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ACTA MEDICA LITUANICA. 2005. VOLUME 12 No. 1 Indeksas 5127
CONTENTS
Gintautas ČESNYS. The 200th anniversary of Lithuanian anthropology
(foreword)...................................................................................................
1
History Reviews
Antanas ADOMAITIS. Professor Salezijus Pavilonis as the founder of
contemporary Lithuanian anthropology ............................................................ 2
Renata RIZGELIENĖ, Violeta ŽALGEVIČIENĖ, Janina ŽUKIENĖ. Acade
mician Pranciškus Šivickis - a fosterer of comparative anatomy and
embryology in Lithuania .................................................................................... 4
Original Papers
Janina TUTKUVIENĖ. Body size indices for growth monitoring of Lithuanian
children and adolescents: comparative study of height.................................. 9
Maria KACZMAREK. Intra-population age variation at natural menopause
and underlying past reproductive events: a case of Polish women .............. 15
Sylvia KIRCHENGAST. Evolutionary and medical aspects of body composition
characteristics in subfertile and infertile women ............................................ 22
Vytautas TUTKUS, Janina TUTKUVIENĖ, Ligita VALIONYTĖ, Vaidotas
GRIGAS. Body size influence on weight-bearing surface of the knee........ 28
Guntis GERHARDS. Secular variations in the body stature of the inhabitants
of Latvia (7th millennium BC - 20th c. AD) ................................................ 33
Thomas KOPPE, Masato NAKATSUKASA, Atsuhi YAMANAKA. Implication
of craniofacial morphology for the pneumatization pattern of the human
alveolar process ................................................................................................... 40
Erika NAGLE, Uldis TEIBE, Dzintra KAŽOKA. Craniofacial anthropometry
in a group of healthy Latvian residents,......................................................... 47
Laura LINKEVIČIENĖ, Juozas OLEKAS, Linas ZALECKAS, Gintautas KA-
PUŠINSKAS. Relation between the severity of palatal cleft and maxillary
dental arch size.................................................................................................. 54
Karin WILTSCHKE-SCHROTTA, Peter STADLER. Beheading in Avar times
(630-800 A.D.)................................................................................................... 58
Zsolt BERECZKI, Antonia MARCSIK. Trephined skulls from ancient popu
lations in Hungary............................................................................................. 65
Rimvydas STROPUS, Rūta JURGAITIENĖ. Workings of Kaunas anatomists
in the field of Lithuanian ethnic anthropology ............................................. 70
K. Wiltschke-Schrotta, P. Stadler58
The cause of an individual’s death is a frequent question when we in-
vestigate human skeletal remains. Unfortunately, in most cases the cau-
se of death is impossible to determine. However, while investigating an
Avar period population (630–800 A.D.) with 540 burials from Mödling
Goldene Stiege, Austria, three individuals with sharp cut marks at the
cervical vertebrae were identified. The aim of this study was investiga-
tion of the possibility that these individuals were beheaded. Materials
and methods. Description and discussion of the cut marks, archaeologi-
cal findings such as tools or weapons in connection with the site, as well
as an examination of the social status of the individuals within the po-
pulation. Results and discussion. Two of the three individuals seem to
be regularly beheaded from the back, probably with an axe and the
head fixed on a block. The third individual might have been stabbed by
a smaller weapon, like a knife, without complete separation of the head.
One male was of high status, the two others were rather poor with grave
goods. The person that was probably stabbed, with solely a knife as a
grave good, had a very unusual prone burial position. Conclusion. Dif-
ferent cut marks on the cervical vertebrae and the social differences of
these three males give the impression of beheading out of different
motives. In general, decapitation does not seem to be a frequently used
rite within the Avar period people of Austria.
Key words: Avar period, decapitation, cut marks
Beheading in Avar times (630–800 A.D.)
