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Won't You Be My Neighbor? Race, Class and Residence in Los Angeles

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Abstract

Los Angeles is a city of delicate racial and ethnic balance. As evidenced by the 1965 Watts violence, the 1992 Rodney King riots, and this year's award-winning film Crash, the city's myriad racial groups coexist uneasily together, often on the brink of confrontation. In fact, Los Angeles is highly segregated, with racial and ethnic groups clustered in homogeneous neighborhoods. These residential groupings have profound effects on the economic well-being and quality of life of residents, dictating which jobs they can access, which social networks they can tap in to, and which schools they attend. In Won't You Be My Neighbor? sociologist Camille Zubrinsky Charles explores how modern racial attitudes shape and are shaped by the places in which people live. Using in-depth survey data and information from focus groups with members of L.A.'s largest racial and ethnic groups, Won't You Be My Neighbor? explores why Los Angeles remains a segregated city. Charles finds that people of all backgrounds prefer both racial integration and a critical mass of same-race neighbors. When asked to reveal their preferred level of racial integration, people of all races show a clear and consistent order of preference, with whites considered the most highly desired neighbors and blacks the least desirable. This is even true among recent immigrants who have little experience with American race relations. Charles finds that these preferences, which are driven primarily by racial prejudice and minority-group fears of white hostility, taken together with financial considerations, strongly affect people's decisions about where they live. Still, Charles offers reasons for optimism: over time and with increased exposure to other racial and ethnic groups, people show an increased willingness to live with neighbors of other races. In a racially and ethnically diverse city, segregated neighborhoods can foster distrust, reinforce stereotypes, and agitate inter-group tensions. Won't You Be My Neighbor? zeroes in on segregated neighborhoods to provide a compelling examination of the way contemporary racial attitudes shape, and are shaped by, the places where we live.

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... Addressing this issue, we extend earlier research by shifting the focus from the comparison of minority and majority group members to the comparison of members of different minority groups, recognizing that there are not only status differences between majority and minority but also between different minority groups (Charles, 2006). The overarching principle here is that the attributes of the high-status majority group form a reference point against which minority groups are judged: the more similar a minority group is to the high-status majority, the higher its status-and conversely, the more dissimilar the minority group is to the majority, the lower its status-because similarity to the high-status group captures how much the group is perceived to possess status-inducing attributes (Charles, 2006;Mummendey & Wenzel, 1999;Turner et al., 1987). ...
... Addressing this issue, we extend earlier research by shifting the focus from the comparison of minority and majority group members to the comparison of members of different minority groups, recognizing that there are not only status differences between majority and minority but also between different minority groups (Charles, 2006). The overarching principle here is that the attributes of the high-status majority group form a reference point against which minority groups are judged: the more similar a minority group is to the high-status majority, the higher its status-and conversely, the more dissimilar the minority group is to the majority, the lower its status-because similarity to the high-status group captures how much the group is perceived to possess status-inducing attributes (Charles, 2006;Mummendey & Wenzel, 1999;Turner et al., 1987). ...
... Because of intergroup biases favoring own group, greater similarity to the majority group results in higher social status, and more culturally dissimilar groups are accorded lower status. That is, the cultural distance of nationality minority groups to the nationality majority group is a strong indicator of the status of nationality minority groups, at least in the Western world (Charles, 2006;Emerson et al., 2001;Verkuyten et al., 1996). Our point here is not to deny the complexity of nationality differences, but rather to argue that the status differences associated with nationality differences offer a parsimonious way to understand the effects of nationality dissimilarity. ...
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With growing nationality diversity in organizations, the question under which circumstances differences in nationality background between team members affect individual performance increases in importance. Research showed that dissimilarity may negatively affect individual performance and that the status difference between nationality majority and nationality minority moderates this effect. We take this analysis an important step further by recognizing that not all nationality minorities are low status and propose that status differences among nationality minority groups influence the extent to which nationality minority background affects individual performance. We identify the elaboration of distributed information in the team as a mediator and process accountability as a moderator in this effect. Results of a multilevel team experiment in which we manipulated team nationality composition and process accountability supported our hypotheses, testifying to the value of status‐based distinctions between minority groups in the study of relational demography effects. The mediating role of the elaboration of distributed information also provides an important bridge to team diversity research inviting further conceptual integration.
... Understanding the Black middle class' opportunities and constraints requires accounting for legacy and ongoing social processes shaping all Americans' life chances, but those of affluent Blacks in unique ways due to their divergent social statuses. Among the most consequential social processes is racial residential segregation (Charles 2006)which generally has resulted in majority-White communities throughout the U.S. ...
... Sociologist Mary Pattillo, in her book Black Picket Fences (2013), argues middle-class African Americans have relative "privilege" when compared to Blacks who are poor, but relative "peril" when compared to their middle-class White peers. 6 Blacks' disadvantage is heavily influenced by racial residential segregation (Charles 2006). This phenomenon persists even as metropolitan areas become more racially and ethnically diverse, increasingly including significant Latino and Asian populations (Charles 2006, Alba andNee 2009). ...
... Still, Blacks' appreciation of each other and their cultural idioms is not the primary driver for racial residential segregation. In fact, most Blacks prefer racially integrated spaces (Charles 2006). While Whites express openness to ethno-racially diverse neighborhoods, Blacks seek more African Americans and other minorities in their communities than most Whites feel comfortable with-this incongruence means Whites often move out of or avoid spaces Blacks prefer. ...
Article
Blacks’ incorporation into United States (U.S.) society with life chances commensurate with Whites is a centuries-old social challenge. Black-White inequality research from the 1970s forward focused on skills gaps—Blacks’ inability to access educational and employment opportunities—and spatial mismatches—Blacks’ concentration in cities isolating them from opportunity-rich suburbs. The contemporary suburban Black middle class has, in theory, overcome these challenges. To investigate the extent to which this is the case, I asked: Do decisionmakers and residents in a majority Black suburban county have the same experiences as those in majority-White suburban counties? I answer this question through an ethnography of the U.S. local jurisdiction with the largest concentration of middle class African Americans, Prince George’s County (PGC), Maryland, a suburb of Washington, D.C. Based on direct observation of policy and budget development processes and 58 interviews with county leaders and residents, I find that while nearly all U.S. locales experience certain constraints, largely stemming from federal and state funding retrenchment and pro-economic-growth imperatives, PGC contends with additional barriers due to its racial composition and because it is the most affordable county contiguous with D.C. PGC’s “affordability” is tied to its role as the D.C. area’s “sink” for negative regional economic development effects. Most consequentially for PGC’s fiscal health, it absorbs a disproportionate share of low-income populations. In addition, Whites stigmatize Blacks, as demonstrated through persistent racial residential segregation and developers’ reluctance to invest in high-end amenities in middle class Black areas—both of which dampen tax base growth. As a result, PGC faces budget “structural precarity and peril” because county services demand exceeds budget expansion. PGC officials make hard tradeoffs between vital public services nearby jurisdictions do not. I conclude the suburban Black middle class encounters unique barriers, and thus identify how regional market and government processes contribute to Blacks’ “cumulative disadvantage.”
... Most Americans have come to champion a less expansive but still idealistic form of the concept (Embrick 2011;Glazer 1997) in which diversity "will breed tolerance, respect, and, because it increases the pool of skills, will enhance the effectiveness of work groups and contribute to economic prosperity" (Wood 2003: 5-6). On the ground, however, Americans are ambivalent about diversity; even as they affirm this idealistic vision, they struggle with the practical implications of living among those who are different from themselves (see Anderson 2011;Berrey 2005Berrey , 2015Brown-Saracino 2010;Burke 2012;Charles 2009;Ellen 2000;Maly 2008). ...
... Much of the current work on the dynamics of diversity and inclusion in neighborhoods has examined changing demographics, including the unsettling of established neighborhood dynamics (Berrey 2005(Berrey , 2015Brown-Saracino 2004) in neighborhoods that would be considered racially heterogeneous. While not always focused on diversity discourse, case studies of particular localities including Philadelphia (Anderson 2011), Los Angeles (Charles 2009), and Chicago (Berrey 2005(Berrey , 2015Burke 2012;Maly 2008;Pattillo-McCoy 1999;Wilson and Taub 2006) have opened a space for understanding the expression of this ambivalence. ...
... For urban residents of historically homogeneous neighborhoods, their acceptance of the abstract ideal of diversity exists in tension with the frictions of day-to-day experiences of difference on the neighborhood level (Burke 2012; see also Berrey 2005;Brown-Saracino 2010;Charles 2009;Ellen 2000;Maly 2008). Although they profess to be open and accommodating to different identities and viewpoints, many of these residents experience ambivalence over the perceived sacrifice of the common identity and "comfort" of shared demographics and perspectives that would accompany such differences. ...
Article
Although diversity has become a cherished ideal for Americans, a growing literature suggests that many are also ambivalent about lived experiences of diversity. Focusing on three historically homogeneous neighborhoods in Atlanta, Minneapolis, and Los Angeles, this paper explores the “civic talk” used to express this ambivalence through interrelated frames of social order and civic engagement. In all three neighborhoods, long‐term residents and neighborhood association members speak fluently about race, class, and other forms of diversity in their neighborhoods. Yet when they assess who “belongs” in the neighborhoods, the discussion is coded in civic terms. This framing enables neighborhood association members to act as gatekeepers, wielding civic discourse in ways that reinforce traditional neighborhood boundaries and social hierarchies, while maintaining structural inequalities.
... Studies show whites and Latinos eager to exit neighborhoods with growing shares of blacks (Farley et al. 1978;Krysan and Farley 2002), and blacks fear hostility from white neighbors (Harris 2001). Though all groups are open to some degree of integration, whites are averse to living in areas with a substantial minority presence (Charles 2006;Farley et al. 1997;Krysan 2002) and are more open to living among Latinos than blacks (Charles 2001); whites nevertheless prefer living among Asians rather than Latinos (Lacayo 2016;Schachter 2016). Meanwhile, blacks report preferences for raciallyintegrated, non-poor neighborhoods (Charles 2003;Clark 1992;Krysan and Farley 2002) but are less interested than whites in living among Latinos (Charles 2006). ...
... Though all groups are open to some degree of integration, whites are averse to living in areas with a substantial minority presence (Charles 2006;Farley et al. 1997;Krysan 2002) and are more open to living among Latinos than blacks (Charles 2001); whites nevertheless prefer living among Asians rather than Latinos (Lacayo 2016;Schachter 2016). Meanwhile, blacks report preferences for raciallyintegrated, non-poor neighborhoods (Charles 2003;Clark 1992;Krysan and Farley 2002) but are less interested than whites in living among Latinos (Charles 2006). Minor imbalances in groups' preferences can create segregation levels unaligned with any one group's desires (Bobo and Zubrinsky 1996;Bruch and Mare 2006;Charles 2003;Clark 1991;Farley et al. 1994;Schelling 1971). ...
... Many households, particularly those with young children, covet neighborhoods characterized by low rates of poverty and violent crime, in close proximity to high-performing schools and wellpaying jobs (Bobo and Zubrinsky 1996;Charles 2006;Darrah and DeLuca 2014;Owens 2016;Yancey 2003). The undocumented households in our study are no exception. ...
