreneur is a considered response of middle-class Muslim women to modernity. This chapter provides theoretical discussions on middle-class entrepreneurialism and women, and our approach to examining women’s agency. We focus on Indonesia as the largest Muslim-dominant country and cover other countries in the Asia–Pacific. In this book, narratives of women, social media, government policies and responses from Muslim women’s organisations will be examined to analyse women’s perceptions about their gender roles. The authors argue that middle-class Muslim mompreneurs are shifting the gender power balance within the framework of Islam.
Monica McWilliams and Avila Kilmurray offer a gendered analysis of peacebuilding in Northern Ireland, showing the importance of women to the process. They describe the multi‐faceted and cross‐community women's movement which developed from the 1970s, culminating with establishment of the Norther Ireland Women's Coalition (NIWC) in 1996. The coalition united across the sectarian divide around principles of equality, human rights, and inclusion. Despite women's historical underrepresentation in politics, and continuing antagonism against them, the coalition insisted upon the importance of the female voice in peace talks. In so doing, they re‐envisaged the political space away from adversarial and triumphalist agendas. They offered a new and crucial dimension to peace talks, focussing not only short‐term goals of demilitarisation but also on long‐term social progress.
Since a culture of violence, rooted in its intricate history, is deeply ingrained into society, Myanmar is in constant danger of violent conflict. Consequently, this chapter aims to discuss the potential of ethnic women’s organisations (EWOs) as agents for restoring a culture of peace (CoP) from Myanmar’s periphery. It reviews the literature on CoP that is related to women, and then presents a case study to explore the means, approaches and projects of two representative EWOs. Furthermore, it reveals how EWOs promote CoP in order to consolidate social cohesion at the grassroots level and the relationship between their work and the promotion of CoP. Finally, the chapter aims to construct a conceptual framework for promoting CoP in order to highlight the importance of the roles of EWOs that could fulfil grassroots social transformation from the periphery in a divided society.
Impacts foreign capital inflow has on Nigeria stock market
This article studies the implementation of the global norm of women’s inclusion in the Malian peace negotiations. It constructs a theoretical framework for analyzing practices of resistance, which object to the validity of the norm, and practices of refinement, which engage with the application of the norm. Based on interviews with women who attended the Malian peace negotiations it finds that women face widespread practices of resistance when they demand to be included. However, when pressure is applied concessions often follow, indicating growing acceptance of the norm. Actors also engaged in practices of refinement, observed through a number of disagreements over how, when and which women should be included. The article contributes important insights on the relationship between norms and practices by demonstrating not only that norms influence practice, but how practices of resistance and refinement shape the meanings and life cycles of norms.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to review current literature on peace leadership and youth leadership. It aims to shed a light on the extent to which peace leadership can afford youth leaders and youth peace activists to engage in peace processes and peacebuilding initiatives. By understanding how notions of peace leadership are realized in youth leadership practices, the paper hopes to contribute to the ongoing dialogue on advancing the practice of peace leadership for present and future young leaders.
Design/methodology/approach
The literature review explored peace leadership from the approaches of peacebuilding processes, nonviolence, and an integral perspective; expanded the current understanding of youth leadership by presenting the theoretical foundations and the role of youth in leadership that align with an advanced view of youth leadership; and described the intersection of peace leadership and youth leadership by identifying how youth leadership is related to peace leadership within three overarching contexts: political systems, schools, and communities.
Findings
The literature review highlights the reciprocity between peace leadership and youth leadership. It identifies nonviolence, communication, dialogue, conflict resolution, mediation, building social capital, and relationship building as practices in which youth leaders engage in to promote peaceful and sustainable change in varying contexts.
Originality/value
This review of the literature presents the need for further research on the intersection of peace leadership with youth leadership to help advance both areas within the field of leadership studies and understand how peace leadership for youth informs leadership theory and practice across contexts and areas of discipline.
