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Governance of creative industries: A comparison of the characteristics and challenges in the software/games industry in Munich and Leipzig
Abstract
The increasing acceptance of creative industries as a sphere of socio-economic activity gives rise to the question how this sector can be promoted appropriately. This paper comprises a theoretical discussion and an empirical analysis of different modes of governance at two contrasting locations in Germany, taking the example of the software/games industry sector. Specifically, we shall look both at formal and informal mechanisms of coordination. We explore to what extent the existing political-administrative support structures at the two selected locations are adapted appropriately to the internal organisation and the special characteristics of these sectors. Our results point to the difficulties in designing market-specific and location-specific strategies aimed at different environments. Finally, this paper aims to contribute to the understanding of how traditional political institutions can further adapt to the demand for more flexible governance, such as is needed by the creative industries.
... This is somewhat surprising since knowledge, innovation, network or creative industry are omnipresent buzzwords in current debates within regional development contexts or industry-specific case studies. The shortcoming applies even more to the digital play sector, though a few exceptions can be found in economic geography literature dealing with this industry (Cohendet & Simon, 2007;Izushi & Aoyama, 2006;Johns, 2006;Lange & von Streit, 2013;Oh, 2007;Storz, 2008;Tschang & Vang, 2008;Venkatraman & Lee, 2004). ...
... Thus, firms relying on the synthetic mode facilitate their innovation processes by shortening the spatial distances especially to those of their major knowledge network partners with whom they exchange particularly highly tacit knowledge. Besides on-the-job-training, professional as well as polytechnic schools are important education channels facilitating concrete know-how, craft, and practical skills (Asheim & Coenen, 2005;Asheim, Coenen, Moodysson, & Vang, 2007;Lange & von Streit, 2013). ...
... This is due to the higher degree of codification which simplifies the exchange of knowledge across distances. The core of the workforce needs specific university qualifications, such as analytical skills, the ability to abstract, theory building and testing, and documentation (Asheim & Coenen, 2005;Asheim et al., 2007;Lange & von Streit, 2013). So far there is hardly empirical evidence in the literature for expecting the video game development sector to rely on the analytical knowledge base (an exception is the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 2005, study highlighting the research and development (R&D) intensity of the video game sector) In addition to these three knowledge bases often discussed in the literature, procedural knowledge might be particularly relevant in relation to creative industries (Cacciatori et al., 2011;Newell & Simon, 1972). ...
Due to its growing economic power, creative industries have climbed scholars’ and
policy-makers’ agendas in recent years. However, in comparison with a high number
of cluster studies on rather traditional industries, systematic research on knowledge
production, innovation processes and competitiveness in creative industry clusters is
still underrepresented. This paper aims to fill this gap by investigating the video
game development industry in Hamburg, Germany, from a knowledge base perspective.
The paper concludes that both the symbolic and the synthetic knowledge are
the dominant elements that contribute to video game development in Hamburg. On a
more critical note, it doubts whether the currently discussed knowledge base perspective
is sufficient to explain the competitiveness of creative industries and proposes to
analyse procedural knowledge in future research in order to be able to do so.
... Any urban development, and so culture-led development, is initiated by some type of governance. Three main types of governance are self-governance, co-governance, and hierarchical governance [61,62]. ...
The city quarter of Savamala, as an integral part of Belgrade, has had a very turbulent development path during the last two centuries. This path included several ups and downs, and culminated in tension over the last decade. Savamala fell into silent oblivion in the 20th century, but succeeded in re-emerging into the focus of the public and interest groups, mainly due to the cultural milieu that developed in this area at the beginning of the 21st century. The cultural vibes of the city quarter attracted various urban actors, who created a new image of Savamala. Eventually, cultural functions started to fade; however, after several years and through vague political decisions, Savamala became the part of the largest construction site in Belgrade, the Belgrade Waterfront. This article highlights the development of Savamala in the 2010s—from a forgotten city quarter to a rising cultural quarter and finally to the ’future centre of the city’. This analysis shows the participation of different stakeholders at different stages of development (their influence, power levels, and the mechanisms they used), as well as the footprints that urban development left in the quarter.
During the last decades, a large body of literature has been published on the clustering of creative industries, but it has not been reviewed in a systematic way. In this review paper, we fill this gap. The review leads to the identification of several deficiencies of current research. Based on that, we distil avenues for future empirical research on the drivers of the clustering of creative industries, which are embedded in a comprehensive analytical framework.