Article
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In the United States, the residential segregation of Latinos from whites has persisted but has fallen between Latinos and blacks. Demographers offer the size of the Latino population that is undocumented as one potential explanation for these patterns. However, little work has examined undocumented immigrants’ first-hand accounts of residential decision-making. Drawing on interviews with undocumented-headed, Latin American-origin families in Dallas, Texas, we explore how lacking legal status relates to residential selection. We find that some undocumented families perceive certain neighbourhoods to be ‘off-limits’, not only because of financial constraints, explicit legal impediments to their tenure, or individual racial preferences, but also because they perceive them as high-risk: Most sample households agree that law enforcement patrols areas with white majorities in order to exclude Latinos and, specifically, the undocumented. As a strategy to minimise the perceived risk law enforcement poses to their families’ stability, some undocumented families in the study report opting into neighbourhoods with Latino majorities in order to ‘blend in’, whereas others describe feeling safe in neighbourhoods with black majorities where they can ‘hide in plain sight’. We demonstrate how undocumented families’ perceptions of law enforcement in neighbourhoods with differing racial compositions may partly underlie trends in residential selection and stratification.
... These meanings, although distinct, are not neatly separable in the interview data. and Krysan 1997;Charles 2006;Fossett 2006). This research shows a persistent hierarchy of neighborhoods, marking all-white neighborhoods as most desirable and predominantly black neighborhoods as the least desirable to whites (see Hwang and Sampson 2014). ...
... This research shows a persistent hierarchy of neighborhoods, marking all-white neighborhoods as most desirable and predominantly black neighborhoods as the least desirable to whites (see Hwang and Sampson 2014). Scholars have repeatedly demonstrated whites' preference for predominantly white neighborhoods (e.g., Bruch and Mare 2006;Charles 2006;) and to avoid predominantly black neighborhoods (e.g., Emerson, Chai, and Yancey 2001). This research reveals some of the microlevel dynamics of place stratification, as it suggests that prejudice against certain groups of color, rather than mere affinity for one's own group, explains racialized neighborhood preferences (e.g., Bobo and Zubrinsky 1996;Bonilla-Silva and Embrick 2007;Lewis, Emerson, and Klineberg 2011). ...
... 3 To understand the full impact of preferences, however, scholars must probe the predilections of people of color as well as the preoccupations of whites. Thus, researchers ask whether, why, and under what circumstances people of color prefer to cluster together (see, e.g., Charles 2006;Krysan, Carter, and van Londen 2017). Generally, decades of research show that black people prefer diverse neighborhoods over homogenous ones, but ideally those diverse neighborhoods are ones where black residents are overrepresented compared to their proportion in the general population (Farley et al. 1978;Krysan and Farley 2002). ...
... According to Wright et al. (2018), only 22 percent of multiethnic J. Pais neighborhoods in 1990 remained multiethnic neighborhoods in 2010, 1 and most of these highly diverse tracts transitioned into majority Hispanic neighborhoods. Others have also raised doubts about whether whites' neighborhood preferences, and actual residential mobility decisions, have genuinely changed in an era of increasing diversity (Charles 2006). There remains a propensity for white households to move out of neighborhoods when there is large and growing number of minority residents (Crowder et al. 2012;Pais et al. 2009;Iceland 2009), and when whites do move, they are less likely to move to a predominantly minority neighborhood than to a predominantly white neighborhood (Crowder et al. 2012;Parisi et al. 2019;South et al. 2008). ...
... This study draws on the social structural sorting perspective (Krysan and Crowder 2017) to formulate hypotheses about the intergenerational processes that affect residential integration. The social structural sorting perspective uses rich qualitative and quantitative approaches to meld together core theories of residential mobility-life course and human development theory (Elder et al. 2003), place stratification theory (Charles 2006), and spatial assimilation and human capital theory (Logan and Alba 1993)-to explain the multifaceted ways neighborhood segregation affects residential decision making. According to this perspective, segregation perpetuates itself by allowing members of different racial and ethnic groups to develop group-specific residential histories that rarely overlap, and thus racially circumscribing network ties, information, perceptions and preferences about neighborhoods containing other groups. ...
... Place stratification recognizes how neighborhoods are rank-ordered in ways that create physical and social separation between wealthier white residents and poorer minority residents. The theory describes a hierarchy of neighborhood racial and ethnic preferences whereby the aversion whites have for minority neighbors makes it difficult for minority homeseekers to integrate with whites, and the aversion Hispanic and Asian groups have for predominantly black neighborhoods further contributes to black residential isolation (Charles 2006). According to this perspective, we should expect continued black residential isolation and white avoidance of minority neighborhoods, especially among children raised in racially homogenous contexts. ...
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The long run viability of stable multiethnic residential integration is perennially in question. This study compares the intergenerational reproduction of racially segregated residential contexts to the reproduction of multiethnic contexts to provide new insight into the social processes that influence residential integration. The data for this study come from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and the U.S. Census. Conditional logit models analyze patterns of residential reproduction and mobility for white and black families across a comprehensive typology of racially segregated and integrated neighborhoods. The results provide some support for the premise of a “diversity effect,” that children raised in integrated settings are more likely to attain diverse neighborhood environments in adulthood. The results also demonstrate a far stronger propensity to reproduce predominantly white and predominantly black neighborhood contexts than multiethnic contexts. The comparative ease through which racially segregated contexts are reproduced presents a challenge to the future growth and stability of multiethnic residential integration. The implications for theories of spatial incorporation that frame debates about race and ethnic relations are discussed.
... Even well into the 21st century, and "in an area famous for Black prosperity," they find that "a neighborhood's racial composition has a more salient impact on home price change than its income." Specifically, once an area is "marked as Black," the result of this "Black presence" might, in itself, depress price appreciation (Markley et al., 2020, pp. 1, 14; also see Flippen, 2004;Charles, 2006;Lipsitz & Oliver, 2010;Lake, 1981). ...
... Conventional analysis conceives of the racist theory of value as a so-called "segregation tax" (Rusk, 2001), attributing it to the existence of segregated spaces created by the pervasiveness of anti-Black racism. This racial segregation, in turn, lowers demand for Black property as White people avoid purchasing homes in predominately Black neighborhoods (see, for example, Charles, 2006;Quick & Kahlenberg, 2019;Shapiro, 2004;Shapiro et al., 2013). Yet, as explicated above, it is (socially constructed) racist market rationalities that lie at the root of these behaviors. ...
... 30 In fact, rather than condemning the market as a racist social construction, to a substantial degree the conventional remedy seeks to employ market processes as a curative. Most notably, it deploys policy measures to prevent discriminatory actions by a variety of actors (governments, the real estate industry, private individuals) and also ensure residential choices are made under considerations of fuller information, with the aim of both being the correction of market imperfections and distortions (see, for example, Charles, 2006;Ellen, 2000;Krysan & Crowder, 2017;Massey & Denton, 1993;Rothstein, 2017). ...
Article
As any good American urbanist knows: race matters. But precisely how does it matter? How have the pervasive and enduring modalities of racism (especially anti-Blackness) shaped the American metropolis over the last decades? Several influential attempts to answer these questions have focused heavily on racism’s momentous impacts on housing and related spatial practices. Such accounts have garnered intensified attention with the appearance of Richard Rothstein’s widely heralded The Color of Law. My central contention is that most conventional treatments of how racism impacted mid-century housing and spatial practices (including Rothstein’s) are deeply flawed. While almost obsessively centering racism as determinative, they nevertheless underestimate how fundamental it is to America’s institutions. I focus particularly on market institutions as they shape residential property values. Doing so reveals both a significant historical rereading of mid-century urban America’s highly racialized housing and spatial practices, as well as a more powerful account of ongoing racial dispossessions.
... Despite paying more and getting less, many African Americans want to buy homes. Camille Zubrinsky Charles (2006) found that in the Los Angeles area 64% of non-owning Blacks aspired to buy a home compared with about half of non-owning Whites. ...
... While other non-White racial groups are also residentially segregated to some degree, White-Black segregation is more extreme than levels of segregation experienced by any other groups. Charles (2006) found that a racial hierarchy of preference for neighbors exists among non-Hispanic Blacks, Whites, and Asians, as well as Latinos, with Blacks starkly at the bottom of the hierarchy and Whites at the top. As part of the immigration adaption process, Latinos and Asians typically assimilate and perpetuate the racial negative stereotypes about Blacks common in the United States-and this informs neighborhood preferences. ...
... As part of the immigration adaption process, Latinos and Asians typically assimilate and perpetuate the racial negative stereotypes about Blacks common in the United States-and this informs neighborhood preferences. Phenotypically Black Hispanics also experience high levels of segregation, more similar to that experienced by non-Hispanic Blacks (Charles 2003). At least since the Great Migration (beginning in the 1910s), furthermore, African Americans have been consistently excluded-often through deliberate legal and government-supported means-from a wide variety of housing opportunities, and disadvantaged geographically, economically, and socially through racially discriminatory housing processes (Rothstein 2017). ...
... While the contact hypothesis has long argued that interracial contact increases tolerance (Pettigrew 1969), segregation limits contact, and, even when mitigated, racial hostility is persistent (Emerson, Chai, and Yancey 2001;Yancey 1999). At the neighborhood level, residential exposure to different races can spur competitive rather than communitarian racial attitudes due to racial mistrust and in-group racial preferences (Charles 2006;Crowder et al. 2012;Krysan and Farley 2002;Yancey 1999). Even in schools where extracurricular activities are integrated, adolescent friendship networks are characterized by racial/ethnic segregation at the microinteraction level (Moody 2001). ...
... Despite some increase of white entry into black neighborhoods, the movement of blacks, Asians, and Latinos into white neighborhoods (and the associated "white flight" of whites to suburbs) is the dominant pattern of demographic change (Freeman and Cai 2015). The undesirability of blacks as neighbors over whites by Asian and Latinx populations underscores the difficulty of achieving amicable integration (see Charles 2006;Krysan and Bader 2007). Moreover, such demographic changes weaken the base of historically white congregations. ...
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A large body of research documents the difficulty congregations have in creating and sustaining racially diverse memberships. However, little scholarship explores the overlapping consequences of racial change in congregations and neighborhoods over time. Since the number of all-white neighborhoods has fallen sharply in recent decades, we ask in this study: what are the consequences of racial change in congregations and neighborhoods on congregational attendance? We employ longitudinal data from over 20,000 United Methodist congregations between 1990 and 2010 paired with census tract data for the same time period. We use growth curve models to test three hypotheses derived from Organizational Ecology Theory. While Methodist churches have decreasing attendance, we find that racial diversity inside a church is associated with higher average attendance by year and across years. Outside a church, percent white in the neighborhood positively predicts attendance , at least in the short term. Both white and nonwhite Methodist churches have higher attendance when located in white neighborhoods; white churches in nonwhite neighborhoods fare the worst. Our conclusion discusses these patterns and highlights the complexities of accommodating racial differences in congregations amidst ongoing demographic changes outside their doors.
... She concludes that Black wealth accumulation via homeownership has been undermined by residential segregation, which 'contributes substantially to the intergenerational transmission of inequality' (ibid.). Other studies have affirmed this conclusion, finding that in the years leading up to the housing boom, homeownership had not yielded Black households the wealth gains it had historically conferred upon white households (Oliver and Shapiro, 1995;Charles, 2006;Lipsitz, 2011;Dickerson, 2014). ...
... Empirical studies identified this linkage before the housing crash (Flippen, 2004;Charles, 2006). More recent studies looking at the post-recession home price recovery have likewise found that predominantly Black areas have not experienced home price rebounds like white areas have (Badger, 2016;Raymond et al., 2016). ...