Karin Wiltschke-Schrotta1,
Peter Stadler2
1 Dept. of Anthropology,
Natural History Museum Vienna,
Austria
2 Dept. of Prehistory,
Natural History Museum Vienna,
Austria
Address for correspondence:
Karin Wiltschke-Schrotta,
Dept. of Anthropology,
Natural History Museum Vienna,
Burgring 7, 1010 Vienna, Austria
e-mail karin.wiltschke@nhm-wien.ac.at
ACTA MEDICA LITUANICA. 2005. VOLUME 12 No. 1. P. 58–64
© Lietuvos mokslø akademija, 2005
© Lietuvos mokslø akademijos leidykla, 2005
INTRODUCTION
Information concerning a possible cause of death is
rarely seen on the skeleton. Cut marks may give
clues on the way a person died, but they could also
be traces of post mortem treatments. To find cut
marks, the relevant bones have to be in good con-
dition, and the investigator should be trained in de-
tecting them. Cut marks on the cervical vertebrae –
most probably for severing the head – can be found
throughout all time periods. In prehistoric times the-
se findings are frequent in connection with unusual
burial situations. From the two pits in the Ofnet
cave in Bavaria, Germany, from Mesolithic times
(ca. 6.500 BC), skeletal parts from 38 individuals
were found and 13 vertebrae show cut marks, most-
ly on their ventral surfaces (1, 2, 3). In Falkenstein,
Austria, a Bronze Age period (1.700 BC) pit with
parts of at least 9 individuals was found. Several
cervical vertebrae show cut marks or were destroy-
ed by sharp and heavy blows (4, 5). In Antiquity,
especially in the Late Romano-British Period, more
than 70 cemeteries with beheaded individuals are
known and published (6–9). In the Digesta of Jus-
tinian (Liber XLVIII, Dig.48.19.28) the penalty of
decapitation is mentioned as one capital punishment.
The Romans and the Greeks considered beheading
a less dishonourable (and less painful) form of exe-
cution than other methods in use at the time. The
Roman Empire used beheading for its own citizens
whilst crucifying others (10). So far, in Austria no
decapitated individual from the Roman Period has
been unearthed.
For the Early Middle Ages in Central Europe
(350–1000 A.D.) the anthropological evidence for
beheading is rare. In Austria many burial sites of
Avar people (630–800 A.D.) have been studied by
physical anthropologists, but no cut marks on the
cervical vertebrae were mentioned (11–16). Fettich
(17) interpreted the irregular position of the body
of six individuals within the grave in an Avar pe-
riod graveyard from Hungary as executions, but did
not mention any cut marks on the bones. Among
the Slavic people of Gars-Thunau (830–900 A.D.),
four individuals with cut marks on the cervical ver-
tebrae were found (information in courtesy of M.
Teschler-Nicola). Later in history, paintings and writ-
ten documentation give evidence of this widely used
way of punishment. Beheading was usually reserved
as a mode of executing offenders of high rank.
From the fifteenth century onwards, the victims
of the axe include some of the highest personages
Beheading in Avar times (630–800 A.D.) 59
in the British kingdom (18). Beheading was used in
Britain up to 1747 and was a standard method in
Norway (abolished 1905), Sweden (up to 1903), Den-
mark and Holland (abolished 1870), and was used
for some classes of prisoner in France (up until the
introduction of the guillotine in 1792) and in Ger-
many up to 1938. China also used it widely, until
the communists came to power and exchanged it
with shooting in the twentieth century. Japan used
beheading up until the end of the nineteenth cen-
tury too, prior to turning to hanging.
Thus, beheading was widely used in Europe and
Asia until the 20th century, but now it is confined
to Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Yemen and Iran. Saudi Ara-
bia publicly beheaded 52 men and one woman for
murder, rape, sodomy and drug offences in 2003
(10). Sadly, today beheading of foreigners in Iraq is
a cruel daily method of terrorists blackmailing wes-
tern countries (19).
MATERIALS AND METHODS
The burial ground of Mödling Goldene Stiege, Lo-
wer Austria, was excavated from 1967 to 1973. 540
skeletons were recovered and are more or less well
preserved. 207 males and 180 females were anthro-
pologically identified (20) using multiple sex and age
indicators (21, 22). In addition, data from archaeolo-
gical sexing by grave goods were included. 232 suba-
dult skeletons were aged using dental development
(23) and diaphyseal length (24). Body height was cal-
culated using the correlation formulas for all ethnic
groups from Sjovold (25). Besides the usual anthro-
pological investigations, a detailed palaeopathological
analysis was undertaken (26), and the focus was set
on pathological changes in the vertebrae. During this
survey three individuals with cut marks on their cer-
vical vertebrae were discovered. They were investiga-
ted macroscopically, with a magnifying lens (10x) and
an Olympus stereomicroscope.
RESULTS
Case 1: Ind. 203
The skeleton of a 30–40-year old, probably male,
skeleton was found in an unusually prone burial
position. The body height was calculated as 166 cm.