Because personal networks can be crucial factors in the decision to settle in one place and not in another, policies have to be developed that target very specific activities or social groups that are important for a given place. These policies may be more effective than general sector-oriented policies. It is the aim of this chapter to identify suitable instruments to support especially the smaller units of the creative industries and take into account the special characteristics of these branches and the importance of networks and network formations in the creative industries.
City-regions that were built on a series of historical 'layers' have different economic potentials than those where only one or a few layers dominate the scene. These layers may, for example, be economic or social, or different physical structures from the past, or combinations of them. Single-layered cities (such as company towns that relied on coal or steel production) are more vulnerable to structural economic change and more exposed to short-term booms and busts than cities with greater diversity and variety. Therefore, strategic urban economic policies may aim to increase the number of layers, in order to slowly enter into a position in which there are 'fall-back' options in times of radical economic transformation. When multiple layers are already in place, policy-makers would be wise to avoid destroying them. This chapter shows how important it is for policy-makers to recognise their own blend of structures and layers.
Although it is now well established that networks contribute to entrepreneurship by extending the individual entrepreneurial asset base of human, social, market, financial and technical capacity, little work, empirical or theoretical, has examined the dynamics of networking processes in a temporal framework. Drawing on evidence from three longitudinal case studies of entrepreneurs operating in the oil industry in the North East of Scotland, this paper presents an extensive empirical investigation into network transformation over time. We are thus able to chart networks in their historical contingency. This chronological lens allows us to view patterns in network continuity and change and enables us to develop a rich conceptual framework. The study demonstrates that networks are vital living organisms, changing, growing and developing over time. Yet set in their history, networks are much more than an extension of the entrepreneurial asset base. Our data shows how a reconceptualization of the nature of networking is called for; one which privileges an understanding of the relational dynamic as a structural configuration representing the social construction of the entrepreneurial environment. Thus our conceptualization proposes that networks actually create the environment, as it is understood and operated by the entrepreneur, and that consequently the networking process is the enactment of the environment.
Path dependence and the co-evolution of technology and institutions is a key concept to understand the dynamics of structural change at the level of firms, sectors and multi-level spatial scales. The concept of path dependency is often used in economic geography to explain the economic specialisation and long-standing success as well as crises and economically unfavourable development of regions. The understanding of the institutional dynamics within a well-established technological and institutional development path of territorial settings is a central but to a large extent also an open issue. The paper focuses on the role of institutions and modes of institutional change in path dependent processes of innovation, knowledge accumulation and competence building in innovation systems. Processes of institutional change are mainly seen either as incremental, leading to continuity of the present technological path or as abrupt and disruptive, leading to the breakdown and replacement of institutional settings. By using the notion of 'path plasticity' the paper argues that paths are not coherent in themselves. There is 'path plasticity', which describes a broad range of possibilities for the creation of innovation within a dominant path of innovation systems. Plasticity results among others from the elastic stretch of institutions and institutional arrangements and their interpretative flexibility through actors. Associated with this approach, the paper takes a closer look at path plasticity, its relation to institutional change and the role of geography. Empirical evidence is provided by exploring the evolution of the German software industry. Although comparative disadvantages are caused by the established institutional setting of the national innovation system, a sub sector of this industry - customized business software - was able to become internationally competitive. The customized business software industry can be seen as an example of innovation and successful change in what is described as non- favourable institutional settings.
This article compares the work of fashion models and “new media workers” (those who work in the relatively new medium of the Internet as dot-com workers) in order to highlight the processes of entrepreneurial labor in culture industries. Based on interviews and participant-observation in New York City, we trace how entrepreneurial labor becomes intertwined with work identities in cultural industries both on and off the job. While workers are drawn to the autonomy, creativity and excitement that jobs in these media industries can provide, they have also come to accept as normal the high risks associated with this work. Diffused through media images, this normalization of risk serves as a model for how workers in other industries should behave under flexible employment conditions. Using interview data from within the fashion media and the dot-com world, we discuss eight forces that give rise to the phenomenon of entrepreneurial labor: the cultural quality of cool, creativity, autonomy, self-investment, compulsory networking, portfolio evaluations, international competition, and foreshortened careers. We also provide a model of what constitutes the hierarchy of “good work” in cultural industries, and we conclude with implications of what entrepreneurial labor means for theories of work.