Women’s activism in North East India has its roots in the pre-independence period. As early as 1904, women in Manipur collectively protested against the British colonial rule. The first Nupi Lan (‘women’s war’ or ‘uprising’ in the Manipuri language) in 1904 was organised to protest against the imposition of forced labour for the reconstruction of British property. Almost 5000 Manipuri women participated against the British Raj, immobilising the state. The army had to be called in to restore ‘law and order’. This became a landmark in the history of not only Manipur but in the whole of what was then Assam. The second Nupi Lan took place in 1939–1940 against the trade policy of exporting rice from Manipur, set by the then Manipuri monarch and the British Raj (Yambem 1976). (See Sect. “Women’s Activism in Manipur” for more detail on these events.)
In October 2000, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted the resolution 1325 on Women and Peace and Security (SCR 1325). This resolution is recognized as a landmark commitment of the international community in promoting gender equality, empowering women, and protecting women’s rights in all peace processes. The resolution was the first time in UN history when ‘high politics’ has formally addressed gender issues (Olsson and Tryggestad, 2001). SCR 1325 consists of 18 articles with three main themes: promoting women’s participation, gender mainstreaming, and gender-based violence. Since the adoption of the resolution, the international community seems to be acting in accordance with the resolution, especially in UN peacekeeping. Nevertheless, despite the apparent success, criticism of the efficiency of the implementation of the resolution has been raised. This leads to the research question ‘to what extent the implementation of SCR 1352 can contribute to gender equality’, the goal of SCR 1325.
The study focus is to evaluate the implementation of UN peacekeeping in the three main themes of the resolution because the mandate of UN peacekeeping is to establish peace and security in all conflicted situations, which directly involves with the implementation of the resolution. The study is scoped to examine UN peacekeeping at two levels: policy and operational levels. The Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), the policy directive unit of all UN peacekeeping, is examined in order to assess the implementation of UN peacekeeping at policy level. At operational level, the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) is selected as an empirical case as the mission is claimed as the first UN mission that included gender perspectives explicitly in its establishment documentation, and is further claimed as a best practice in bringing gender equality to peacekeeping.
The data is accumulated from the UN, governmental and non-governmental organizations, and civil society documentation as well as individual research related to issues of UN peacekeeping, SCR 1325, and gender issues. In terms of a theoretical framework, the research has adopted postcolonial feminism to explore the answer to the research question because postcolonial feminism provides a substantive concept of gender equality in two aspects. Firstly, the concept of gender equality of postcolonial feminism is not simply about women’s issues, but is involved with equality for marginalized lives. Secondly, postcolonial feminism concerns on different and diverse contexts, and aware of the domination of western feminism idea on gender equality, which seems to be useful for a critical evaluation because many peacekeeping operations occur in developing countries and often in post-colonial countries.
The paper illustrates that the implementation of UN peacekeeping on the three themes of SCR 1325: enhancing women’s participation, gender mainstreaming, and gender-based violence, can contribute only superficially to the issue of gender equality. This study, therefore, argues that the perspective of postcolonial feminism on gender equality, including 1) a recognition not only women, but also marginalized lives, who impacted from gender hierarchy, 2) sensitivity to diversity, difference in specific contexts and locations, and 3) awareness of potential of the colonial assumption of superiority over local people, should be put as a central framework in the implementation of UN peacekeeping to bring substantive gender equality as the international community commits to the resolution.
This article was selected as the runner-up for the 2018 Enloe Award. The committee commented:
“This article provides a solid and nuanced account of UN mediation processes around the WPS agenda, drawing on Annick Wibben’s narrative approach to document how the notion that mediation is a science rather than an art leaves little room for complexity. It is a very well-researched piece with a clear, polished, and coherent argument.”
“The article’s meticulous engagement with a bureaucratic procedure reminds the reader of its life-and-death consequences, all the while providing a sophisticated and solid gender analysis. It is also important for revealing the complexities – how masculine–feminine assumptions and expectations work, or that one method is not necessarily better than another for gender inclusiveness. The author’s conclusion is a generative one: it recognizes the need to explore the question in other settings and points to a future research agenda.”
