Article

The role of paranoia in a dual-process motivational model of conspiracy belief

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Abstract

“Even paranoids have enemies.” So (reportedly) said the fourth Israeli prime minister, Golda Meir, to Henry Kissinger during the 1973 Sinai talks. The point is, of course, that while paranoia is typically considered to describe a pathological disjunction between persecutory belief and reality, this is not necessarily so. There are numerous historical and contemporary examples of situations in which one group of people really are out to get others (for example, the McCarthyist persecution of supposed communist sympathizers in the 1950s, and numerous pogroms). Indeed, this is a point repeatedly made about conspiracy by laypeople, often in defense of their belief in conspiracy, and scholars, often in defense of their thesis concerning conspiracy belief (see Coady, 2006). Under some circumstances, there really has been a conspiracy going on behind the conspiracy theory. Our aim in this chapter is not to discuss whether or not paranoia or conspiracy belief is legitimate or rational (there are clearly cases where it may be), but rather to investigate why some people endorse conspiracy theories more than others. Specifically, we shall do this through consideration of several important individual difference variables that have been implicated as the foundation of a range of social and political attitudes and behaviors – social dominance orientation (SDO) (Sidanius and Pratto, 1999) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) (Altemeyer, 1981, 1996) – that together comprise a particularly powerful explanatory package (Altemeyer, 1998; Duckitt, 2001; McFarland and Adelson, 1996). At the same time, we shall attempt to illustrate the role that paranoia might play in the process.