The surface of the bone is strongly eroded and the
skeleton shows osteoarthritic changes on the ver-
tebrae, knee, elbow and shoulder joints. The left
mandibular joint displays osteoarthritic changes with
an eburnated surface. A small osteoma can be de-
tected on the frontal bone.
The first cervical vertebra has a small lesion on
the lower surface of the left arch (Fig. 1). C2 shows
a complete cut through the left upper intervertebral
joint and body, crossing the dens axis in a transver-
sal angle from the lower front to the upper back,
entering from the left. In the middle of the body
the traces of the sharp-bladed instrument diminish
and the rest of the body seems to be broken off
(Fig. 2). The cuts on C1 and C2 originated from
the same incident.
The base of C5 displays strong artrothic chan-
ges. The left side of the arch shows the penetration
of a sharp instrument from the transverse process
to the body (Fig. 3). The attack probably chipped
off the lower part of the arch. Only two fragments
from C6 are available, and the left upper interver-
tebral joint too shows slight traces of a sharp cut.
Fig. 1. Atlas with a cut mark lower surface of the left
arch (Ind. 203)
Fig. 2. Axis showing a cut mark of a sharp weapon pe-
netrating from the left side (Ind. 203)
K. Wiltschke-Schrotta, P. Stadler60
Obviously the cuts were performed from the front
with a sharp weapon. The attacked person was stan-
ding or lying. The weapon of the offender was not
strong enough to penetrate through the complete
vertebral column. Possibly a knife was used, and
the individual was stabbed with it; certainly it hap-
pened twice from the left side and was carried out
by a person who was probably right-handed. The
head was probably not completely decapitated, as
the cuts did not penetrate all the way through. This
would explain why the head was not disarticulated
within the grave.
Case 2: Ind. 334
The skeleton of this 25–40-year old male was found
in a proper burial position, lying on the back with
the arms aside. The estimated body height is 166
cm. Slight osteoarthritis is seen on the vertebrae,
Schmorl’s nodes are seen on the thoracal and lum-
bar vertebrae. Degenerative forces changed the bo-
nes of hands and feet.
Cut marks are visible on the 6th and 7th cervical
vertebrae. The cut destroyed the lower part of C6
and the upper intervertebral joints and parts of the
body of C7 (Fig. 1). One distinct cut is visible (Fig.
2). The traumatic input was performed with a sharp
object applied at a right angle to the vertebral co-
lumn. It seems that one single stroke from behind
caused the damage. The location of beheading bet-
ween C6 and C7 is rather uncommon. But the 7th
cervical vertebra is a landmark in the vertebral co-
lumn and possibly helped for orientation. For execu-
ting such a distinct cut from behind the head was
possibly fixed on a block face down. With a single
stroke the head was decapitated. As the cut goes all
the way through the vertebral column a complete
beheading is likely. Nevertheless, the head was bu-
ried in proper anatomical position, and the individu-
al got a regular burial with proper grave goods.
Case 3: Ind. 485
An adult male aged 25–35 years with a body height
of 173 cm is the third case with cut marks on cer-
vical vertebrae. This individual had many stomato-
logical problems such as dental crowding, dental cal-
culus, enamel hypoplasia, abscesses and periodontal
disease with a maxillary sinusitis.
Like Case two, the seventh cervical vertebra
shows traces of a sharp cut on the upper surface,
exposing the underlying trabecular bone (Fig. 6).
Only a fragment of C6 is present.
Similarly Case two, the penetration of a sharp
weapon came from behind, this time with a slight
angle to the right (Fig. 4). Again, the cut severed
the complete vertebral column and a complete be-
heading could be possible. The individual was bu-
ried regularly with the head in correct anatomical
position.