ABSTRACT
The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has not yet had a large or lasting impact on United Nations (UN)-brokered peace processes. I argue that we can understand the challenges to incorporating the WPS agenda by examining the changes that UN mediation has undergone in the post-Cold War era. UN mediation has moved from being seen as a diplomatic art to being seen as a professionalized science. Narratives about mediation as an “art” or as a “science” have distinct implications for how the UN has incorporated the WPS agenda in mediation. To examine these narratives, I adopt Wibben’s feminist narrative approach. I analyze texts including UN guidance documents on mediation, notes from participant observation of training sessions on mediation and gender, and 37 interviews with UN mediation personnel. I find that the narrative of mediation as a science constructs a linear process with little room for complexity. In doing so, it depoliticizes gender relations and constrains the participation of women. The narrative of mediation as an art privileges experience, consent, and trusting relationships. Including women and gender issues appears risky because it endangers consent. Meanwhile, building trust may rely upon excluding certain groups of people. These findings contribute to our understanding of how institutional contexts affect the implementation of the WPS agenda.
Since the existence of humanity, there have been various conflicts and wars. Conflict and war setting causes people to lose their lives and deteriorate their living spaces and sociological environment. In order to prevent this kind of negativity, it can be stated that the disputes between people or societies must be solved before they turn into conflict or war. Leadership is vital to the success of efforts to create peace by ending the conflict or war. In this regard, it is important to identify community leaders who take actions to create peace. In the literature, the concept of peace leadership emerged as a relatively new phenomenon. Therefore, this chapter examines how leadership can be effective in creating and sustaining peace, the concept of peace leadership, and the characteristics, skills, and roles of peace leaders.
This paper, a winner of Robert Chambers Award 2017, Development Studies Association, Ireland.
It discusses the approach of international NGOs' of women's engagement in community peacebuilding in Libya and the Palestinian Occupied Territories. In both countries, women have been subject to various cycle of violence. They remain the most marginalised groups that face domestic and political violence as a serious threat to both their civic engagement and community participation. It also examines the relationship between INGOs and women leaders of NGOs to eliminate the phenomenon of domestic violence against women. The researcher uses a number of tools to collect data and enrich his arguments by interviewing a number of women civil society activists and reviewed the existed literature. The researcher also uses own professional experiences and participatory observation while involved in the leadership of civil society and peacebuilding activities to enrich the debate as well.
This chapter discusses women's engagement in community peacebuilding in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). It also considers the importance of women's community-based and participative education as an agent of peacebuilding. Palestinian women have been subject to various cycles of political violence and remain among the most vulnerable groups confronting domestic and political violence as a serious threat to both their civic engagement and community participation. The chapter also examines the relationship between women leaders and Palestinian civil society organizations (CSOs) in trying to eliminate the phenomenon of domestic violence against women in the OPT. The chapter concludes that the challenges of foreign occupation and political and domestic violence hinder the progress of women's efforts to contribute to community.
‘Inclusion’ has emerged as a prominent theme in peacemaking. However, its exact meaning remains vague, as do assumptions about the relationship between inclusion and peace. This article seeks to problematize the research, policy and practice of inclusion. Focusing on United Nations (UN) peacemaking, we ask how the object of inclusion has been framed, and based on what strategies and underlying rationales. We do so against the backdrop of emerging debates about an agonistic peace, which suggest that violent antagonistic relationships can be overcome if peace processes enable contestation between adversaries. This requires that peacemakers recognize the constitutive role of difference in political settlements. We identify three distinct strategies for inclusion, with corresponding framings of the included. Firstly, inclusion can be used to build a more legitimate peace; secondly, to empower and protect specific actor groups; and thirdly, to transform the sociopolitical structures that underlie conflict. The first strategy frames the included in open terms that can accommodate a heterogeneity of actors, the second in closed terms pertaining to specific identity traits, and the third in relational terms emerging within a specific social, cultural and political context. In practice, this leads to tensions in the operationalization of inclusion, which are evidence of an inchoate attempt to politicize peace processes. In response, we argue for an approach to relational inclusion that recognizes the power relations from which difference emerges; neither brushing over difference, nor essentializing single identity traits, but rather remaining flexible in navigating a larger web of relationships that require transformation.