Article
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In the wake of the 2007–08 housing crash, the Black–white wealth gap reached a staggering 20 to 1. Since then, a growing chorus of influential voices has proposed measures to increase the Black homeownership rate as a means to narrow the gap. Others, however, have argued that the uneven racial geography of home price appreciation necessarily restricts the degree to which Black households, in the aggregate, can build wealth via homeownership. We aim to contribute to these debates by theorizing a racial appreciation gap as a central feature of urban housing markets under racial capitalism, and analyzing how neighborhood racial and income characteristics have structured home price appreciation from before the height of the housing boom (2000–03) to its post‐crisis recovery (2014–16). Focusing on the two counties that encompass Atlanta, Georgia, USA—an area famous for Black prosperity—we find that a neighborhood's racial composition has a more salient impact on home price change than its income. Results indicate that when a place is marked as Black, this may itself inhibit home price appreciation, suggesting that an enduring racial appreciation gap may limit the potential for Black homeownership to substantively narrow the racial wealth gap.
... Scholarship on Latinos is more limited but tends to find that Latinos' racial residential preferences are in between those of non-Hispanic Whites and Blacks. For example, Latinos report being more willing to live in predominantly White neighborhoods than are Blacks, but Latinos also prefer predominantly Latino neighborhoods compared to those with large numbers of Black residents (Zubrinsky and Bobo 1996;Charles 2000Charles , 2001Charles , 2006. Similar to Blacks, Latinos appear to be more satisfied in integrated (i.e., White-Latino) neighborhoods relative to majority-Latino or Black neighborhoods mostly because they tend to have higher-socioeconomic status (SES) residents and fewer perceived social problems, as opposed to having independent preferences for White neighbors or against Blacks (Swaroop and Krysan 2011). ...
... Los Angeles provides an intriguing setting in which to study the neighborhood attitudes of Latinos, particularly due to the influence of Mexican immigration and how the residential landscape transformed as a result (Telles and Ortiz 2008). With a steady stream of immigrants (mainly from Mexico) throughout the twentieth century, Los Angeles became the largest immigrant-receiving metropolitan area in the country (Charles 2006), and although Los Angeles routinely stands out as one of the most ethnoracially diverse places to live in the nation (Lee, Iceland, and Sharp 2012), ethnoracial residential segregation still persists at high levels (Logan and Stults 2011). In fact, among metropolitan areas with the largest Hispanic populations in 2010, Los Angeles now exhibits the highest level of Hispanic-White segregation in the nation (Logan and Stults 2011). ...
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How does immigrant generation shape Latinos’ neighborhood attitudes? We extend theoretical frameworks focused on neighborhood attainment to explore how immigrant generation structures Latinos’ neighborhood satisfaction, particularly with respect to neighborhood immigrant composition. Using longitudinal data from the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey, we estimate fixed-effects regression models to examine the associations between self-reported neighborhood satisfaction and changes in neighborhood immigrant composition. We find that first-generation Latino immigrants tend to react more positively to growing immigrant populations in their neighborhoods compared to 1.5-generation and native-born Latinos; these differences are most pronounced in more socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods. We consider the implications of these attitudinal differences for understanding the mechanisms of Latino residential segregation and neighborhood attainment.
... In general, research shows that White individuals have the strongest racial residential preferences (Krysan, Crowder, and Bader, 2014) and, in particular, seek to avoid Black and Latinx neighbors (Lewis, Emerson, and Klineberg, 2011). Research on residential preferences for groups of color suggests that Asian and Latinx individuals have anti-Black residential preferences (Charles, 2006;McClain et al., 2006), while Black individuals are far more flexible in their racial residential preferences (Charles, 2006;Krysan and Bader, 2007). ...
... In general, research shows that White individuals have the strongest racial residential preferences (Krysan, Crowder, and Bader, 2014) and, in particular, seek to avoid Black and Latinx neighbors (Lewis, Emerson, and Klineberg, 2011). Research on residential preferences for groups of color suggests that Asian and Latinx individuals have anti-Black residential preferences (Charles, 2006;McClain et al., 2006), while Black individuals are far more flexible in their racial residential preferences (Charles, 2006;Krysan and Bader, 2007). ...
Article
Objective To what extent do mainstream media, social media, and ethnic media consumption, as dominant and counter‐dominant forms of public discourse, connect to where people prefer to live? We unpack whether media consumption influences such preferences in Texas, a racially segregated and increasingly racially diverse state. Methods Using the Texas Diversity Survey (n = 1,322), we run a series of logit regression models, stratified by respondent race (Black, Latinx, Multiracial, and White), to measure the relationship between media consumption and racial residential preferences. Results We find that racial residential preferences are shaped not only by expected attributes (e.g., age, education, racial composition of current neighborhood of residence) but also by whether mainstream media are consumed for Latinx respondents. Whites who consume ethnic media are significantly more likely to prefer living in Black and Latinx communities. Conclusion These findings suggest that public discourse is connected to residential preference formation and a “sense of group position”—but how this happens depends on the media source as well as the group in question.
... Studies mainly done in the United States and other western contexts have looked into unequal homeownership opportunities among racial and ethnic minorities (for example, Borjas, 2002;Krivo and Kaufman, 2004). Others have studied neighborhood-level residential segregation to address spatial inequality in the degree of housing consumption (for example, Charles, 2003;Charles, 2006;Iceland and Weinberg, 2002). What is seemingly obvious but less known is the extent to which household economic inequality plays a role in household-level inequality in access to adequate housing. ...
... Much research on household-level inequality has focused on homeownership disparities by race and ethnicity (for example, DeSilva and Elmelech, 2012), whereas other scholarly attention has been paid to housing adequacy among lower-income households and specific investigation of subsidized housing and homelessness (Shinn et al., 1998). Research on spatial inequality tends to focus a lot more on residential segregation at the neighborhood level rather than metropolitan inequality (for example, Charles, 2003;Charles, 2006;Iceland and Weinberg, 2002). Although limited, some studies have investigated how slums in developing countries emerge from unequal housing situations (for example, O'Hare, Abbott, and Barke, 1998). ...
Article
We analyze housing inequality, an important and common issue in both developing and developed countries. To do so, we use two different samples: one from the 2012-2017 Demographic and Health Survey data for 10 developing countries in Asia and one from the 2017 American Housing Survey for the United States. Our findings suggest that while cities generally have more advantages for housing adequacy because of their population size, not all cities manifest these advantages. In the United States, residents in central cities have lower access to adequate housing than suburban residents. In addition to urban-rural or urban-suburban housing inequality, another dimension of housing inequality is associated with household economic status. We find a significant concentration of inadequate housing among households with lower wealth and income both in Asian developing countries and the United States. Finally, our results suggest spatial heterogeneity in household-level housing inequality. Areas with a larger population, higher economic inequality among residents, and lower housing affordability tend to experience greater housing inequality among households with different levels of wealth and income. After presenting these empirical findings, we discuss various policy measures that attempt to mitigate housing inequality.
... Tal como se ha mostrado el proceso de acceso a la ciudad de la población inmigrante se ve determinado de manera significativa por una componente de intersubjetividad social desarrollada desde la sociedad de acogida respecto a la convivencia con el extranjero. Así la importancia del imaginario social que se desarrolla sobre los barrios donde se concentran la inmigración y su estigmatización (Charles, 2000;, influye directamente en la búsqueda de vivienda (Charles, 2006), teniendo una especial importancia la nacionalidad en la creación de estereotipos que determinan la manera en la que se percibe un barrio desde la sociedad de acogida (Pettigrew et al., 2010;. ...
... Por lo tanto, la figura nº 6 permite discutir el modelo de asimilación espacial según el cual el incremento de la población nacida en el extranjero se acompaña del incremento de vecindarios mixtos ilustrativo de un proceso de integración (Bolt & Van Kempen, 2010). Por el contrario, el estudio pone de manifiesto unos procesos de autosegregación, ilustrados en diferentes investigaciones, en los que se muestran las preferencias de la sociedad de acogida y los inmigrantes provenientes de países de alta renta a residir en barrios sin alta diversidad étnica mientras la inmigración económica prefiere vecindarios mixtos (Farley et al., 1994, Charles, 2006 Neves, Hurtado e Iglesias-Pascual, 2016). A su vez en el grupo 2, el fenómeno de concentración creciente observado en los dos espacios estudiados ilustra una situación cercana a lo que propone el modelo de lugar estratificado donde el rechazo social que ejerce la sociedad de acogida se traduce en el aislamiento espacial del inmigrante económico. ...
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El presente artículo se encuentra disponible para su consulta y descarga en Scielo, a través del siguiente enlace (FULL TEXT): "http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0718-34022019000100145" --[RESUMEN]--El análisis de los cambios en la localización residencial de la población migrante resulta fundamental a la hora de entender el proceso de segregación residencial que experimentan a nivel metropolitano. Incluso, según el modelo de asimilación espacial, la elección de vecindario puede considerarse un indicador de su grado de integración en la sociedad de acogida. Partiendo del análisis espacial de dichos cambios residenciales en dos áreas metropolitanas de Andalucía, Málaga y Almería durante el periodo 2003-2013, el presente artículo analiza los distintos modelos de incorporación residencial a la sociedad de acogida y la influencia del componente socioterritorial. Los resultados obtenidos muestran la inserción como modelo de incorporación a la ciudad predominante. Inserción que al ser meramente residencial suele derivar en la estigmatización socio-territorial de los barrios donde se concentra el inmigrante lo que dificulta su adecuada integración y plena incorporación a la sociedad de acogida. --[PALABRAS CLAVE]-- Sur de Europa, área metropolitanas, integración social, segregación. --[ABSTRACT]--The analysis of the residential changes of the migrant population is essential at the time of understand the process of residential segregation at the metropolitan level. Even, according to spatial assimilation model, the choice of neighborhood it can be considered an indicator of the degree of integration into the host society. Starting from a spatial analysis of residential changes of inmigrant on two metropolitan areas of Andalusia, Málaga y Almería over the period 2003-2013, this paper analyzes the different models of residential incorporation to the host society and the influence of socio-territorial component. The results show the prevalence of insertion as a model for incorporation into the city. Insertion to the being merely residential often leads to territorial stigmatization of neighborhoods where it concentrates the inmigrant making it difficult their proper integration and full integration into the host society.--[KEYWORDS]--Southern Europe, metropolitan areas, social integration, segregation.
... Strong conceptions of the ghetto emphasize it as an institution (Wacquant 1997) formed by involuntary segregation in response to state action (Marcuse 1997(Marcuse , 2002Massey 2016;Wirth 1928). In contrast, weak conceptions of the ghetto theorize that ethnically segregated neighborhoods are formed by either/both the discriminatory practices of the dominant society through real estate agents, mortgage brokers, and landlords (Charles 2006;Molotch and Logan 1987;Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester 2009;Ross and Turner 2005) and/ or by the lack of readily available choices for subaltern groups from the discriminatory practices of the dominant group (Small 2008). ...
... In contrast to the ghetto, ethnic enclaves explain the birth of ethnically segregated neighborhoods through migrants' rational choice (Charles 2006;Clark 2009;Krysan et al. 2009). Ethnic enclaves were created for the economic benefits that they bestowed on those who live there. ...
Article
This article historicizes and links the ways in which ethnically segregated neighborhoods are born and die in American cities. Based on a historical ethnography of five Chinatowns in Los Angeles from 1850 to 1950, I highlight Chinese residents’ agency in both the birth and death of their own neighborhoods through a process called neighborhood architomy. Chinese residents split off new neighborhoods from dying neighborhoods while maintaining their institutions and memories, showing how neighborhood death and birth are intimately intertwined. To understand either process fully, we must treat neighborhoods and their residents as sociological and historical agents at both the birth and death of neighborhoods.