Fig. 3. 5th cervical vertebrae from distal with strong os-
teoathrotic changes and a cut mark on the left transver-
sal process and arch (Ind. 203)
Fig. 4. 7th cervical vertebrae from proximal with traces
of a sharp cut (Ind. 334)
Beheading in Avar times (630–800 A.D.) 61
DISCUSSION
We have to keep in mind that it is impossible to
distinguish between a blow causing death by decapita-
ting and a blow that removes the head shortly after
death. For interpreting whether the rite of decapita-
tion involved a living person or was the mutilation of
a dead corpse, other facts such as the posture of the
body in the grave or the way the cuts are located
have to be taken into account. Grave position, grave
furniture, grave layout and
the context of the graves wit-
hin the burial site may give
further information on some
(7). In the presented cases,
no connections concerning
the position of the grave wit-
hin the graveyard can be se-
en. All three burials are lo-
cated differently within the
graveyard and are situated ir-
regularly within the other
537 burials. The grave furni-
ture varies from case to ca-
se. The prone burial of indi-
vidual 203, for example, has
just a broken knife as a gra-
ve good. The man from gra-
ve 485 is buried regularly
and has a knife and a few
other objects in the grave, which is customary for a
rather poor low class burial (Stadler pers. comm.).
In contrast, the man from grave 334 has a pre-
cious belt and grave goods typical of upper class
burials. He was buried in a proper position. All
three had their heads in correct anatomical posi-
tion. Generally, decapitated individuals from the la-
te Roman-British period have their heads displaced,
and sometimes the head is missing (7).
Several motives of beheading are discussed in
connection with decapitated individuals in archaeo-
logical sites (6, 9, 7). Trying to understand the tech-
nique used helps us to interpret the possible social
reasons motivating decapitation, and vice versa.
In modern practice and way of thinking, decapi-
tation is manifested as a corporal punishment or
execution. With beheading as a means of execution,
traumatic lesions affecting the posterior aspects of
the vertebrae with chop marks delivered from the
posterior would be expected (6, 27). But even wit-
hin executions two different techniques are used –
by the sword and by the axe. In all modern behe-
adings the sword is used. Where a person is to be
decapitated with a sword, a block cannot be used
and people are generally forced to kneel down. In
Germany women were sometimes allowed to sit in
a chair. In Saudi Arabia a traditional Arab scimitar
(a sword, 1000–1100 mm long) is used.
In earlier years, when the axe was the chosen
implement, a wooden block, often shaped to accept
the neck, was required. The prisoners knelt in front
of it and had to lean forward, the neck resting on
the top of the block (10).
Case two (Ind. 334) and Case three (Ind. 485)
with horizontal cuts from behind allow us to assu-
me that the decapitations were done with an axe,
using a block to perform a single, powerful stroke
for severing the skulls.
Fig. 5. The assembled vertebral column from dorsal showing a horizontal cut through
C6 and C7 (Ind. 334)
Fig. 6. 7th cervical vertebrae from proximal with traces
of a sharp cut (Ind. 485)
K. Wiltschke-Schrotta, P. Stadler62
But even if the techni-
que is identified, we cannot
verify whether the Avar de-
capitations are a way of
executing a punishment or
a ritual. The two individu-
als from Mödling are bu-
ried regularly within the
graveyard, with their head
in anatomical position
(Figs. 8, 9). (This can also
be seen in modern behea-
dings in Saudi Arabia, whe-
re the decapitated head is
sewn to the body again be-
fore burial (10)).
An armed confrontation
is another possibility for de-
capitation. But in this case
more than one lesion would
be expected, as would oc-
cur during a fight, where
Fig. 7. The assembled vertebral column from dorsal showing a slightly angled cut
through C6 and C7 (Ind. 485)
Fig. 8. Documentation of
grave 334 Mödling – Gol-
dene Stiege
Fig. 9. Documentation of
grave 485 Mödling – Gol-
dene Stiege
Fig. 10. Documentation
of grave 203 Mödling –
Goldene Stiege
Beheading in Avar times (630–800 A.D.) 63
generally more than one attack is carried out and
different cut marks could be seen on the bones.
Beheading as a final act of a fight shows an irregu-
lar form of decapitation, often with the skull base
and the lower jaw involved. If these battle victims
are buried, they are rarely found within urban ce-
meteries.
As multiple cuts to the body and the head are
not seen in the presented cases, the motives for
beheading as a result of an armed confrontation
might be excluded.
Solely Case one (Ind. 203), incomplete decapita-
tion with a prone burial situation, could be inter-
preted as a victim of an attack in an armed con-
frontation. At least two cuts can be seen in the
region of the neck and they are rather irregular. As
they do not completely sever the head, a small we-
apon such as a knife was probably used. The indi-
vidual might have been a victim of stabbing. But it
is impossible to say if the stabbing was carried out
as a punishment or as murder. As the dead corpse
got a very uncommonly prone burial position (Fig.