In this article the 'genre' of the TRC Report is clarified in order to answer some of the criticisms of the TRC. It is argued that the TRC conceptualised its role as the promotion of restorative justice rather than retributive justice. Justice and reconciliation is served not by isolating perpetrators of gross human rights violations but by restoring human community. Different aspects of the effects of the TRC's work are considered, namely reconciliation, amnesty and forgiveness Justice-based and reconciliation-based criticisms of the TRC are answered.
The idea that open dialogue is the key to transformative politics sounds straightforward. However, in a polity such as Northern Ireland where deep discord has intricate roots, an openness to difference is complex. I argue that dialogical spaces are created when people are prepared to engage in a risk-taking that conjoins self-disclosure with the vulnerability of being truly open to others; and are willing to bear the responsibility of mutually speaking with and listening to the plural other. First, I explain the relationship between identity, difference and political participation of women in Northern Ireland, examining alliance politics and solidarity. I offer suggestions for how difference, multiplicity and justice can be accommodated. Second, I extend beyond the specific context of Northern Ireland to evaluate the ability of feminist theories of deliberative democracy to facilitate dialogue across difference. I examine the importance of normative notions of deliberation, communication, narrative and competing needs. Third, I extrapolate from these theories the idea that the dynamic between listening and speaking creates a space to include diversity and commonality.
This paper analyses the potentially positive role churches can play in encouraging public debate and moral reasoning on security matters. In particular, it explores Australian churches' vocal condemnation of Australia's involvement in the Iraq war through examining responses of spokespersons from the three largest Christian churches in Australia, namely Catholic, Anglican and Uniting Churches. It examines three types of reasons given for the condemnation: legal explanations of the lack of a plausible justification for war without UN sanctions; religious and moral reasons that defend peace and reconciliation; and political reasons that a war led by the “Christian West” increases global enmity and the likelihood of terrorism. I situate this analysis within just war theory. I suggest that churches can play an important social role in fostering tolerance, inter-faith dialogue and peace.
This essay formulates eight goals that have emerged from worldwide moral deliberation on “transitional justice” and that may serve as a useful framework when particular societies consider how they should reckon with violations of internationally recognized human rights. These goals include: truth, a public platform for victims, accountability and punishment, the rule of law, compensation to victims, institutional reform and long-term development, reconciliation, and public deliberation.
These eight goals are used to identify and clarify (1) the variety of ethical issues that emerge in reckoning with past wrongs, (2) widespread agreements about initial steps for resolving each issue, (3) leading options for more robust solutions of each issue, and (4) ways to weight or trade off the norms when they conflict. The aim is to show that there are crucial moral aspects in reckoning with the past and to clarify, criticize, revise, apply, and diffuse eight moral norms. These goals are not a “one-size-fits-all” blueprint but rather a framework by which societies confronting past atrocities can decide–through cross-cultural and critical dialogue–what is most important to accomplish and the morally best ways to do so.