This article analyses and contextualises a variety of relationships between the cultural industries and cultural policy. A principal aim is to examine policies which are explicitly formulated as cultural (or creative) industries policies. It seeks to address questions such as: what lies behind such policies? How do they relate to other kinds of cultural policy, including those more oriented towards media, communications, arts and heritage? The first section asks how the cultural industries became such an important idea in cultural policy, when those industries had been largely invisible in traditional (arts and heritage-based) policy for many decades. What changed and what drove the major changes? In the second section, we look at a number of problems and conceptual tensions which arise from the new importance of the cultural industries in contemporary public policy, including problems concerning definition and scope, and the accurate mapping of the sector, but also tensions surrounding the insertion of commercial and industrial culture into cultural policy regimes characterised by legacies of romanticism and idealism. We also look at problems surrounding the academic division of labour in this area of study. In the final section, we conclude by summarising some of the main contemporary challenges facing cultural policy and cultural policy studies with regard to the cultural industries. The piece also serves to introduce the contributions to a special issue of International Journal of Cultural Policy on 'The Cultural Industries and Cultural Policy'.
Inner-city ensembles featuring novel mixes of culture, technology and commerce are generating synergies of production, consumption and place. Yet, this `new economy of the city' is also linked to contradictory economic impulses and negative effects. Proposing that economistic accounts have a limited ability to explain the rise of these ensembles, their effects and the possibilities for policy, the idea of a `creative field' is revised in order to analyse how politics have shaped a creative ensemble in Lower Manhattan. It is shown that the political influence of real estate has helped to displace firms and residents of modest means, and has stunted campaigns by creative sectors to access resources, build institutions and upgrade capacities. However, a survey of creative industry politics hints at alternative policies that, in the wake of the financial collapse, might promote progressive ties between creative segments and modest neighbourhoods.
Purpose
– European metropolises nowadays are struggling even more to attract highly mobile creative as well as knowledge‐based industries. In many European cities, the ongoing socio‐economic transformation of inner‐city brownfields enables metropolises to allocate new economies within these inner‐city spaces. The purpose of this paper is to observe impressive infrastructural projects, e.g. Stuttgart 21, Hamburg HafenCity – aiming at attracting and allocating knowledge and creative industries in the inner‐city for the purpose of strengthening its core.
Design/methodology/approach
– Two of these large empty inner‐city slots can be found in Berlin (Tempelhof) and in Graz (Reininghaus). The first one is a former airport in the inner‐city area of Berlin, the second one a former brewery located in the inner‐city of Graz, Austria. In this paper, these projects are analysed by focussing on governance and urban management approaches, which seek to accommodate creative and knowledge‐intensive industries as well as the adjacent creative knowledge milieus.
Findings
– The paper analyses implications that can be derived from these two cases on the level of governance efforts seeking to overcome the organisational as well as the governance paradox, as it is described by scholars such as Grabher et al.
Originality/value
– The paper is aiming at presenting new empirical as well as conceptual insights into how this paradox could be successfully dealt with in order to develop places for these targeted creative knowledge milieus in European metropolises.
This article explores the relationship between “creativity” and “innovation”, and the forms and practices of “governance” in an urban context. It examines, in particular, the “double” creativity of governance, both in terms of its potential to foster creativity in social and economic dynamics and to creatively transform its own capacities. It argues that there is no simple equation between the characteristics of a “creative city” and a “creative” mode of urban governance. Instead, the article advocates a multi-level approach to the dimensions of urban governance through which to identify qualities of governance activity, which, in specific contexts, have the potential to encourage creativity and innovation. The article first develops three meanings of creativity and outlines the way these are related to governance activity. A three-level approach to the interacting dimensions of governance is then presented, linking episodes, processes and cultures. This approach is then developed into an evaluative framework through which the creative potentialities of emergent properties of governance practices in specific situations can be explored. In conclusion, the article comments on the kinds of governance infrastructures which may have the capacity to release imaginative and innovative activities in city regions, the kinds of interventions which may help to transform such capacity and the imaginative resources and mobilising power which may help successful innovations to spread from experiment to “mainstream”.
This paper critically compares and evaluates regulationist and governance approaches to the transformation of the local state. It is prompted by the close connection often made between the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism and new forms of economic and political governance. The paper first reviews the conceptual background to current concerns with regulation and governance. It then considers the basic (meta-) theoretical assumptions and core concepts of the two paradigms and identifies parallels and convergences and well as some important differences in theoretical or substantive focus. Attention then shifts to posible conflicts or tensions between regulation and governance as axes of crisis-management and crisis-resolution in local economies and states. The paper notes some problems in attempts to combine concepts and arguments relating to governance and regulation and highlights the importance of the organization of inter-organizational relations in resolving regulation and governance problems. It concludes with suggestions for subsequent research on these issues.