10), an irregular treatment of the dead person is
obvious. Maybe being buried in a prone position
was discriminating and therefore a kind of post mor-
tem punishment (17).
A. Boylston (6) lists additional social reasons as
motives for beheading a person, partly taken from
ethnographic literature, like blood letting, trophy or
relic collection, and decapitation as the result of a
mismanaged hanging. These motives may be dismis-
sed for the presented cases as the heads are pre-
sent, which is atypical for trophy or relic collection.
The cut marks on the vertebrae are deep and not
close to the channels of the blood vessels, therefore
decapitation for blood letting seems unlikely as well.
Due to the fact that the dens axis is not broken
and the individuals were not tied in their graves,
the above-mentioned motivations of a mismanaged
hanging may be ruled out too.
Another motive for beheading a person could
be a sacrifice. A fact against an interpretation of a
sacrifice, maybe with religious background, is the
position of the graves. Two beheaded individuals with
a regular burial among the whole group of 540 bu-
rials do not allow for a sufficient argument for sac-
rifice where one would expect a special treatment
or special location connected with some possibly re-
ligious meaning. However, all sort of spirits, beliefs
or interferences of post mortem life are difficult to
reconstruct but have to be taken into account.
The three male individuals with different cut
marks on their cervical vertebrae allow us to specu-
late about different stories of their death.
Case two, individual 334, who was an honoured
person of high status, and Case three, individual
485, the “poor” person, were decapitated professio-
nally, most probably with the head fixed on a block,
by a blow of an axe. They were buried properly
with all their treasures. Maybe the first was a local
leader and the other a servant executed by an op-
ponent and put to grave with honour by his own
people. But it is also possible that these individuals
were punished, though with honour, by their own
people and got a regular burial with the traditional
burial rites.
The different cut marks on four cervical verteb-
rae from the left side and the unusual burial posi-
tion of the male individual 203, Case one, allow us
to assume another story. The individual was possib-
ly stabbed twice with a knife from the front, maybe
in an armed confrontation. He got an unusually pro-
ne burial position which was probably discrimina-
ting – and an additional way of post mortem punis-
hment.
CONCLUSION
To our point of view, the three male individuals
from the Avar period (630–800 A.D.) cemetery from
Mödling Goldene Stiege with cut marks on their
cervical vertebrae were beheaded out of different
motives. Decapitation does not seem to be a frequ-
ently used rite within the Avar period people of
Austria.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Many thanks to G. Bernhofer and S. Navratil for
helping with the skeletal catalogue, A. M. Höger
for helping with the palaeopathological descriptions
and interpretations, and to B. Tobias and T. Distel-
berger for archaeological discussions.
Received 5 November 2004
Accepted 17 December 2004
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DEKAPITACIJA AVARØ LAIKOTARPIU (630–800 M.)
Santrauka
Tiriant þmoniø palaikus neretai iðkyla mirties prieþasties
klausimas. Deja, daþniausiai to nustatyti nebeámanoma. Ta-
èiau tiriant Avarø laikotarpio (630–800 m.) gyventojø pa-
laikus ið Mödling Goldene Stiege (Austrija) tarp 540 palai-
dojimø rasti trys individai su pjûviø aðtriais árankiais pëd-
sakais ant kaklo slanksteliø. Ðio tyrimo tikslas buvo iðnag-
rinëti galimybæ, kad ðiems asmenims buvo nukirstos galvos.
Straipsnyje apraðomas pjûviø pobûdis ir reikðmë, kapinyne
rasti archeologiniai radiniai – árankiai ir ginklai, taip pat
aptariama ðiø individø socialinë padëtis. Tyrimø duomeni-
mis, du individai ið trijø buvo nukirsdinti áprastiniu bûdu,
t. y. smogiant ið nugaros, tikriausiai kirviu, fiksavus galvà
ant trinkos. Treèiajam galëjo bûti smogta maþesniu árankiu,
panaðiu á peilá, visiðkai neatskiriant galvos. Vienas vyriðkis
turëjo aukðtà statusà, kiti buvo neturtingi, palaidoti su
skurdþiomis ákapëmis. Nudurtas asmuo, palaidotas tik su
peiliu, kapo duobëje rastas kniûbsèias. Daroma iðvada, kad
skirtingi pjûviai ant kaklo slanksteliø ir socialiniai ðiø trijø
vyrø skirtumai liudija, kad dekapitacija (beje, ji nebuvo
daþna tarp Avarø laikotarpio Austrijos gyventojø) buvo at-
likta dël skirtingø motyvø.