... Indeed, there is evidence that suggests Asian homeseekers experience discrimination, including racial steering (Turner et al., 2013). The third theory emphasizes the role of preferences in avoiding or wanting to live near members of certain racial/ethnic groups (Bobo & Zubrinsky, 1996;Charles, 2006;Howell & Emerson, 2018). Studies showing rising trends of Asians settling in suburban ethnic neighborhoods with high concentrations of co-ethnics-which scholars have called "ethnoburbs" (Li, 1998;Wen et al., 2009)-suggest that preferences are likely an important aspect of Asian residential experiences. ...
... As such, these findings call for deeper investigations to rethink and refine theoretical frameworks in order to account for distinctions in residential patterns across ethnic groups and destinations. For example, future research should consider examining the extent to which these residential patterns are shaped by in-group affinity, out-group avoidance, concerns about hostility from others, and/or perceived differences in socioeconomic status (Bobo & Zubrinsky, 1996;Charles, 2006;Clark, 1992) that are manifested in prejudice or preferences between distinct Asian ethnic groups. Indeed, the social position of Vietnamese as part of the "collective black" in the American racial stratification system-while other Asian groups, including Chinese and Asian Indians, may be treated as "honorary white" (Bonilla-Silva, 2004)-may inform some of these processes. ...
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Using 2010 U.S. decennial census data, this study explores the neighborhood patterns of Chinese, Filipino, and Vietnamese across seven different immigrant gateway types. The findings uncover significant variations in neighborhood dynamics across both Asian ethnic groups and immigrant destinations. For example, Vietnamese neighborhoods are generally located in spatially distinct areas away from neighborhoods of other Asian groups, whereas Chinese neighborhoods have a high level of overlap with other Asian neighborhoods. This pattern is particularly prominent in less-studied former and emerging destinations. The results illuminate the value of examining residential patterns at the intersection of dissimilar ethnic groups and immigrant destinations, specifically by simultaneously distinguishing across ethnic groups and accounting for the contextual nuances of metropolitan areas. The unearthing of these findings has important implications for refining theoretical frameworks and identifying important avenues for future research on residential segregation.
... The similar home price trends displayed by MI and LI Black tracts suggest that the racial composition of an area impacts home prices more than the incomes of that area's residents. Thus, as others have argued in various contexts (e.g., Charles, 2006;Flippen, 2004; Lipsitz, 2011; Markley et al., 2020), the ability of Black residents living in Black middle-income areas such as Stonecrest to accumulate wealth through residential property ownership is tempered by the area's being racialized as Black. Put differently, the racially uneven geographies of home prices and capital flows more generally inform-indeed are the very conditions of possibility for-the Stonecrest cityhood movement. ...
Article
In November of 2016, the City of Stonecrest was carved out of Atlanta’s suburban Black Mecca. The hope was that the new city’s “brand” might bring development and increased wealth to an area which has borne the brunt of uneven development, racialized urban secession, and racial capitalism for many decades. The case of Stonecrest points to several interesting tensions, contradictions, and necessary reckonings around race, class, and neoliberal urban space in Atlanta. We reconsider the historical politics of the Black Mecca alongside contradictory geographies of racialized housing policy, arriving at an analysis of Stonecrest as a project of White democracy that fails to challenge the material and ideological conditions of its own subordination. We build from this analysis to argue that abolition democracy in Atlanta must work to transcend not only the particulars of its own history (and that of Atlanta more broadly) but the hegemony of neoliberal racial capitalism as well.
... On the other hand, some Asians have attempted to cultivate "civil" relations with other minorities in settings where, for instance, Black-Asian commercial interactions might be fraught (Lee 2002). Lastly, anti-Asian animus among other non-white groups may also be a reaction to their experiences of anti-black or anti-Hispanic animus that Asians themselves express (Charles 2006;Yi and Todd 2021). ...
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A spate of anti-Asian discrimination, violence, and hate crimes in the United States since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic spurred the passage of the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act of 2021. These anti-Asian incidents took place during a fractious politicized context characterized by partisan rhetoric blaming China for the pandemic amidst an ongoing U.S.-China trade war. Given the involvement of political leaders in publicly invoking competition and threat, the present study examines anti-Asian American affect using group position theory, which highlights the important role that spokespeople from the dominant group can play in shaping emotions about subordinate groups. Analyzing the American National Election Studies 2016-2020 panel data (N=1211), the results of OLS regressions reveal that among white respondents, perceived China threat is associated with colder feelings towards Asian Americans in 2020, net of feelings towards Asian Americans in 2016. Moreover, warmer feelings towards Donald Trump in 2016 mediates the association between perceived China threat and anti-Asian American emotion, net of various controls, among white respondents. Notably, this pattern of results does not hold for non-white respondents. The results appear to support group position theory’s predictions regarding the influence of political leaders and the media on the dominant group’s feelings towards a subordinate group such as Asian Americans. Future research should explore these dynamics more fully as well as account for the different effects found among non-whites.
... In neighborhoods characterized by Latino and non-Hispanic Black integration, Latino residents often report sensing social distance between the two groups due to racial attitudes that preclude social cohesion (Brown & Brooks, 2006;Charles, 2006;Marrow, 2008). Latino residents in such neighborhoods may be less trusting of their Black neighbors and reinforce social distances by relying on negative stereotypes (Marrow, 2008). ...
Chapter
The intersection of SES and race-ethnicity impact youth development at the family and neighborhood levels. The confluence of neighborhood structural and social characteristics intersects to impact parenting multiple ways. Within lower-income neighborhoods, there is variability in economic and racial-ethnic demographics and social characteristics and a multitude of different lived experiences. We use a person-centered approach to understand how a plurality of neighborhood social characteristics shape parents' ethnic-racial socialization and monitoring strategies, normative parenting practices for diverse families. With 144 African American and Latino families in a new destination context-areas lacking an enduring historical and economic presence of same-ethnic populations-we examined whether we could replicate neighborhood profiles found in other neighborhood contexts using four neighborhood social process indicators (i.e., connectedness, cohesion and trust, informal social control, and problems), identified family- and neighborhood-level predictors of profiles, and explored differences in ethnic-racial socialization and parental monitoring knowledge by profile. We replicated three neighborhood profiles-integral (high on all positive social dynamics and low problems), anomic (low on all positive social dynamics and high problems), and high problems/positive relationships. Caregivers in these profiles differed in family SES and neighborhood disadvantage such that those in anomic neighborhoods had the lowest income-to-needs ratio whereas those in integral neighborhoods experienced the highest neighborhood disadvantage and lowest proportion of Hispanic residents. Egalitarianism, an ethnic-racial socialization message, and parental monitoring levels differed by neighborhood. Findings suggest African American and Latino families' unique experiences in a new destination context, signaling a complex interplay between race-ethnicity, SES, and place.
... For instance, the question "The special privileges for African Americans place me at an unfair disadvantage when I have done nothing to harm them," clearly taps ideas about Blacks' threat to Whites' group position. 2. For closely allied lines of thought see Charles (2006), Hughes (1997), R. , and Tuch and Hughes (1996). 3. The RCAPS joins a new wave of social science research using online panels to collect high quality data (see Vavreck and Iyengar 2013 for a review). ...
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Despite its predictive power, there is substantial debate about the attitudes measured by the racial resentment scale (RRS) and the relative weight of each. One group contends that the RRS is a valid measure of racial animus, foregrounding a basic psychological acrimony; some foreground social concerns about group status hierarchies; and yet others assert that the RRS is an invalid measure of racial enmity, instead primarily tapping non-racial principles and politics. We use a multimethod approach to address these debates, mapping the frames of reference respondents use in explaining their RRS answers. We find that the RRS fundamentally measures racial concerns and minimally taps non-racial politics. Although RRS responses reflect psychological acrimony, this orientation is substantially outweighed by social concerns about relative group position. Moreover, RRS responses substantially reflect beliefs about the relevance of race in the contemporary US and the sources of racial inequality, and values about individualism and fairness. We discuss how one of the most potent measures of present-day racial prejudice is rightly understood, and the implications for theory and research at the intersection of race and politics.
... Implicit attitudes and racial stereotype affect how people think about place (28,29). Race and ethnicity have been used as a proxy for quality of neighborhood, such as crime, disorder, or lower property values (30)(31)(32). ...
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Introduction The purpose of this paper is to describe the process of developing and implementing a transdisciplinary community-based research center, the Center for Health Equity Research (CHER) Chicago, to offer a model for designing and implementing research centers that aim to address structural causes of health inequality. Methods Scholars from diverse backgrounds and disciplines formed a multidisciplinary team for the Center, and adopted the structural violence framework as the organizing conceptual model. All Center activities were based on community partnership. The Center activities were organized within three cores: administrative, investigator development, and community engagement and dissemination cores. The key activities during the first year were to develop a pilot grant program for early stage investigators (ESIs) and to establish community partnership mechanisms. Results CHER provided more than 60 consultations for ESIs, which resulted in 31 pilot applications over the three application cycles. Over 200 academic and community partners attended the community symposium and discussed community priority. Some challenges encountered were: to improve communication among investigators, to clarify roles and responsibilities of the three cores, and to build consensus on the definition and operationalization of the concept of structural violence. Conclusion There is an increasing need for local hubs to facilitate transdisciplinary collaboration and community engagement to effectively address health inequity. Building consensus around a shared vision among partners is a difficult and yet important step toward achieving equity.
... In the U.S., race and ethnicity are fundamental axes of inequality along which socioeconomic resources are distributed (Bobo, Kluegel, & Smith, 1997;Bonilla-Silva, 2006;Conley, 2009). Due to historic and contemporary structural racism, minority families on average have less access to socioeconomic resources such as income, wealth, and quality neighborhoods than white families (Charles, 2006;Krysan, Couper, Farley, & Foreman, 2009;Mazumder, 2008;Proctor, Semega & Kollar, 2016;Wilson, 1987). Because of this, minority children are more likely to be exposed to socioeconomically stressful environments, and some scholars have suggested that their exposure to sustained socioeconomic deprivation means that the additional stress incurred by living apart from a parent is only marginally impactful, above and beyond existing social disadvantages (McLoyd et al., 2000;Smith, 1997). ...
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Abstract: While an extensive literature has shown that children raised by both biological parents fare better academically than children raised in any other family structure, there has been little research to explain an important finding: living apart from a biological parent is less negatively consequential for racial/ethnic minority children than white children. To address this gap, I test two explanations that have been posited to account for racial/ethnic differences in the association between family structure and children’s educational attainment: socioeconomic stress and extended family embeddedness. I assess whether racial/ethnic variation in these two mechanisms explain group differences in the association between family structure and on-time high school completion and college enrollment for white, black, and Hispanic children. Results indicate that both socioeconomic stress and extended family embeddedness attenuate the effect of family structure on these two measures of educational attainment, though the former to a much greater extent. Differences in socioeconomic resources accounted for up to nearly 50% of the gap in these outcomes, and extended family embeddedness explained roughly 15-20%. These findings lend support for the socioeconomic stress hypothesis, which posits that the negative effect of familial disruption may be less independently impactful for racial/ethnic groups facing many socioeconomic disadvantages to begin with. Results are less consistent with the hypothesis that racial/ethnic minority children’s deeper embeddedness in their extended family network protects against the negative effects of familial disruption.
... In contrast, other studies find that immigrants tend to reduce the neighborhood value within cities (Accetturo et al., 2014;Saiz and Wachter, 2011). Immigrants tend to exhibit clustered living patterns and follow their ethnic networks to settle in certain neighborhoods (Clark, 1986;Charles, 2006;Gross and Schmitt, 2003;Munshi, 2003). If natives and immigrants have different preferences in ethnic and socioeconomic segregation, the immigrants may crowd out native residents to other areas of the city. ...