This chapter explores the methodological implications of putting otherwise marginalized research subjects at the center of IR inquiry. Centering the marginalized subject - namely the survivors of gender-based violence during and after the Independence War of Bangladesh - requires asking ethical and substantive questions that impact not only the research design but, more fundamentally, the research question itself. I began my methodological journey by asking questions about a gendered silence - the rape of of women during this war - and ended up exploring the story of nation-building. The subjects of my study were written out of that history, but that history was drafted on and with their bodies and families. Placing their stories as the focal point of my study, I demonstrate that centering the marginalized yields otherwise inaccessible theoretical insights to the question of nation-building, a central theme in mainstream IR. IR, with its primary interest in state power, is now increasingly paying attention to normative frameworks of analysis. In addition, violence in Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Haiti demonstrated that an unresolved past has the power to ferociously destabilize the present. A new generation of IR scholars is gradually daring to pursue unconventional projects that bring in people's voices and deploy them within the boundaries of the discipline. This is what feminist IR scholars, working on areas that have been traditionally overlooked by IR, such as gender, race, and class, have been doing for years.
Something about revenge breeds its escalation. It is an all too familiar pattern. Someone harms us, and we retaliate, which in turn brings about yet another harmful response – and so on. This progression of retaliatory actions often incurs costs that are out of proportion to the harm that initiated the conflict in the first place. What causes this costly, often deadly, pattern of vengeful behavior? The main goal of this chapter is to examine the role of vengeance in escalating conflict. While acknowledging that many factors often contribute to conflict escalation (see Pruitt and Kim 2004), I argue that the desire for vengeance is a key driving force behind many escalating conflicts. I also try to show that an understanding of the nature of vengeance, especially as it operates at the collective level, reveals why it is such an important factor. Finally, I briefly suggest a few ways that the escalatory pattern of vengeance can be curbed. The Nature of Vengeance Potency of vengeance O child, child now I begin my mourning, the wild newly-learned melody from the sprit of revenge Euripides, Hecuba In Euripides’ great tragedy, Hecuba suffers unimaginable harm at the hands of the Greeks. They destroy her beloved Troy, kill her husband and most of her children, and reduce her, the queen of Troy, to a Greek slave. Remarkably, despite these torments, her heart remains relatively free from the desire for vengeance. © International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis 2005 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Given the incredible diversity of the anti-globalization movement, developing inclusive and participatory spaces is an enormous challenge. Inequities in power, resources, and experience between Northern and Southern activists are of particular concern to a movement that values democratic participation. Dialogue is seen as a critical new way of addressing conflicts within the movement. For three decades, women's organizations dealt with similar issues at the UN World Conferences on Women. It was not until the 1990s that a global women's movement emerged. This paper, which is based on a qualitative study of women's peace organizations gathered at the Fourth UN World Conference on Women in 1995, addresses the development of positive coalition dynamics. The focus on individual activist stories fills in gaps left by studying organizations as units of analysis or on transnational movements as a whole. My research shows that if transnational activists use constructive approaches, conflict can assist in building coalition dynamics necessary for effective and equitable cooperation. I conclude that a commitment to respond to conflict in a constructive manner is as important for coalition building as formal processes or mechanisms that foster dialogue.
This paper focuses on what can be done during emergency and transition periods to promote sustainable peace, in the aftermath of complex political emergencies in Africa, with particular reference to issues of reconciliation and justice. There is no common understanding of the political conditions under which efforts at reconciliation should be minimal in relation to a focus on justice in order to achieve the 'best' peace, or of those where the pursuit of justice should become paramount. There is also not even a common language of what justice and reconciliation mean in the context of post-conflict peace-building. The paper concludes that there is a much greater potential role for outsiders with regard to justice, while reconciliation is considered to be more of an internal affair in which international actors can only be present as supporters of domestic initiatives, and even then with great caution.
Based on her experience as a member of the South African and the Sierra Leonean truth and reconciliation commissions, the author formulates guiding principles and looks at the circumstances in which a truth and reconciliation commission constitutes an appropriate instrument to deal with transitional justice issues. The author also identifies possible contributions that truth and reconciliation commissions can make during a period of transition. © 2006, International Committee of the Red Cross. All rights reserved.