... This leads to the question of what types of crime resulted in the punishment of prone burial. It is obvious that it did not apply to all crimes, since in the majority of graves where the osteological evidence shows that the person was executed the individuals were buried supine (Harman 1981;Hemmendorf 1984;Sellevold et al. 1984;Philpott 1991;Boylstone et al. 2000;Wiltschke-Schrotta 2005;Grinder-Hansen 2006;. In these cases it seems as if the execution alone was sufficient punishment for the crime. ...
Book
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Graves have always been important to archaeology. But what are we met with in a grave? The traces of someone who once was - or has the burial created a new person? Can only the living die and be buried? In this volume old material encounters new perspectives. The focus is not just on the deceased, but also on accompanying artefacts, animals and the survivors. What roles did they play? Here, these and other questions are discussed, with examples from the Stone Age to the present.
... Generell galt der Tod durch Enthauptung bei Römern und Griechen als weniger schmachvoll und folglich auch als "humanere" weil schmerzlosere Variante der Todesstrafe. Hinweise auf Enthauptungen fi nden sich an römerzeitlichen ebenso wie an frühmittelalterlichen Skelettfunden (ANDERSON 2001;WILTSCHKE-SCHROTTA -STADLER 2005;LUCAS -MCGOVERN 2007). ...
... Of violent traumas, signs of decapitation are one of the most clearly identifiable injuries to be observed in human skeletal remains. Damage to the upper cervical vertebrae (and also C7 or T1 in some instances), mastoid processes, occipital regions, the posterior parts of mandibles and first ribs have been considered as good markers (Liston & Baker, 1996;Waldron, 1996;Aufderheide & Rodríguez-Martín, 1998:29;Anderson, 2001;Ardagna et al., 2005;Kjellström, 2005;Wiltschke-Schrotta & Stadler, 2005;Buckberry & Hadley, 2007;Saponetti et al., 2008;Steadman, 2008). Beheading-related traumas were also observed on the odontoid peg (McKinley, 1993) and transverse processes of vertebrae when an axe rather than a sword has been used (Ulrich-Bochsler, 1988in Waldron, 1996. ...
Article
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Taking, modifying and displaying human body parts as trophies have been observed in several human groups since prehistoric times. Although there are many skeletal collections that present evidence for this practice, the existence of both skeletal material and written records referring to the same group is quite rare. Nevertheless, this is a case of 112 human skeletal remains collected by Charles Hose in Borneo in the late 19th century, which represents a unique opportunity to understand the vanished headhunting tradition and warfare practice in this area, as well as to compare the written records with the bioarchaeological evidence. Although Hose claims that all individuals collected by him were beheaded, our study shows that only 50.5% of the studied material show clear osteological signs of decapitation. Other practices which were part of the ritual of headhunting described by Hose could be observed, like widening of foramen magnum, burning of skulls, mandible tied to the cranium with a strip of rattan or cotton, as well as drilled perforations to suspend skulls in longhouses. Adult females and non-adults comprised more than one third of the total number where sex and age could be determined, showing that males were not the sole targets for trophy heads. Overall, this study on the trophy skulls from Borneo is valuable as it combines and compares ethnographic accounts and osteological data to provide us with a broader scenario of a vanished practice. It draws attention to some aspects that should be taken into account when working exclusively with either written records or skeletal materials, as both present limitations. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
... The numerous lesions observed on the analyzed skeletons included cut marks on the cervical section of the spine, which could suggest decapitation (Anderson 2001;Wiltschke-Schrotta and Stadler 2005;Ardagna et al. 2005). These types of cut marks were found on all four skeletons and ran between C2 and C3 (Figure 3a,b). ...
Article
Creating a more complete image of our past requires cooperation among many branches of science. A joint effort by archaeologists, anthropologists and historians allowed us to establish the origin and cause of death of four individuals found in a layer dating to the early modern period ina medieval burial ground in the Market Square in Cracow. In the course of interdisciplinary analyses, it was found that the skeletons were the remains of four males aged between 30 and 50, who probably were soldiers of a Swedish garrison occupying Cracow in the mid-17th century. The finding was confirmed by archaeological evidence parts of protective codpieces (Lat.suspensus) and burial stratigraphy typical of this period) and specific changes in the skeletons attribut-able to warfare. At the same time, characteristic traumatic lesions of the cervical vertebrae and traces of bind-ing of the upper and lower limbs indicate that the soldiers had been condemned to death by beheading. Historical sources confirm that Swedish soldiers were executed in Cracow's Market Square in 1657.