Article
This study examines the causal effect of the recent inflow of high-skilled immigrants on the housing value of the properties of Hong Kong natives. We categorize homebuyers into local, Mainland Chinese, and other foreigners, and construct neighborhood-level housing profiles based on housing transactions from 2011 to 2016. We estimate the impact of immigrants on housing value at the neighborhood level. By using instrumental variable estimation, we find that recent immigrant inflow does not generate significant impact on the willingness of Hong Kong natives to pay for housing units.
... Параллельно этому подходу развиваются исследования резидентного выбора [Åslund, 2005] и индивидуальных преференций [Zubrinksy, 2006]. Восходя к математическому моделированию сегрегации Шеллинга [Schelling, 1971], эти исследования помещают в фокус желание мигрантов и немигрантов жить с представителями тех или иных мигрантских и немигрантских групп. ...
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Приводятся результаты сравнительного анализа характеристик расселения этнических мигрантов и их детерминант в глобальных городах (Париж, Сингапур, Сидней и Москва). Статья написана на основании релевантной литературы, а также полевой работы в указанных городах, включавшей экспертные интервью со специалистами по урбанистике и интеграции мигрантов, наблюдения, глубинные и экспресс-интервью в городском пространстве, в частности в местах резидентной концентрации иноэтничных мигрантов (этномиграционных анклавах). Основной результат — теоретическая схема, описывающая главные детерминанты расселения мигрантов в разных контекстах. Среди основных факторов, объясняющих расселение мигрантов в глобальных городах, — социально-экономические параметры принимающего общества, характеристики миграционной политики, миграционных потоков, вертикальной социальной мобильности мигрантов и их детей, социальная структура пространства, локальная конструкция этничности, государственная и городская резидентная политика, а также резидентный выбор мигрантов и немигрантов. Для каждого случая набор факторов, объясняющий характеристики расселения мигрантов, различается. В статье приводятся детальные описания городов-случаев и показывается релевантный для них набор факторов. Текст статьи разделен на две части, первая публикуется в № 6 (2019), вторая — запланирована в № 2 (2020). Благодарность. Статья подготовлена при поддержке гранта Российского научного фонда (проект РНФ № 18-78-10086) «Анализ механизмов формирования этномиграционных анклавов в российских городах».
... I build on existing theories to posit that homeowners will be motivated by three jointly held interrelated motives: maximizing housing wealth (Fischel 1992), minimizing tax burdens (Hamilton 1975), and maximizing public service quality (Bradford, Malt, and Oates 1969). 5 The latter two goals also appear 1 For additional work on homophily, see Bayer, Ferreira, and McMillan (2007), Boustan (2010), Charles (2006), Denton and Massey (1991), Emerson, Chai and Yancey (2001), and Krysan, Farley, and Couper (2008). 2 Their results reveal a linear positive relationship between community whiteness and preference among white Republicans. White Democrats were indifferent between communities that were between 75% and 96% white, but both were preferred to communities that were only 50% white. ...
Article
Public goods in the United States are largely funded and delivered at the local level. Local public goods are valuable, but their production requires overcoming several collective action problems including coordinating supply and minimizing congestion, free-riding, and peer effects. Land use regulations, promulgated by local governments, allow communities to solve the collective action problems inherent in the provision of local public goods and maintenance of property values. A consequence of these efforts is residential segregation between cities along racial lines. I provide evidence that more stringent land use regulations are supported by whiter communities and that they preserve racial homogeneity. First, I show that cities that were whiter than their metropolitan area in 1970 are more likely to have restrictive land use patterns in 2006. Then, relying on Federal Fair Housing Act lawsuits to generate changes in land use policy, I show that restrictive land use helps to explain metropolitan area segregation patterns over time. Finally, I draw on precinct level initiative elections from several California cities to show that whiter neighborhoods are more supportive of restricting development. These results strongly suggest that even facially race-neutral land use policies have contributed to racial segregation.
... In the U.S., race and ethnicity are fundamental axes of inequality along which socioeconomic resources are distributed (Bobo, Kluegel, & Smith, 1997;Bonilla-Silva, 2006;Conley, 2009). Due to historic and contemporary structural racism, minority families on average have less access to socioeconomic resources such as income, wealth, and quality neighborhoods than white families (Charles, 2006;Krysan, Couper, Farley, & Foreman, 2009;Mazumder, 2008;Proctor, Semega & Kollar, 2016;. Because of this, minority children are more likely to be exposed to socioeconomically stressful environments, and some scholars have suggested that their exposure to sustained socioeconomic deprivation means that the additional stress incurred by living apart from a parent is only marginally impactful, above and beyond existing social disadvantages Smith, 1997). ...
Thesis
Over the last several decades, the U.S. has undergone a major shift in its racial/ethnic landscape. Historically, American society has been majority white. However, higher fertility rates, increased immigration, and younger average ages among people of color have led to racial/ethnic minorities’ growth in the relative share of the population, and they are projected to constitute more than half the population by 2050. Accompanying this shift has been a growing recognition of the need for family-related research that reflects the racial and ethnic diversity of American society. Any such investigation would be incomplete, of course, without acknowledging the inextricable link between race and class in America and how it shapes family life. Unfortunately, however, research on family structure and child wellbeing frequently generalizes the experiences of white families to the broader population, without reference to how differences in social location, particularly race/ethnicity and social class may lead to distinct outcomes for youth. To address this limitation, this dissertation investigates racial/ethnic and class differences in family structure and their relationship to children’s educational performance. The first study examines the prevalence and predictors of an understudied but relatively common family structure, especially among minority and/or low-income populations—the extended family. The second study explores an important and unexplained finding: although children raised by both biological parents fare better academically than children raised in any other family structure, living apart from a biological parent is less negatively consequential for racial/ethnic minority children than white children. I test two hypotheses that have been posited to account for racial/ethnic differences in the association between family structure and children’s educational attainment: the socioeconomic stress and extended family embeddedness hypotheses. The third study explores intragroup diversity in family life. Specifically, I examine intraracial differences in family structure and family integration among Black Americans and their association with youths’ grades, grade repetition, and number of suspensions. Results from the first study indicate that contrary to popular and academic perceptions, extended family households are fairly common: 35% of youth experience this family structure during childhood. Black and Hispanic children are approximately 3 and 1.5 times more likely to live in an extended family than white children, respectively, and children whose parents have less education are substantially more likely to live in this arrangement. Additionally, the transition into an extended family is largely a response to social and economic needs. Findings from the second study show that that both socioeconomic stress and extended family embeddedness attenuate the effect of family structure on minority youths’ educational attainment, though the former to a much greater extent. These findings lend support for the socioeconomic stress hypothesis, which posits that the negative effect of familial disruption may be less independently impactful for groups facing many socioeconomic disadvantages to begin with. The third study demonstrates that there is significant within-group variation in family structure and integration among black families and that these factors have a more limited and inconsistent relationship with adolescents’ educational outcomes than implied by previous scholarship. Collectively, these findings advance a more diverse portrait of American families, which has been lacking in extant research. They also show that the consequences of family structure differ by race/ethnicity and social class. Thus, efforts aimed at promoting child wellbeing should consider this diversity in family arrangements and outcomes, and their implications for policy and practice.
... In contrast, other studies find that immigrants tend to reduce the neighborhood value within cities (Accetturo et al., 2014;Saiz and Wachter, 2011). Immigrants tend to exhibit clustered living patterns and follow their ethnic networks to settle in certain neighborhoods (Clark, 1986;Charles, 2006;Gross and Schmitt, 2003;Munshi, 2003). If natives and immigrants have different preferences in ethnic and socioeconomic segregation, the immigrants may crowd out native residents to other areas of the city. ...
... Given that poor, predominantly Black neighborhoods are frequently underresourced, many Blacks report being open to live in mixed, predominantly White, or even all-White areas (e.g., Bader & Krysan, 2015;Charles, 2006;Krysan et al. 2017;Krysan & Farley, 2002). White hostility to Blacks in neighborhood settings, however, is a recurrent theme in the neighborhood preference literature. ...
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In metropolitan areas with significant numbers of Latinx and Black people, Santiago (1991) hypothesized that Latinx groups may “buffer” white neighborhoods from Black ones. Farley and Frey (1994, https://doi.org/10.2307/2096131) subsequently suggested that Latinx and Asian groups provide a social or spatial “buffer” that enables White and Black neighborhood coresidence. In predominantly White spaces, increases in the neighborhood shares of Latinx and Asian populations moderates White resistance to the presence of Blacks, and this helps explain growing neighborhood racial diversity in the United States. This essay suggests expanding the thesis in several ways. We first consider reversing the theory wherein Latinx and Asian groups provide a “buffer” enabling White and Black coresidence because Blacks are cushioned from the actions of Whites. This view requires us to include not only White tolerance but also White intolerance in the buffering logic. Second, we point out that racially mixed neighborhoods may also come about because people want to live in such diverse environments. Third, this leads to a consideration of processes of neighborhood racial mixing that include the roles of real estate markets actors in shaping neighborhood outcomes as well as the motivations of Latinx, Asian, and mixed‐race populations.
... Because of miss ing data in our var i ous covariates and list ings that do not have enough text for topic mod el ing, our final sam ple size is 1,692,639. 8 A large body of work has shown that two dimen sions of neigh bor hoods together struc ture the hous ing mar ket over all and res i den tial mobil ity in par tic u lar: ethnora cial and socio eco nomic com po si tion (Adelman 2005;Charles 2006;Clark 1992Clark , 2009Clark and Morrison 2012;Crowder and South 2008;Gabriel and Spring 2019;Krysan and Crowder 2017;Lee et al. 1994;Sampson and Sharkey 2008;Swaroop and Krysan 2011). Pervasive crossneigh bor hood inequal ity offline moti vates us to test 4 For most MSAs, the cor re spond ing Craigslist site closely matches cen sus MSA defi ni tions; more over, because we use only tractlevel cen sus data and fol low Craigslist mar ket defi ni tions to deter mine metro area bound aries, any discrepancies do not impact our results (see the online appen dix). ...
Article
As more urban residents find their housing through online search tools, recent research has theorized the potential for online information to transform and equalize the housing search process. Yet, very little is known about what rental housing information is available online. Using a corpus of millions of geocoded Craigslist advertisements for rental housing across the 50 largest metropolitan statistical areas in the United States merged with census tract-level data from the American Community Survey, we identify and describe the types of information commonly included in listings across different types of neighborhoods. We find that in the online housing market, renters are exposed to fundamentally different types of information depending on the ethnoracial and socioeconomic makeup of the neighborhoods where they are searching.
... Scholars have posited several theories to explain its persistence, including racial residential preferences. Members of different racial groups prefer to live with some groups and avoid others, and they make residential choices based on these preferences (Charles, 2006;Howell & Emerson, 2018;Lewis et al., 2011). Racial discrimination is another key mechanism that shapes how people find homes and where they live. ...
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This study examines the extent to which road connectivity and physical barriers—such as highways, railroad tracks, and waterways—structure spatial patterns of racial and ethnic residential segregation and shape how segregation is locally experienced by residents. Our focus is on physical barriers that are also social boundaries—features of the built environment that reduce physical connectivity and mark a social boundary between geographic areas. We measure residential segregation with attention to the proximity and road connectivity between locations, which allows us to identify areas where physical barriers mark a social boundary between geographic areas with different racial and ethnic compositions. Our approach integrates ethnographic observation of three such areas in Houston, Texas, to investigate residents' perceptions and local experience of social and spatial division. The results reveal that physical barriers are associated with heightened levels of ethnoracial segregation, and residents experience the barriers as symbolic markers of perceived distinctions between groups and physical impediments to social connection. Although barriers like highways, railroad tracks, and bayous are not inherently harbingers of ethnoracial segregation, our study demonstrates that physical barriers can provide the infrastructure for social boundaries and facilitate durable neighborhood racial divisions.