This special issue explores the paradoxes caused by the challenge of managing and organizing creativity in the cultural economy. Conventional views of the individual creative artist are replaced by a view of creativity as a social process embedded within organizational and institutional contexts. The cultural economy is broadly defined in terms of breadth of industries included and depth elements of the cultural production chain. The paper next examines paradoxical practices of the special issue papers in terms of managing creative personnel and managing creative processes. Paradoxes grounded in difference, distance, globalization and identity provide a framework for reviewing each special issue paper's findings on how cultural industry participants, whether individuals, organizations or communities of participants, balance, and as often integrate, competing demands of creative and routine work. The paper concludes with recommendations for more comparative cultural industry research into the personnel, work and management practices employed for managing and organizing creative work and creative workers. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
This paper is motivated by the intention to contribute to a contextual understanding of projects. More specifically, the analysis starts from the assumption that essential processes of creating and sedimenting knowledge accrue at the interface between projects and the organizations, communities, and networks in and through which projects operate. By adopting such a contextual perspective, the chief aim of the present study is to unfold a conceptual framework for analyzing processes of project- based learning. This conceptual framework is built around the notion of the project ecology. By consecutively disentangling the constitutive layers of project ecologies — the core team, the firm, the epistemic community, and the personal networks — the basic organizational architecture of project ecologies is revealed. This architecture is employed as a theoretical template for an exploration of learning processes in two ecologies which are driven by opposing logics of creating and sedimenting knowledge. In this comparative analysis, the cumulative learning logic of the software ecology in Munich is confronted with the disruptive learning regime in the London advertising ecology.
In this paper we analyse the relationship between governance and learning in clusters and networks. In particular, we see these two key elements as interdependent, suggesting that, under particular circumstances, such interdependence may drive clusters and networks towards a dynamic development trajectory. A pure 'governance perspective' makes the development of any locality dependent on the system of powers which exists within the locality or across the global value chain. In parallel, a pure 'competence-based approach' focuses mainly on the capabilities of actors to learn and undertake activities. In contrast, we open the prospects for an interdependent relation that may change the actual competences of actors as well as the governance settings and dynamics in networks and clusters. When supported by public policies, the learning process may have the potential to modify the governance environment. Simultaneously, the learning process is intrinsically influenced by economic power, which may seriously affect the development prospects of clusters and networks. This is why an intertwined consideration of both aspects is necessary to promote specific approaches to learning and to design appropriate policies. In this paper we offer two preliminary case studies to clarify some of these dynamics: the first taken from the computers cluster in Costa Rica and the second from an Italian bio-pharmaceutical firm and its production network. The first case study refers to the software cluster that was created from scratch in Costa Rica thanks to an enlightened government policy in coordination with new local enterprises and an important foreign direct investor; while the second reflects on the ability of an individual company to create a network of relationships with large transnational companies in order to acquire new competences without falling into a subordinate position with respect to its larger partners.
The article critiques official notions of creative industries with reference to definitions of both culture and creativity. The knowledge economy-based concept of creative industries, it is maintained, has no specific cultural content and ignores the distinctive attributes of both cultural creativity and cultural products. As such it overrides important public good arguments for state support of culture, subsuming the cultural sector and cultural objectives within an economic agenda to which it is ill-suited. We argue against this turn in public policy and for a cultural policy that views its object as all forms of cultural production, both industrial and artisan. Finally we question the longer term motives and consequences for cultural policy of the creative industries agenda.
Die strukturelle Transformation im Berlin der Nachwendezeit beförderte neben wirtschaftlichen auch kulturelle Innovationsprozesse. Wissensbasierte kreative Ökonomien bestimmen maßgeblich die Dynamik dieser Stadt. Culturepreneurs, d.h. kulturelle Unternehmer insbesondere im Design-Segment, sind dabei für die Produktion von sozialen, professionellen und urbanen Räumen verantwortlich. An den Orten dieser professionellen Kreativszenen werden Informationen, Wissen und Trends verhandelt. Als urbane Ethnographie erzählt diese empirische Studie eine Geschichte über Berlin als sozialem Ort, an dem sich Konturen zukünftiger Arbeitsprozesse im Urbanen zu erkennen geben.
