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Islam et réforme éducative au Sénégal: tensions et négociations vers un modèle hybride

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... This educational landscape has diversified over the last few decades, as result of, among other things, a national educational reform in the early 2000s, which ended the strict secular character of public education by the introduction of religion in the curriculum of primary schools in 2002 and the opening of the first public medersas in 2003 [22]. At the tertiary level, alongside the establishment of public universities in different parts of the country (such as in Saint-Louis in 1990, and in Ziguinchor in 2007), private universities have also been established. ...
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Education is the fourth Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) and considered an important gateway to many other SDGs being achieved. Education is, however, frequently interpreted in terms of its technical aspects, i.e., furthering skills and knowledge and strengthening human capital for promoting development. By contrast, this paper focuses less on this technical aspect and instead analyses the current educational landscape in Africa as a field in which flows of investment, ideas, and people influence connections between Africans and the rest of the world. As an effect of the structural adjustment programs in the 1980s, public spending on education in many African countries went down, allowing private education initiatives to spring up. These were, for a large part, financed by Western and Arab countries. Over the last fifteen years, investment flows in education from emerging global powers like China, Brazil, Malaysia, and Turkey have contributed to an increasingly diversified educational landscape in Africa. This paper argues that these investments not only allow Africans to improve their educational levels but that these diverse forms of education also have an influence on connections and social orientations in African societies. Educational programs go together with specific worldviews. In addition, people develop their social networks through educational trajectories. Both orientations and connections influence people’s choices and opportunities in their further lives, and thus individual and societal development. Interestingly, often investments in education by external parties are not isolated endeavors, but also used as a means to get linked-in in local societies for such diverse purposes as religion or business interests. Illustrating my argument with examples taken from my research on Gulf charities and on Turkish schools in Africa, I will explore how the new connectivities that come with the changing educational landscape in Africa shape (possible) local development trajectories in the current era of intensified globalization characterized by intensified flows of capital, people, and ideas.
This paper investigates how diasporic and transnational communities evolve by analysing how networks of power are established and enhanced, both locally and transnationally. As part of a process of diversification in the Senegalese community in Italy, for example, a new elite of educated young men is emerging. This process of elite formation proves to be both local and transnational in multiple ways. It is argued that focusing on processes of elite formation within migrant communities will not only enhance our understanding of the internal dynamics of these communities but will also show how these may intersect with processes of power in the host country, the country of origin and the larger diaspora. Such an approach can contribute more generally to the study of elite change and continuity under globalisation.
The article discusses the ambivalent experiences of Senegalese migrants within the 'transnational' spaces uniting Italy and Senegal. It is argued that to name transnational what was previously called 'ethnic group' does not necessarily prevent a reified conceptualisation of migratory phenomena. With the aim of providing an ethnographic representation which is respectful of the complexity and the multiplicity of trajectories characterising a transnational community, I describe practices as well as narratives from both the context of origin and the context of migration. I show that there are various ways of being transmigrant and that transnational migration, rather than being a homogeneous system, encompasses a wide range of different and situationally varied practices. I also try to convey the ambivalences and tensions shaping representations and self-representations. Contradictory yet coexisting narratives inform Senegalese self-representation and their different attitudes towards Italians: some more open to negotiation, others more inward and critical.
This article examines a development initiative spearheaded by the members of a transnational diaspora – the creation of a medical hospital in the holy city of Touba in central Senegal. Although the construction of the hospital is decidedly a philanthropic project, Hôpital Matlaboul Fawzaini is better understood as part of the larger place-making project of the Muridiyya and the pursuit of symbolic capital by a particular Mouride dahira. The dahira's project illuminates important processes of forging global connections and transnational localities, and underscores the importance of understanding the complex motivations behind diaspora development. The hospital's history reveals the delicate negotiations between state actors and diaspora organizations, and the complexities of public–private partnerships for development. In a reversal of state withdrawal in the neo-liberal era, a diaspora association was able to wrest new financial commitments from the state by completing a large infrastructure project. Despite this success, we argue that these kinds of projects, which are by nature uneven and sporadic, reflect particular historical conjunctures and do not offer a panacea for the failure of state-led development.
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