... Indeed, a careful look inside restaurant kitchens all over Los Angles-of any kind of food-reveals Spanish-speaking cooks. This language connection encompasses whole regions of Los Angeles (Alarcon et al., 2016) where residential segregation by ethnicity largely prevails (Bobo et al., 2000;Charles, 2006;Waldinger & Bozorgmehr, 1996). For 8 of 16 -CHICA many people, ethnic concentration remains desirable even for people who wish to relocate to wealthier cities or areas of a neighborhood because it is easier to reproduce and reinvent ethnic cultural practices in spaces with high co-ethnic concentration (Alarcon et al., 2016). ...
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I call for a globally informed sociology of comparative placemaking that integrates historical and contemporary processes and includes the ephemeral, institutional, and personal. By placemaking, I am referring to the explicit or tacit cooperation among people to create, maintain, and give meaning to places in space through bodily occupation given differential resources and constraints. I review select place, space, and community‐based literature about urban, Black, migrant, LGBTQ, and international populations to think about how we can build upon and integrate multiple theoretical, methodological, and epistemological insights to form an explicit placemaking research agenda. A US focus on neighborhoods contrasts with a comparative examination of global urban networks, social polarization, and transformation of the built environment in the interdisciplinary field of global urban studies (Ren, 2018). I argue for a placemaking research agenda that bridges insight from US Urban Sociology with Global Urban Studies to consider how various structures and actors constrain and facilitate place projects. With a globally reaching and comparatively informed sociology of placemaking, we can illuminate our multi‐structured story of place and agency in context. We can answer questions about how and why we co‐create and are simultaneously disciplined by the process of creation.
... Social science research suggests that race already plays a significant role in almost every housing decision, for instance, in shaping how potential homebuyers see the desirability of neighborhoods (Quillian 2002;Charles 2006;Krysan et al. 2009); how likely a borrower is to receive a high-cost loan, regardless of credit score (Faber 2013;Bayer, Ferreira, Ross 2014;Hwang, Hankinson, and Brown 2014;Steil, Albright, Rugh and Massey 2018); or how quickly the value of housing is likely to appreciate (Oliver and Shapiro 2006;Flippen 2004;Newman and Holupka 2015). Ignoring the continuing legacy of white supremacist laws or spatial structures will not ameliorate these inequalities. ...
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This article proposes strengthening equity planning by incorporating an antisubordination perspective. An antisubordination approach holds that planning must directly address durable categories of social inequality. Practically, an antisubordination approach requires rigorous evaluation of the impact of proposed policies on historically oppressed groups and the adoption of policies that most ameliorate existing disparities. Recent Supreme Court decisions regarding the Fair Housing Act provide support for an antisubordination approach by recognizing the significance of implicit bias, upholding the ability to bring claims on the basis of a policy’s disparate impact, and confirming that cities can file suit to address shared harms.
... To provide empirical evidence for the implications of our model, we turn to Los Angeles (LA) County, California. This area has one of the highest levels of amenities in the United States (Albouy, 2016) but also features a high degree of income and amenity inequality across its various communities (Bobo et al., 2000;Wolch et al., 2005;Charles, 2006). As we describe in Section 4, we employ data on individual housing prices from Zillow, data on Airbnb participation for individual dwellings from web scrapes, and crime data from local governments. ...
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The supply of housing for short-term rental (STR) has grown dramatically with the emergence of platforms such as Airbnb. This trend has led to contradictory concerns about increasing housing prices and negative externalities. We provide evidence that in some areas , STRs can decrease housing prices. Using a parsimonious model of housing occupancy with externalities, we show the marginal effect of STRs on housing prices depends on the net impact of STRs on local amenities. Using zip-code-level data from Los Angeles County, California, we show heterogeneity in the marginal effects of Airbnb listings on housing prices across localities. We then examine the consequences of a 2015 law restricting STRs within the City of Santa Monica in the coastal region of Los Angeles County. In that City, we estimate a negative relationship between the prevalence of STRs and housing prices. Using a differences-indifferences approach, we show that the 2015 law increased housing prices-which can be rationalized by our theory. Finally, we provide evidence for a potential mechanism: "party-related" nuisance calls to the Santa Monica Police Department decreased after the policy was enacted. JEL codes: R31, R5, L5, H7, Z38, K42
... Studies in this tradition point to ample private and public racial mechanisms that keep residential boundaries firm. These include differences in residential preferences (Charles 2006); the economically disadvantaged positions of racial minorities that create gaps in their access to neighborhoods (Crowder et al. 2006); and practices of discrimination enacted by mortgage lenders, landlords, and zoning laws (Massey and Denton 1993;Roscigno et al. 2009). ...
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While scholars study residential segregation dynamics in order to understand minorities’ assimilation into mainstream society, less is known about these mechanisms in ethno-national migration contexts. This article examines Israel’s demographic dynamics from 1961 to 2008 in order to evaluate and provide a framework for the process of spatial assimilation of Mizrahim and Ashkenazim in the context of segregation from the Palestinian citizens of Israel. By using the Theil index (H), I assess the level of segregation in different geographic layers and then explore how internal migration has reduced spatial distance within the Jewish society. The analysis demonstrates that despite the disadvantaged position of Mizrahim as of 1961, levels of residential segregation had decreased by 1983. Also, boundaries changed from a variance between Mizrahim and Ashkenazim into a variance among Mizrahim only, with those who relocated as the most spatially assimilated group and those who remained as the most segregated one.
... When seeking a holistic explanation of segregation and its persistence over time, it is important to examine the social imaginary and developing perceptions of neighbourhoods according to their socio-economic and ethnic characteristics (Crowder & Krysan, 2016;Iglesias-Pascual, 2016). This is illustrated by the fact that high immigrant-concentration neighbourhoods are usually both socially and spatially stigmatised, commonly viewed as problem areas by the host society (Charles, 2000), and which has a direct influence on their decision to reject these neighbourhoods as places to reside in (Charles, 2006). Thus, we conducted an in-depth analysis of the importance of discourse and the social imaginary, first from the host society's perspective and second from the economic migrant's, in order to understand how residential segregation processes develop and persist over time. ...
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Immigrants’ neighbourhood choices are key to understanding today’s dominant socio-territorial dynamics, especially in urban areas. We analysed the factors involved in the housing search at the early stages of the economic migrant influx in Seville, Spain (Andalusia region, Europe’s southern border) and their impact on the development of residential segregation in this city. Using a qualitative methodology approach based on focus groups, unstructured interviews and discourse analysis, the implicit and explicit social determinants that influence economic migrants’ residential behaviours were examined. In line with previous studies, the results highlight the importance of socio-economic determinants and a trend towards self-segregation. Social discourse analysis reveals how the host society’s ethnoracial preferences and prejudices – from the outset of the economic migrant influx – translate into barriers to accessing the housing market, which plays a crucial role in understanding economic migrant residential mobility and its impact on and consequences for the residential segregation process.
... 20 One of the realities that immigrants are confronted with is the perversity of substance use that differs from their countries of origin. 21 Yet, although new immigrant youth are less likely to experiment with substances, their risk of substance use increases with their length of stay. 22 In so doing, they embrace the host nations' culture and behaviors that their parents may deem risky or unsafe. ...
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Introduction Canada has one of the highest rates of problematic opiate and alcohol use in the world. Globally, Canada was the second country that legalized marijuana for non-medical use. As Canada is an immigrant-receiving country, newcomers and immigrants contend with a substance use landscape that was likely absent in their countries of origin. Although immigrants have lower rates of substance use than the host population, the risk of substance use, especially among youth, increases with acculturation and peer pressure. While parents are best placed to mitigate the risks for substance use among their youth, immigrant parents often do not have the knowledge and skills to do so. Therefore, culturally adaptable family based interventions need be explored to build immigrant parents’ capacities to mitigate substance use risks. Aim and purpose The aim of this scoping review is to explore family based substance use prevention interventions for immigrant youth, which will be guided by two questions: What is known about family based interventions for preventing immigrant adolescents’ substance use? What are the features and study results of these intervention protocols? Methods and analysis We will apply Arksey and O’Malley’s procedure for reporting scoping review and report study findings based on the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses guidelines for scoping reviews. Discussion We hope that the knowledge translation emanating from this review will increase immigrant parents’ knowledge of substance use and enable them to effectively intervene to prevent substance use among their youth. We also hope that this work can inform policy development on best practices for substance use prevention and for the creation of culturally sensitive programmes and services for immigrant youth.
... Additionally, foreign-born adolescents may be less prone to engaging in misbehavior because they are motivated to immigrate to the United States, work hard, and obey the rules (Vaughn et al., 2014). Also, consistent with the cultural armamentarium hypothesis, foreign-born adolescents immigrate to the United States and bring with them their cultural values and practices, which provide a social network in a form of "herd immunity" from many of the challenges of moving to a new country (Charles, 2006;Vaughn et al., 2014). ...
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Previous research indicates that racial and ethnic minority adolescents show an increased risk for bullying involvement. However, research on racial and ethnic differences in bullying has mainly focused on the differences between Whites and African American adolescents in the United States. Research on the bullying perpetration of foreign-born students is scarce. To fill this gap in the literature, this study utilizes the immigrant paradox to compare the prevalence rates and correlates of bullying perpetration between foreign-born and U.S.-born Hispanic/Latino adolescents. Data from the Health Behavior in School-Aged Children, 2009 to 2010 cohort study in the United States were used. The sample included 1,451 Hispanic/Latino adolescents from which 287 were foreign-born (Mage = 13.32, SD = 1.68; 55% girls) and 1,164 were U.S.-born (Mage = 13.05, SD = 1.68; 51.4% girls). Self-report questionnaires were administered to measure bullying involvement, substance abuse, befriending deviant peers, physical fight, demographic variables, and family characteristics. Findings showed that foreign-born adolescents did not differ regarding bullying perpetration from U.S.-born Hispanic/Latino adolescents (9.8% vs. 9.9%). In addition, logistic regression revealed that only bullying victimization was a common correlate for bullying perpetration across both groups. For foreign-born Hispanic/Latino adolescents only befriending deviant peers was significantly associated with bullying perpetration. For the U.S.-born group, alcohol use and physical fights increased the odds of bullying perpetration. Implications for future research (e.g., the significance of the intersection of race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic class) and practice (e.g., the need to foster positive school environments) will be discussed.
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Historically, the racialization of minority groups’ housing needs shaped policy decisions and provoked the unequal distribution of subsidized low-income housing across American neighborhoods and cities. This study extends beyond the Black–White dichotomy in the literature to examine variations in cities’ availability of all federally subsidized low-income housing units (public housing, multifamily, and Housing Choice Voucher) according to which racial group (White, Black, Latinx, and Asian) constitutes the majority population. The results of quantile regression analyses indicated that majority-Black cities possess considerably more subsidized housing units than other cities whereas majority-Asian and majority-Latinx cities experienced reduced access to the housing units.
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This article examines trajectories of neighborhood mobility for the post-1965 second generation in the United States. It advances the concept of second-generation contextual mobility, defined as the change in neighborhood context over the life course among the second generation. This analysis uses unique geocoded longitudinal data over three decades to documents patterns of second-generation neighborhood attainment. Compared to US blacks, the second generation has achieved significant contextual mobility both over time and across generations. Specifically, the second generation in this New York sample lived in better neighborhoods in young adulthood compared to birth neighborhood where their parents once lived. Most groups moved away from the most disadvantaged areas, with the exception of Dominicans. While the second generation has yet to achieve neighborhood parity with US whites, they have already surpassed US blacks in neighborhood attainment. Second-generation contextual mobility is thus an important, but missing, piece in established accounts of neighborhood mobility in the United States.