... The hypothesis that the lesion was inflicted post-mortem for magic or ritual practises is not supported by the shape, direction and position of the injury. For example, a practise in fashion among some barbaric populations of central Asia or eastern Europe, including the Avars, was scalping (Schrotta and Stadler, 2005). In this case the cut marks are multiple and of varying length. ...
Article
The early mediaeval cemetery of Campochiaro is located in Molise (Central Italy) and dates to the 6th–8th centuries AD. It consists of two inhumation areas: one at Morrione and the other at Vicenne. This site is important because of the contemporary presence of locals, Lombards and Avars of the steppes. Campochiaro was probably an outpost against the Byzantine army settled in southern Italy. Since no signs of a stable settlement or built-up area have been found, it seems the cemetery can be attributed to a semi-nomadic group. Many graves contained a man and his horse with the harness complex and typical Avar stirrups. The military nature of this settlement is shown by ostearchaeological evidence of warfare and violence on three skeletal individuals: n. 20, n. 102 and n. 108. Two of them exhibit lesions of the cranial vault probably produced by shock weapons in the fashion of the Byzantine armies: a spiked mace and a battle-axe. The cicatrisation of the wounds and the bony neo-formation suggest that the individuals survived these injuries for a long time. The third individual suffered from leprosy. He shows a long perpendicular cut in the left section of the frontal bone. The wound is clean and, because it is without traces of bony neo-formation, was probably a peri-mortem blow landed with a sharp weapon. The wound was not mortal, because it was very slight and probably produced only a slash. As ritual or magical practises and/or damage produced during the excavation or by the action of roots in the earth can be excluded, this individual was perhaps really a leper warrior who died in combat.
... Of violent traumas, signs of decapitation are one of the most clearly identifiable injuries to be observed in human skeletal remains. Damage to the upper cervical vertebrae (and also C7 or T1 in some instances), mastoid processes, occipital regions, the posterior parts of mandibles and first ribs have been considered as good markers (Liston & Baker, 1996;Waldron, 1996;Aufderheide & Rodríguez-Martín, 1998:29;Anderson, 2001;Ardagna et al., 2005;Kjellström, 2005;Wiltschke-Schrotta & Stadler, 2005;Buckberry & Hadley, 2007;Saponetti et al., 2008;Steadman, 2008). Beheading-related traumas were also observed on the odontoid peg (McKinley, 1993) and transverse processes of vertebrae when an axe rather than a sword has been used (Ulrich-Bochsler, 1988in Waldron, 1996. ...
Article
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There have been few bioanthropological studies related to African Americans, either slaves or free people. The results of an analysis of eight skeletons of African ancestry (five males and three females) acquired in Suriname at the end of the 19th century by Dr J. Spilzley and currently housed in the Duckworth Collection (University of Cambridge) are presented. Dental abrasion related to habitual pipe smoking was observed in four individuals, confirming the widespread use of pipe to smoke tobacco among slaves observed in other related sites. Our results indicate a very poor state of oral health for these individuals, with females presenting a higher frequency of dental carious lesions and antemortem tooth loss in comparison with males. The presence of cribra orbitalia in some individuals suggests, as observed in other diaspora skeletal series, individuals suffering from severe stress, caused by poor nutrition, infectious diseases, or both. Such appalling life conditions agree with many written records, which describe very harsh work conditions and very deprived diets. Our results, although based in a small sample, contribute to a better understanding of the cultural behaviours as well as the patterns of disease that afflicted the African Americans in Suriname in the 19th century. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Here we report the reconstruction of the osteobiography of an adult male buried in the Longobard cemetery of Povegliano Veronese (Northern Italy, late 6th – early 8th century CE), who shows signs of interpersonal violence. The palaeopathological investigation reveals sharp force traumas on the body of the fourth lumbar vertebra and on two right ribs. The absence of signs of healing or bone remodelling indicates that the defects were perimortem. The injuries probably affected vital organs, leading to death. Further macroscopic observations of the skeleton suggest horseback-riding activity. Strontium isotope data from tooth enamel indicate a non-local origin of the individual. X-ray and CT scan acquisition and Scanning Electron Microscopy analyses were performed to investigate the bone defects. His osteobiography was interpreted and contextualised in the complex socio-political scenario of post-classical Italy. The results document that he spent his childhood outside the Povegliano Veronese area, that during his life he was likely a horseback rider active in battle, but that his violent death did not happen during warfare/battle. This multi-layered approach, supported by archaeological information, osteological investigation, biomolecular analysis, and virtual imagery, allowed for the extensive reconstruction of an individual's life history.