An analysis of the private equity (including venture capital) value chain shows that private equity firms strategies integrate and rely on the exchange of knowledge with various external partners in order to reduce investment risk. In our paper we theoretically discuss and empirically examine what type of relationships and positions are aimed for by PE-firms and how this translates into knowledge management and network strategies. Specifically we explore the geographical scope of PE-networks and how PE-firms' knowledge management connects and integrates regional and supraregional networks. We will show that although regional financial centres function as nodes in these networks, PE-activities do not seem to play an important role in (re)stimulating financial dynamics in these centres.
Wettbewerbsverschärfungen durch Europäisierung und Globalisierung stellen die Handlungsfähigkeit von Städten und Regionen vor besondere Herausforderungen (vgl. Fichter 2002, Kujath et al. 2002). Unter diesem Druck entwickeln Stadtregionen neue Strategien, die auf der Nutzung der Ressource Wissen als ökonomischem Entwicklungsmotor und Innovationsimpuls basieren. Solche an Markterfordernissen und Anwendungskontexten orientierten Formen der Wissensproduktion zur Entwicklung von High-tech-Gütern erfordern intensive Kornmunikations- und Interaktionsformen zwischen Trägern unterschiedlicher Wissensarten aus verschiedenen Professionen, die sich in formellen und informellen Netzwerken als ‚Wissensmilieus‘ formieren (s. genauer zu diesem Forschungskonzept den Beitrag von Matthiesen/ Bürkner in diesem Band). Dabei werden als Wissensmilieus zureichend dichte und grosse ‚Cluster‘ von Trägern unterschiedlicher Wissenstypen aus verschiedenen Professionen verstanden. Diese treten in räumlichen Kontexten von so genannten ‚sticky knowledge places‘ in intensive Austauschprozesse. Das heißt, sie tragen damit entweder explizit zur Entwicklung von High-tech-Gütern oder hochgradig wissensbasierten Dienstleistungen bei oder sie begünstigen (z.B. als politische Funktions- und Entscheidungsträger) ein innovationsfreundliches Klima und geben somit implizit den Rahmen für solche Entwicklungen. Im Folgenden wollen wir zeigen, dass es sich hier um neue Formen der Wissensproduktion, mit neuen Kombinationsformen von unterschiedlichen Wissensarten handelt, die sich als mode 2 bezeichnen lassen (siehe die eher kritischen Anmerkungen von Bender in diesem Band).
This wide-ranging text provides an overview of major developments in governance in contemporary society. It illuminates recent theories about the relationship of the public and private sectors, and the interaction of politics and society. The main development in recent ...
This paper begins with the proposition that an analysis of the potentialities of industrial networks has to consider the wider context of the social organization of production. Recent work on industrial clustering has shown that successful clusters are embedded in tight networks of social relations between suppliers, producers, customers and institutions. Localized capabilities, such as specialized resources and skills, conventions and other local institutional structures, provide the basis for inter-firm cooperation. Based on Malmberg and Maskell's (2001) conceptualization of localized industrial clusters, I discuss the horizontal, vertical and institutional cluster dimensions as a basis for empirical analysis. In addition, attention will be drawn to the external dimension and power relations of a cluster which have a strong impact on its growth trajectory. This conceptualization is used as a basis for studying the new Leipzig media industry cluster. Leipzig, which is located in the Neue Länder (States of the former German Democratic Republic), has traditionally been a major centre of industrial production in Germany. After the German unification, a significant proportion of Leipzig's manufacturing activities were terminated or downsized. Interestingly, a new media cluster has developed during the 1990s, driven by the activities of the MDR (Middle German Television and Broadcasting Service). This has stimulated substantial start-up activities in branches of the media industry, such as film/TV production, new electronic services/interactive media, graphics/design, PR/marketing and media-related hardware/software. Being virtually the only sector which has grown in recent years, the media sector has stabilized the local economy. In this paper, I investigate those forces which have supported start-up and location decisions of media firms and the role of local institutions and policy programmes in the clustering process.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to provide a selective bibliography and examine the potential of the digital technologies, using an inter‐disciplinary literature survey that will contribute to academic and practical knowledge with regard to the understanding of the emerging forms of doing business and competition together with their developmental implications.