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Приводятся результаты сравнительного анализа характеристик расселения этнических мигрантов и их детерминант в глобальных городах (Париж, Сингапур, Сидней и Москва). Статья написана на основании релевантной литературы, а также полевой работы в указанных городах, включавшей экспертные интервью со специалистами по урбанистике и интеграции мигрантов, наблюдения, глубинные и экспресс-интервью в городском пространстве, в частности в местах резидентной концентрации иноэтничных мигрантов (этномиграционных анклавах). Основной результат — теоретическая схема, описывающая главные детерминанты расселения мигрантов в разных контекстах. Среди основных факторов, объясняющих расселение мигрантов в глобальных городах, — социально-экономические параметры принимающего общества, характеристики миграционной политики, миграционных потоков, вертикальной социальной мобильности мигрантов и их детей, социальная структура пространства, локальная конструкция этничности, государственная и городская резидентная политика, а также резидентный выбор мигрантов и немигрантов. Для каждого случая набор факторов, объясняющий характеристики расселения мигрантов, различается. В статье приводятся детальные описания городов-случаев и показывается релевантный для них набор факторов. Статья разделена на две части, первая из которых опубликована в № 6 за 2019 год, вторая — в № 2 за 2020 год. Благодарность. Статья подготовлена при поддержке гранта Российского научного фонда (проект РНФ № 18-78-10086) «Анализ механизмов формирования этномиграционных анклавов в российских городах».
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Despite frequent moves, low‐income black families are more likely than any other group to churn among disadvantaged neighborhoods, and the least likely to escape them. Traditional explanations for neighborhood inequality invoke racial preferences and barriers to living in high‐income neighborhoods, but recent work suggests that it is also involuntary mobility—such as eviction—which predicts the neighborhood destinations of poor African American families in urban areas. However, we know little about how individuals actually make residential decisions under such unplanned and constrained conditions. Using longitudinal interviews with low‐income African‐American families residing in Mobile, AL, and Baltimore, MD, we describe the array of factors that lead poor black families to move, and describe how families secure housing in the wake of unplanned mobility. We observe that moving among the poor is more reactive than it is voluntary: Approximately 70 percent of most recent moves are catalyzed by landlords, housing quality failures, and violence. We show how this reactive mobility both accelerates and hampers residential selection in ways that may reproduce neighborhood context and inequality. Where mobility is characterized by a greater degree of agency, we show that the strategies families use to make decisions often prohibit them from investigating a wider range of residential options.
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Research often links gentrification to racial inequality. Nevertheless, scholars know surprisingly little about whether the racial composition of gentrifiers moderates the consequences of gentrification. Few quantitative studies compare the effects of gentrification across different racial groups, and those that do tend to limit their outcome of interest to housing. This paper represents perhaps the first ever large‐scale assessment of the ways in which gentrifiers’ racial composition is associated with local retail development. Using data on retailers in over 500 U.S. cities between 2000 and 2010, the paper shows that retail development was significantly slower in neighborhoods gentrified by Blacks rather than Whites. Put differently, White gentrifiers gained a disproportionate amount of the retail development associated with gentrification. Scholars must acknowledge that the consequences of gentrification vary depending on the racial composition of gentrifiers, which is likely one reason why the field struggles to appropriately operationalize and measure gentrification.
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Previous research, primarily using survey data, highlights preferences about neighborhood racial composition as a potential contributor to residential segregation. However, we know little about how individuals, especially parents, understand neighborhood racial composition. We examine this question using in‐depth interview data from a racially diverse sample of 156 parents of young children in two metropolitan areas. Prior scholarship on neighborhood racial preferences has mostly been animated by expectations about in‐group attraction, out‐group avoidance, the influence of stereotypes, and perceived associations between race and status. However, we find that a substantial subset of parents expressed a desire for racially and ethnically mixed neighborhoods—a residential preference at odds with racial segregation. Parents across race conceptualized neighborhood diversity as beneficial for children's development. They expressed shared logics, reasoning that neighborhood diversity cultivates skills and comfort interacting with racial others; teaches tolerance; and provides cultural enrichment. However, these ideas intersected with racial segregation and stratification to shape parents’ understandings of diversity and hinder the realization of parents’ aspirations. Beliefs about the benefits of neighborhood diversity were rarely a primary motivation for residential choices. Nonetheless, parents’ perceptions of the advantages of neighborhood racial mixing reveal the reach of discourse on the value of diversity and suggest a potential opportunity to advance residential desegregation.
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Objective This study tested two hypotheses that have been posited to account for racial/ethnic differences in the association between family structure and children's education. Background Research has shown that children raised by both biological parents fare better academically than children raised in any other family structure. However, there has been little research to explain an important finding: living apart from a biological parent is less negatively consequential for racial/ethnic minority children than white children. Scholars have speculated that group differences in exposure to socioeconomic stress and embeddedness in extended family networks explain this finding. Method This study used nationally representative, longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (n = 2,589). It employed logistic regression analysis and decomposition techniques to assess whether racial/ethnic differences in these two mechanisms explained the differential association between family structure and children's on‐time high school completion and college enrollment for white, black, and Hispanic children. Results The results indicate that socioeconomic stress and extended family embeddedness attenuate the effect of family structure on these two measures of children's education, although the former to a much greater extent. The differences in socioeconomic resources accounted for up to nearly 50% of the gap in these outcomes, and extended family embeddedness explained roughly 15% to 20%. Conclusion Findings lend support for the socioeconomic stress hypothesis, which posits that the negative effect of parental absence from the home may be less independently impactful for racial/ethnic groups already facing many socioeconomic disadvantages.
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The central city is once again hot. Many city areas where poor minorities were left behind during the decades-long suburban growth are experiencing a revival. New high-rise condominiums and other developments are drawing tens of thousands back to city spaces that were once considered undesirable. These ‘return to the city’ trends are supported in part by growth machine engines, such as Transit Oriented Development (TOD) and TIF (Tax Increment Financing) districts, often to the detriment of lower-income minority residents, who still find themselves trapped within the boundaries of spatial inequalities in the city. Drawing on six years of ethnographic fieldwork in Chicago, I show how public transportation is used to buttress the city’s growth machine, while simultaneously maintaining the boundaries of spatial and other types of inequalities. In doing so, I highlight how public transit is used to create and support growth along race (and class) lines. Specifically, I show how mobility and growth for Whites and predominantly White spaces in the city are proactively shaped through favorable new public transit development and revitalization initiatives such as TOD and TIF. At the same time, in predominantly Black and Latinx spaces, where intracommunity public transportation usage is high, new transit related development is below sparse or completely lacking, further fortifying transit and other spatial boundaries.
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Academics largely define gentrification based on changes in the class demographics of neighborhood residents from predominately low-income to middle-class. This ignores that gentrification always occurs in spaces defined by both class and race. In this article, I use the lens of racial capitalism to theorize gentrification as a racialized, profit-accumulating process, integrating the perspective that spaces are always racialized to class-centered theories. Using the prior literature on gentrification in the United States, I demonstrate how the concepts of value, valuation, and devaluation from racial capitalism explain where and how gentrification unfolds. Exposure to gentrification varies depending on a neighborhood’s racial composition and the gentrification stakeholders involved, which contributes to racial differences in the scale and pace of change and the implications of those changes for the processes of displacement. Revising our understanding of gentrification to address the racialization of space helps resolve seemingly contradictory findings across qualitative and quantitative studies.
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Impoverished neighborhoods and communities of color often bear the brunt of unintended transit-oriented development (TOD) impacts. These impacts have been known to come in the form of transit-induced gentrification (TIG), a socioeconomic by-product of TOD defined as a phenomenon that occurs when the provision of transit service, particularly light rail transit (LRT), ‘up-scales’ nearby neighborhood (s) and displaces existing residents. Consequently, TIG or even the perception of TIG can impact health outcomes (eg, anxiety) and social determinants of health (SDOH) (eg, crime). Methods/Analysis In 2022, the purple line (PL), a 16.2 mile LRT line, is opening in Prince George’s County, Maryland, a suburb of Washington, DC, comprised of over 80% African American and Hispanic residents. By taking advantage of this natural experiment, we are proposing the GENTS (Gauging Effects of Neighborhood Trends and Sickness: Examining the Perceptions of Transit-Induced Gentrification in Prince George’s County) Study in order to evaluate perceived TIG and associated health outcome and SDOH changes, at two points in time, among Prince George’s County adults in a prospective case-comparison design during the pre-PL LRT period. Descriptive analysis and latent growth curve modeling will be used to examine these changes over time.
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The lack of sufficient affordable housing in Los Angeles, California burdens many renter households with the threat of an eviction. Research has identified individual- and neighborhood-level sociodemographic correlates of eviction, but the uneven distribution of sociodemographic characteristics and housing conditions across neighborhoods likely produces broader patterns of spatial clustering in eviction prevalence across local areas. We use spatial autoregressive models to explain the spatial concentration and spillover effects for two types of formal eviction filings—court-based and no-fault Ellis Act petitions—within and across census tracts in Los Angeles. Court-based filings show greater and more persistent spatial concentration, particularly in neighborhoods with higher percentages of Black residents. We find evidence of spatial correlation for both types of eviction, however, suggesting that identifying the spatial distribution of eviction prevalence across local areas is important to understanding how location shapes eviction risk in metropolitan areas.
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As public school districts across the country are released from their mandatory school desegregation orders, there has been increasing examination of the re-segregation of public schools. By contrast, little attention has been paid to schools that are becoming more integrated and whether stable racial integration exists in public schools. Using National Center for Education Statistics Data on school demographic composition of all schools across the country, we identify racially integrated schools, examine the stability of the integrated composition of these schools across a twenty-year period (1995–2015), and then describe the characteristics of these integrated schools. We find that an increasing share of schools are integrated, but that this is driven by an increase in Asian/White and Hispanic/White integrated schools, while the number of Black/White integrated schools declines.
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Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and two U.S. decennial censuses, we describe trends in blacks’ and whites’ exposure to other‐race neighbors between 2001 and 2011 and then identify the proximate sources of these trends. Our results show that whites experienced an increase in their exposure to black and other minority neighbors and a concurrent decrease in same‐race neighbors. Blacks’ exposure to both black and white neighbors declined somewhat between 2001 and 2011, while their exposure to nonblack minority neighbors increased substantially. Decomposition analysis reveals that increases in whites’ exposure to black neighbors were driven primarily by in situ neighborhood change (i.e., by change surrounding nonmobile neighborhood residents), and only secondarily by shifting patterns of migration to neighborhoods containing more blacks and fewer whites. Changes in blacks’ exposure to white neighbors were shaped by two countervailing forces. While the neighborhoods inhabited by non‐mobile blacks became relatively less black and more white, residentially mobile blacks were increasingly moving to neighborhoods that were more black and less white. Increases in blacks’ and whites’ neighborhood ethnoracial diversity were driven almost entirely by in situ changes around nonmobile blacks and whites.
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Arguments about the rise in relative education levels of African-Americans invoke (1) improvements in the quality of schools attended by blacks or (2) affirmative action regulations affecting schools and employers. Missing from these arguments is an explanation of the emergence of black education levels exceeding those of whites once the influence of family background factors has been controlled. School quality improvements, by themselves, could not have produced high observed black education levels net of family background factors. This study finds that black educational attainment net of family background influences became higher than that of of whites in the 1950s-too early to be explained by affirmative action programs. This leaves the possibility that more subtle effects of government policy on labor markets and schools played a significant role in the rise of black education. Alternatively, it could be that a favorable orientation toward education in the African-American community has played a role in its members' educational advance.