Thesis
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It is often said that every archaeological site – and even every artifact - is unique. Thus it must be the challenge of archaeological research to reveal patterns of similar rules and processes for describing and understanding observed phenomena. As with all sciences, results must be reproducible, which is guaranteed through the well-defined use of methodology. This multiple application of different types of methods results in a huge variety of data, which must be compared and interpreted in an integrated approach. The creation and accurate definition of methodological rules for this comparison and integrated analysis are a central issue for the theoretical framework of archaeological sciences. Some of these aspects regarding limitations and validity of specific methods, the comparability of different results and the entanglement of applied method and observed phenomenon will be discussed within this thesis. Different methods can be applied for various archaeological research questions, whereas results achieved strongly depend on the specific archaeological context. For example archaeological evidence might be detected through the application of selected methods of archaeological prospection, whereas others of these methods fail due to environmental settings. All archaeological data have the common factor of being linked to a geographical location and a specific time interval. Archaeological research therefore deals mainly with the spatio-temporal analysis of relations of archaeological entities and information corresponding to them. Geographical Information Systems (GIS) have been proven to fulfill the expectations in dealing with the archiving, organization and analysis of big archaeological datasets. Respectively, GIS software provides the visualization of different aspects of gathered data, spatio-temporal analysis and the basis for an integrated interpretation of the data. For a valid integrated interpretation of results based on a multidisciplinary approach, the data must be analyzed within a four dimensional context provided by GIS functionality including the time component. Every applied method must be clearly defined regarding its limits and basic abilities. This is mainly dependent on the context in which an archaeological structure or artifact is found and its basic material properties. Both aspects must be carefully examined and properly tested within different methodological approaches. It is a common archaeological statement that only something known can be found. Through the well-defined application of different methods and the constant observation of a given research question from multiple perspectives of various disciplines aspects thus far unknown can be revealed. For this purpose an interdisciplinary communication of the involved disciplines is necessary based on collaborative accord, scientific language and definitions.
Chapter
This introductory chapter discusses a wide variety of biological and cultural manipulations involving human heads and skulls recovered from archaeological and ethnographic contexts around the globe, notably, as they relate to early Neolithic modeled skulls from the Middle East. As a biological object subject to disease processes and patterns of physical activity, the skull is one of the most informative parts of the human body. Significant social meaning is revealed by focusing on the various ways in which the head was treated before and after a person's death. This chapter summarizes the case studies in the book and links the practices of decapitation, decoration and deformation with potential religious, economic and political motivations and questions of identity—namely whose skulls were thus treated and why.
Article
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Estimation of stature from skeletal measurements is of great interest in some studies, e.g. in forensic anthropology, where victims have to be identified. A problem occurring in practice is that the individual whose stature has to be assessed is in general from an unknown population. Alternatives to ordinary least squares regression are discussed. Application of available information about stature/long bone proportions leads to a general proposal called thethe weighted line of organic correlation, which is fitted to a wide range of populations. The effects of sex and race upon this line are practically negligible. These properties makes it suitable for use not only for forensic purposes, but also for the estimation of stature based on skeletons or skeletal populations from the past.
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The Romano-British cemetery at Kempston, a suburb of Bedford, was excavated in 1992 by Bedfordshire County Archaeology Service and revealed 12 individuals who had been decapitated and 12 who were placed in the prone position. These practices are a regular feature of internments in rural and a few urban cemeteries dating to the late Roman period in a well-defined area of central England. The osteological findings are discussed and placed in the context of more widespread Iron Age customs.
Article
Two young adult males from a Roman cemetery at Towcester show unambiguous evidence of decapitation In one, the skull had been placed over the lower legs, and in the other, the skull was in its correct anatomical position. The significance of this variation and the reasons for decapitation are discussed. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.