Design/methodology/approach
The paper examines a survey of a collection of papers that have been published before and after the new economy bubble. These writings then are classified under two main headings: the views of the (new) digital economy proponents and the sceptics. These two opposing approaches are compared and contrasted through the use of five sub‐sections: conceptualisation, driving force, spatial/developmental implications, industrial impacts of the digital economy, epistemological/methodological foundations.
Findings
The paper finds that claims about the world economy entering into a new phase of a virtuous capitalism or a new international division of labour are over‐exaggerated. A more balanced approach should take into consideration both the dynamics of change and continuity without underestimating the future potential of digital technologies.
Originality/value
This paper offers a critical assessment of the digital economy, based on an inter‐disciplinary literature survey that brings together pieces of work that have previously been analysed largely in a separate manner.
In the context of the widespread recognition of significant changes in urban and regional governance in Europe, this paper explores the ways of understanding the dynamics of these changes and comments on the implications for recent themes in contemporary debates about urban governance—the extent of the re-scaling of governance arenas and networks, the role of a territorial focus in the new urban governance, the emergence of new forms of politics and the balance of progressive versus regressive potentials in the “new” governance. A brief introduction raises questions about the nature of the perceived experimentation and fragmentation in contemporary urban governance. The paper then outlines an emerging “sociological institutionalist” approach to governance transformation processes which links together the worlds of actors in episodes of governance with the rhythm of established governance processes—networks, discourses and practices, and the deeper cultural assumptions which give authority and legitimacy to actors and processes. The arguments are then illustrated through examples of governance initiatives from different arenas within a particular urban region, all of which to an extent challenge established discourses and practices. The paper concludes with some comments on how to interpret the broader significance and trajectory of transformative shifts in urban governance processes.
The term 'governance' is popular but imprecise. It has at least six uses, referring to: the minimal state; corporate governance; the new public management; 'good governance'; socio-cybernetic systems; and self-organizing networks. I stipulate that governance refers to 'self-organizing, interorganizational networks' and argue these networks complement markets and hierarchies as governing structures for authoritatively allocating resources and exercising control and co-ordination. I defend this definition, arguing that it throws new light on recent changes in British government, most notably: hollowing out the state, the new public management, and intergovernmental manage-ment. I conclude that networks are now a pervasive feature of service delivery in Britain; that such networks are characterized by trust and mutual adjustment and undermine management reforms rooted in competition: and that they are a challenge to governability because they become autonomous and resist central guidance.
This article develops a model of regional development that is then used to examine the evolution of two media industries in Leipzig, Germany. We note that the city's current media cluster, centered on television/film production and interactive digital media, shares little in common with the city's once-premier book publishing media cluster. Treating interactive learning as the primary causal mechanism that drives economic growth and change, our conceptual framework incorporates both sectoral/technological and political crises as mechanisms that rupture regional development paths. These regional development paths are not homogeneous, but instead consist of bundles of various technological trajectories. Regions recover from crises as their actors continually rebundle local assets until they find a combination that generates growth. As a result of these crises, new opportunities for growth may arise for new and previously marginal industries. In turn, these expanding industries shape the region's development path.
At a moment when regionalisation and regionalism are being widely promoted across a range of policy sectors, this paper argues that much regional activity, including regional environmental management, is often the product of interactions, resources and opportunities at other scales. The paper shows how local and extra-regional interactions, resources and opportunities influence environmental management at the regional level in Australia by the development of a case analysis of Far North Queensland. It finds that much of the current thinking about regionalisation and regionalism ignores these multiscalar dimensions. This can impede and undermine efforts to manage the environment effectively at the regional level. The paper identifies some opportunities to improve regional environmental management activities in Australia and draws out the broader implications for other policy sectors and other countries embracing the movement towards regionalism/regionalisation. The relationship between governance by network at the regional level and the power and control of central government is highlighted. The paper also calls for further research into how governments and other actors successfully manage multiscalar relations of governance in order to promote (or impede) specific public policy initiatives.