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In research on non-Western populations there is a tendency to limit analysis to only gross demographic differences. This has resulted in the serious misconception of an ethnically homogenous population in countries such as Japan and thus masks a critical dimension of the diversity truly extant. This article examines Western research on Japanese views of people of African descent evident prior to 1945. The argument by Western researchers that Japanese are inherently ethnocentric/racist is examined through primary and secondary sources dealing with Japanese contact with Africans. The alternative explanation offered suggests that while the basic structure of ethnocentrism existed before Western contact, there are indications that this structure was given direction and focus (i.e. became racial) with and through that contact. It is suggested that the view acquired by the Japanese of Africans was based in large part on the collective representations presented to them by Euro-Americans.
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I use the 1993 Atlanta Survey of Urban Inequality to evaluate the effects of five types of racial and class attitudes on assessments of the desirability of residential integration: (1) preferences for neighbors of the same race, (2) perceived racial differences in social class characteristics, (3) Whites’perceptions of group threat from Blacks, (4) Blacks’perceptions of discrimination, and (5) negative racial stereotypes. For Whites the strongest predictors of resistance to integration are negative racial stereotypes and perceptions of group threat from Blacks. For Blacks in-group preferences, negative racial stereotypes and, to a small extent, beliefs that Whites tend to discriminate against other groups are positively associated with resistance to integration. I conclude by arguing that since racial attitudes are linked to attitudes about residential integration, open housing advocates should focus their efforts on addressing persistent racial mistrusts and prejudices.
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Much recent scholarship has focused on inequality in the socioeconomic status of neighborhoods in which different racial and ethnic groups are concentrated. However, the most widely used measures of residential inequality merely describe the extent to which groups are nominally differentiated in residential space. I use 1980 and 1990 U.S. Census data to calculate levels of and changes in residential stratification—the degree to which members of one group tend to live in more advantaged neighborhoods than members of another group—between whites and blacks, Latinos, and Asians. Results both confirm and qualify conventional interpretations of residential inequality when measured as nominal–level segregation. For example, although in 1990 Latinos and Asians were similarly and only moderately segregated from whites, Asians experienced dramatically lower levels of neighborhood disadvantage. I also find that although levels of segregation were nearly identical in central cities and suburban rings, residential stratification was much lower for suburban residents than for their central city counterparts. I conclude by discussing implications of the findings for theoretical and empirical research on residential inequality.
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The article examines changing beliefs and practices among Korean American small business proprietors in Los Angeles around the time of the 1992 Crisis. It documents and analyzes changing racial and ethnic tensions. Following the Crisis, Korean immigrant small businesses shifted from a strategy of hiring largely Latino/Mexicans to hiring African Americans. This paper analyzes whether Korean immigrants' notions of race and ethnicity have also changed as a result of the shift in hiring patterns. I report on the complexity, heterogeneity, contradiction, and dynamics of racial meanings during times of historical transition and crisis. -Author
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This article explores why Korean merchants in Los Angeles County have not encountered the same hostility from Hispanic communities as they have from black neighborhoods. We reviewed the racial, social-psychological, and materialist explanations for intergroup antagonism. While these theories do help to predict Korean-black tension, they do not explain why such hostility has not occurred in similarly deprived but Hispanic-dominated communities. To explain this anomaly, we propose the "immigrant hypothesis" which calls attention to the high percentage of foreign-born among Korean and Hispanic populations. We argue that racial antagonism is strongest between Korean merchants and black merchants and customers, and mildest between Korean merchants and Hispanic groups.
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Discrimination is systematic unfavorable treatment based solely on group membership. This study focuses on racial and ethnic discrimination in qualitative actions by real estate brokers, such as showing an advertised house, based on 2000 audits conducted in 1989. Each audit consists of a visit to a broker by a white person and a black or Hispanic person with equal qualifications. The audit data are used to measure the incidence of discrimination and to test hypotheses about its causes. The results reveal widespread discrimination and indicate that brokers discriminate based on personal prejudice and the prejudice of white clients.
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Abstract This study ,confirms ,the findings ,of the ,1992 Boston ,Federal ,Reserve ,Bank report,that ,revealed ,statistical ,evidence ,of mortgage ,discrimination ,in the Boston,metropolitan,area. Boston,Fed researchers,concluded,that,after con- trolling for all objective indicators of applicant risk, lenders still rejected minorities 56 percent more often than otherwise identical whites. However, the,study ,has ,been ,criticized ,for miscoded ,data ,and ,omitted ,variables. ,We obtained the data used by the Boston Fed and replicated its work, addressing each,criticism,in turn. Our analysis,shows,that the Boston Fed data,did contain,miscoded,or atypical
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This paper draws attention to a newly emerging type of intergroup conflict occurring among members of nonwhite ethnic minority groups (i.e., blacks, Hispanics, and Asians) in U.S. cities. Case-study materials from Los Angeles and other large cities are used to establish interconnections among the underlying economic and sociopolitical forces and to show how these forces have precipitated specific instances of interethnic conflict over housing jobs, and other valued resources in formerly all-black urban communities. The results indicate that the occurrence of interethnic minority conflict in most US. cities has been limited to isolated incidents involving hostile verbal exchanges and group-based protest and boycotts by blacks against newly arriving immigrant entrepreneurs. Most recently, however, interethnic minority conflict in Miami became violent following the deaths of two black youths at the hands of a Hispanic police officer. It is concluded that the potential is great for interethnic minority conflict to intensify and to expand in the near future, largely because little attention is being given to the underlying precipitants.
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There is a continuing debate over the roles of the various factors that influence the patterns of residential separation in metropolitan areas. Among these factors the role of preferences has received less attention, but both the Schelling model and the analysis of revealed choices suggest that the role of preferences continues to be a major force in residential transition. This paper contributes to the understanding of the way in which preferences are worked out in residential mobility. Data on the revealed preferences (the actual residential selections) of black and white households in two contexts, and of blacks, whites, and Hispanics in another context, are examined. Findings confirm the dominance of the preference for own-race neighborhoods in residential mobility, especially among whites.
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The present paper examines determinants of access to two-year versus four-year colleges among college-going youth. Data from the NLS class of 1972 and the HSB class of 1980 senior high school cohorts are compared to evaluate changes in racial/ethnic, socioeconomic, and gender constraints on enrollment patterns. Academic resource measures (i. e., test performance, high school grades, and high school curriculum) also are examined in order to assess the patterning and magnitude of such disparities when academic qualifications are equivalent. There is little evidence of diminished opportunity to attend a four-year college when the experiences of 1980 high school graduates are compared with those from 1972. In general, social background had little bearing on attendance patterns, although Hispanic youth were noticeably less likely than either whites or blacks to attend four-year colleges. Low-SES youth were modestly disadvantaged at both periods, but blacks were somewhat more likely than whites to enroll in fou...
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The paper provides evidence on the neighbourhood contact hypothesis, which states that interracial neighbourhood contact acts to break down prejudice. Contact, therefore, may result in stable racially integrated neighbourhoods. By exploiting unique features of new data from the Multicity Study of Urban Inequality, our estimates are the first to account directly for the endogeneity of contact. Results indicate that neighbourhood contact affects Whites' attitudes towards Black neighbours only if this contact is with Blacks of the same or higher social status. Blacks' attitudes towards White neighbours, on the other hand, are affected by neighbourhood contact regardless of the relative social status of participating Whites, although the effect is twice as strong if the contact is with Whites of equal or higher status.
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The analysis of a number of Toronto sub-populations consistently points to differences in the home-ownership rates between visible minorities and whites. People of African or Caribbean origin have a much lower chance of being home-owners compared to whites after controlling for differences in income levels, housing preferences and household characteristics. Differences in tenure profiles are reduced at higher income levels but the home-ownership deficit remains. Economic factors explain only a small part of the large difference. Cultural and institutional factors may determine how the tenure options are perceived and valued by different groups of people living in the same city. Biases in perceptions matter as they affect the extent to which people can gain from the direct and indirect subsidies offered to home-owners. The differences may be indicative of underlying problems some minorities face in gaining access to urban resources. Measures of home-ownership deficits among the black and Caribbean suggest the need for social policy that goes beyond income maintenance and housing subsidies groups to help equalise their social and economic opportunities.
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Studies report that real estate brokers often provide less information to black clients than to whites and steer them to different neighborhoods. However, few studies have investigated racial differences in housing search procedures. If blacks believe they will receive less useful information from brokers, they may avoid them.Analyzing 1992 data from Detroit, this study finds that blacks were significantly less likely than whites to consult brokers. Blacks tended to rely more on methods such as talking with friends, checking newspaper ads, or driving through neighborhoods. Blacks were also more likely to believe that they missed housing opportunities because brokers discriminate. Differences in the socioeconomic characteristics of subjects account for some of the differences in the use of brokers. Eradicating discrimination by brokers will broaden housing opportunities only for blacks who use brokers. Policy actions that address the perception of discrimination by brokers may be a more powerful tool.
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The impact of race on college and university admission and award decisions is examined using data from the National Longitudinal Study of the High School Class of 1972. The effects of race and other factors on the choice of an individual's educational attainment are also studied. Financial aid award equations are estimated. The results indicate that college and university admissions departments have actively worked to encourage the enrollment of African-American students. It appears that the lower average educational attainment of African-Americans is the result of differences in parental income, education, and geographical location.
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Research on contemporary urban poverty has overwhelmingly focused on the plight of African American young adults residing in deteriorating inner city neighborhoods. Rarely are whites of the inner city explicitly or even implicitly addressed. This article examines the extent to which urban disadvantage differentiates young adult educational outcomes by race. Proceeding from a Wilsonian framework, we predict that given their shared inner city community context, no significant differences in educational attainment are anticipated between blacks and whites. Longitudinal data from the Pathways to Adulthood study are employed to construct and estimate models of educational attainment for a sample of 1829 black and white children born between 1960 and 1964 to innercity families. Findings show that race exerts a significant influence on educational outcome independent of factors advantaging one race over another. We found that African American inner city children were significantly more likely to graduate from high school and college compared with similarly situated white children.
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Despite the intensity of the recent debate between Clark and Galster, there is considerable agreement that there are multiple forces which create the patterns of residential separation found in American cities, and that government or public discrimination plays a minor role. The differences between Clark and Galster relate to the relative weight to be given to private discrimination and the role of preferences in explaining the patterns of racial separation. The actual weight to be given to private discrimination is yet to be specified.
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This paper proposes a new model for population projections. This model projects an initial population under conditions of fertility, mortality, and international migration (like standard cohort-component models), but considers the population arrayed by generation. The model incorporates 4 generations: a foreign-born first generation (the immigrants), a second generation (sons and daughters of immigrants), a third generation (grandsons and granddaughters of immigrants), and fourth-and-higher generations. The model requires fertility, mortality, and migration equations by generation, which take a somewhat different form than in conventional cohort-component population projection. Consideration of the model also makes apparent that assignment of births to generations may not follow a simple form: the paper presents a method for including the empirical description of intergenerational births within the generational framework. As an example, the authors examine the next century of population growth for the Asian, Black, Hispanic, and White non-Hispanic populations in the US, comparing their growth rates and their composition within the total US population. With annual net immigration of 950,000, the total US population of 249 million in 1990 will top 400 million in 2070 and reach about 432 million in 2090. Thus, the level of immigration and emigration assumed in these projections suggests considerable population growth for the next hundred years. The racial/ethnic composition of the US will shift markedly during the next century, as described in the paper.