In this essay we make visible the contribution of women even and especially when women cannot be added to mainstream, non-feminist accounts of peace. We argue that if feminism is taken seriously, then most philosophical discussions of peace must be updated, expanded and reconceived in ways which centralize feminist insights into the interrelationships among women, nature, peace, and war. We do so by discussing six ways that feminist scholarship informs mainstream philosophical discussions of peace.
In this article 1 discuss Claudia Card's treatment of war rape in relation to her discussion of the victim's moral power of forgiveness. I argue that her analysis of the victim's power to withhold forgiveness overlooks the paradoxical structure of witnessing, which implies that there is an ungraspable dimension of atrocity. In relation to this ungraspable element, the proposal that victims of atrocity have the power to either offer or withhold forgiveness may have little relevance.
Are women “natural” peacemakers? If so, is this because of natural inclinations to avoid conflict or to engage in tough discussions? Are there particular skills in which women excel that make them more likely than their male counterparts to be able to build relational bridges, to facilitate negotiations, and to reduce tensions? After a review of the literature on gender differences in such skills, a systematic comparison of interaction quality is made between two Israeli-Palestinian interactive problem-solving workshops that differed only in gender composition. A third Israeli-Palestinian workshop that involved female political elites is also examined for subsequent changes in the conflict relationship or for changes in political activity. The implications of different repertoires of skills for altering political processes are discussed.
Peacebuilding is frequently viewed in terms of post-conflict societal reconstruction without consideration of cultural context and gender. Using a feminist participatory methodology, this study investigated South African women's understandings of peacebuilding and how these are mediated by gender and context. Sixteen women engaged in dialogue over 2 days. Thematic analysis of the recorded dialogue provided insight into how the 16 South African women leaders understand their efforts to build a more peaceful society. The findings pointed to gender- and context-specific aspects of peacebuilding. Most of participants' peacebuilding activities occurred outside of the aegis of national governmental institutions and their peacebuilding priorities focused less upon structural rebuilding and more on processes, people, and relationships. One of the important priorities was the prevention of violence toward women. Whether these findings are gender-specific and contextually unique are topics for future research.
This article critiques Francis Fukuyama's “Women and the Evolution of World Politics.” Questioning feminists' commitment to social constructivism, Fukuyama uses a sociobiological argument to make the claim that a world run by women would be more peaceful than one ruled by men, whose aggressive instincts he compares to those of chimpanzees at Gombe. While he sees a possibility of this “feminized world” being realized in the West, Fukuyama argues for keeping men in charge as protection against the non-Western world where aggressive men will continue to dominate politics. This article claims that, in spite of seemingly sympathetic attitudes toward feminist politics, Fukuyama's argument is deeply conservative and has the effect of not only keeping women out of politics, but also reinforcing recent arguments in IR about civilizational conflicts. His claims divert attention from more pressing feminist agendas, which include a better understanding of the disadvantaged political, economic, and social status of so many of the world's women. Rather than running the world, these disadvantages are closer to the realities of most women's lives. Preferred futures are ones in which both women and men work together to reduce unequal social structures, including hierarchical gender structures, which prevent the achievement of real security and social justice.
In her discussions of the different forms of justice, Rama Mani argues that international peacebuilders have sometimes imposed rather than proposed and facilitated solutions. She proposes that in order to rejoin peace and justice there must be a ‘social compact’ forged between all stakeholders in post-conflict societies: civilians and combatants, citizens and governments, international peacebuilders and national recipients. Development (2005) 48, 25–34. doi:10.1057/palgrave.development.1100165
Sanam Naraghi-Anderlini reflects on the experiences of women who have survived war and its atrocities and are working for peace and a social reconstruction process. She argues that indictment of war criminals alone does not address the immediate and long-term needs of the maimed and the raped, the orphans and the AIDS carriers. Justice can include reparations or support and care, access to health care and education, opportunities to become skilled and employed. But at the very minimum it means living free of discrimination and ostracism, beyond their victimhood, and having the right to a dignified life. Development (2005) 48, 103–110. doi:10.1057/palgrave.development.1100154