In creative or cultural production, work practices are shaped by both artistic and economic logics of practice. We apply a practice theory-framework to qualitative research in German theatres and analyse (i) the nature of the relationship between artistic and economic logics of practice and (ii) how art and business as reference points influence creative production. Exploring logics of practice in theatre reveals a central paradox of creative production: economic logics tend to crowd out artistic logics, and thus endanger the resources vital to creative production. Consequently theatre actors and theatres, as organisations, have to develop means of safeguarding artistic logics of practice in order to delimit the influence of economic logics. The article shows that despite of this need, no respective organizational routines have emerged. Rather, human resource management practices in theatres are highly personalized and theatre artists have to find their own, idiosyncratic ways of dealing with the tension between artistic and economic logics. We argue that the central paradox in creative production, which is caused by the necessity to manage and market habitually incorporated non-economic norms and values, is also of crucial relevance for other, especially knowledge-intensive industries. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In keeping with the focus of this special section, we concentrate initially on some of the problems of autonomist Marxist concepts such as `immaterial labour', `affective labour' and `precarity' for understanding work in the cultural industries. We then briefly review some relevant media theory (John Thompson's notion of mediated quasi-interaction) and some key recent sociological research on cultural labour (especially work by Andrew Ross and Laura Grindstaff, the latter drawing on Hochschild's concept of emotional labour), which we believe may be more useful than autonomist concepts in developing empirically informed critique. The main body of the article then consists of an ethnographic account of working on one particular television programme, an account that aims to build on these theoretical debates. We analyse how the power to provide exposure or not to individuals in the talent show genre in contemporary television (a feature that derives from the symbolic power of producers to make texts that are then circulated to massive numbers of people) and disputes between commissioners and independent producers about how best to go about doing so (an organizational issue) are registered in the form of stress, anxiety and sometimes poor working relations among project teams of young television researchers (a matter of working conditions and experiences). We especially focus on how additional pressures are borne by these workers because of the requirements to undertake emotional labour, involving the handling of strong emotions on the part of talent show contributors, and to maintain good working relations in short-term project work, requirements generated by the need to ensure future employment. Ultimately, then, we support the view that creative work is `precarious' — but we go beyond the generalizations involved in concepts such as immaterial labour and affective labour to show the specific ways in which precariousness is registered and negotiated in the lives of young workers in one industry. Yes Yes
Originaltext vom Verlag; nicht vom SfBS bearbeitet. Diese vierte, grundlegend überarbeitete und nun einbändige Auflage des Lehrbuchs "Qualitative Sozialforschung" von Siegfried Lamnek trägt der Tatsache Rechnung, dass qualitative Methoden zunehmend von Psychologen und Sozialwissenschaftlern verwendet werden. Verständlich und anhand zahlreicher Beispiele erläutert Lamnek zunächst die methodologischen Grundlagen qualitativer Sozialforschung, um darauf aufbauend - immer wieder sehr anwendungsbezogen - die qualitativen Methoden und ihre spezifischen Implikationen im Einzelnen zu schildern. Beispiele und kurze Resumes helfen, den komplexen Inhalt gut nachvollziehen und umsetzen zu können. Neuere Entwicklungen wie die Typenbildung, Online-Gruppendiskussion oder das episodische Interview werden berücksichtigt. Außer für das Studium ist das Lehrbuch auch gut für die berufliche Praxis in Markt- und Meinungsforschungsinstituten oder den Marketingabteilungen der Industrie geeignet.
This paper uses a multidimensional cluster concept that views processes of knowledge creation as being decisive in explaining how clusters are established, why they grow and how they reproduce themselves. It is suggested that clusters can only create new knowledge and continue to grow if the cluster firms have linkages with external markets and employ a mix of local and non-local transactions. Local interaction or 'buzz' and interaction through global or trans-local I pipelines' create a dynamic process of knowledge creation which is the key to understanding a cluster's growth process. It is argued that the lack of a reflexive mechanism of local and trans-local interaction is the reason as to why the Leipzig media industry cluster has Stagnated in recent years after a decade of substantial growth. In this cluster, we are confronted with what is referred to as the 'distanced neighbour' paradox. Firms in the Leipzig media sector are neither characterized by strong pipelines to firms and markets outside the cluster nor do they engage in intensive local networking and interactive learning. The paper explores the conceptual foundations of this phenomenon and applies it to the case of Leipzig, Germany.
This paper verifies Munich's first-rate performance among all German regions based on numerous indicators of R and D intensity, discusses the causes for Munich's rise to become a high technology region and analyses the role of Siemens as a large firm within the innovative environment of the region particularly concerning its connections to R and D-intensive small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs). A survey of Munich's R and D-intensive SMEs shows that Siemens positively influences the innovative milieu. Siemens does not dominate the SMEs so strongly that a one-sided dependency threatens them; rather; they enjoy diverse and intraregional co-operation in innovation.
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