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... D'après la cinquième version du Manuel diagnostique et statistique des troubles mentaux (la dernière version du DSM à ce jour), la schizotypie est un trouble de la personnalité marqué par un inconfort dans les situations sociales, des distorsions cognitives et perceptuelles, ainsi que des excentricités comportementales (American Psychiatric Association, 2013, p. 655-656). Au niveau empirique, un certain nombre de recherches ont effectivement relevé un lien positif entre la schizotypie et les croyances aux théories du complot (Barron, Morgan, Towell, Altemeyer, & Swami, 2014 ;Dagnall et al., 2015 ;Darwin, Neave, & Holmes, 2011 ;Kumareswaran, 2014 ;Swami et al., 2013 ;van der Tempel & Alcock, 2015 ;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Notons encore que les personnes qui croient plus aux croyances ont plus tendance à souffrir d'idéations paranoïaques (Barron et al., 2014 ;Darwin et al., 2011 ;van Prooijen, Krouwel, & Pollet, 2015). ...
... Cependant, au vu de la petite taille de ces corrélations, Wilson et Rose (2014) concluent qu'il est difficile d'argumenter que les croyances aux théories du complot sont réductibles à des symptômes de troubles psychiques. De plus, contrairement aux caractéristiques spécifiques de la paranoïa qui sont associées à des idées de conspirations visant personnellement l'individu, les croyances aux théories du complot correspondent à des récits qui visent plus spécifiquement le groupe dont l'individu fait partie (Barreto et al., 2011 ;van Prooijen & van Lange, 2014 ;Wilson & Rose, 2014). ...
... Cependant, au vu de la petite taille de ces corrélations, Wilson et Rose (2014) concluent qu'il est difficile d'argumenter que les croyances aux théories du complot sont réductibles à des symptômes de troubles psychiques. De plus, contrairement aux caractéristiques spécifiques de la paranoïa qui sont associées à des idées de conspirations visant personnellement l'individu, les croyances aux théories du complot correspondent à des récits qui visent plus spécifiquement le groupe dont l'individu fait partie (Barreto et al., 2011 ;van Prooijen & van Lange, 2014 ;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Un dernier argument contre l'approche psychopathologique est le constat que ces croyances sont beaucoup trop répandues pour pouvoir être labélisées en tant que maladie psychique (Sunstein & Vermeule, 2009). ...
Thesis
Dans cette thèse, nous défendons l'idée que la motivation à se distinguer d'autrui (et plus précisément, le besoin d'unicité) pourrait favoriser l'adoption et l'augmentation des croyances aux théories du complot. Cette relation s'expliquerait par le fait que les individus ayant un fort besoin d'unicité auraient davantage tendance à être attirés par ce qui rare ou inaccessible, et nous argumentons que c'est justement ce qui caractérise les récits conspirationnistes (e.g., impression de détenir des informations secrètes). Nous présenterons 12 études ayant pour but de tester empiriquement cette hypothèse.Parmi les principaux résultats, nous avons montré que les individus disposant d'un niveau de croyances aux théories du complot supérieur à la moyenne pensent avoir un niveau de croyances à ces théories supérieur à celui attribué aux autres (Etudes 4, 5 et 6), ce qui correspond à un prérequis nécessaire à la formulation de notre hypothèse. Nous avons ensuite mis en évidence que plus les personnes possèdent un fort besoin d'unicité, plus elles croient aux théories du complot (Etude 8). Conformément à notre hypothèse, nous avons également démontré que les personnes qui croient aux théories du complot ont plus tendance à penser détenir des informations rares et secrètes à propos de divers complots (Etude 9). Une méta-analyse conduite sur deux études testant le rôle causal du besoin d'unicité sur les croyances aux théories du complot (Etudes 11 et 12) suggère enfin qu'une hausse situationnelle du besoin d'unicité favoriserait la formation des croyances aux théories du complot.Dans l'ensemble, il semblerait donc que le besoin d'unicité intervienne dans l'adoption des croyances aux théories du complot, même si cet effet semble de taille relativement modeste. En conclusion, cette thèse fait partie des rares travaux soulignant le rôle des explications motivationnelles dans l'adhésion aux théories du complot.
... D'après la cinquième version du Manuel diagnostique et statistique des troubles mentaux (la dernière version du DSM à ce jour), la schizotypie est un trouble de la personnalité marqué par un inconfort dans les situations sociales, des distorsions cognitives et perceptuelles, ainsi que des excentricités comportementales (American Psychiatric Association, 2013, p. 655-656). Au niveau empirique, un certain nombre de recherches ont effectivement relevé un lien positif entre la schizotypie et les croyances aux théories du complot (Barron, Morgan, Towell, Altemeyer, & Swami, 2014 ;Dagnall et al., 2015 ;Darwin, Neave, & Holmes, 2011 ;Kumareswaran, 2014 ;Swami et al., 2013 ;van der Tempel & Alcock, 2015 ;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Notons encore que les personnes qui croient plus aux croyances ont plus tendance à souffrir d'idéations paranoïaques (Barron et al., 2014 ;Darwin et al., 2011 ;van Prooijen, Krouwel, & Pollet, 2015). ...
... Cependant, au vu de la petite taille de ces corrélations, Wilson et Rose (2014) concluent qu'il est difficile d'argumenter que les croyances aux théories du complot sont réductibles à des symptômes de troubles psychiques. De plus, contrairement aux caractéristiques spécifiques de la paranoïa qui sont associées à des idées de conspirations visant personnellement l'individu, les croyances aux théories du complot correspondent à des récits qui visent plus spécifiquement le groupe dont l'individu fait partie (Barreto et al., 2011 ;van Prooijen & van Lange, 2014 ;Wilson & Rose, 2014). ...
... Cependant, au vu de la petite taille de ces corrélations, Wilson et Rose (2014) concluent qu'il est difficile d'argumenter que les croyances aux théories du complot sont réductibles à des symptômes de troubles psychiques. De plus, contrairement aux caractéristiques spécifiques de la paranoïa qui sont associées à des idées de conspirations visant personnellement l'individu, les croyances aux théories du complot correspondent à des récits qui visent plus spécifiquement le groupe dont l'individu fait partie (Barreto et al., 2011 ;van Prooijen & van Lange, 2014 ;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Un dernier argument contre l'approche psychopathologique est le constat que ces croyances sont beaucoup trop répandues pour pouvoir être labélisées en tant que maladie psychique (Sunstein & Vermeule, 2009). ...
Thesis
Full-text available
Dans cette thèse, nous défendons l'idée que la motivation à se distinguer d'autrui (et plus précisément, le besoin d'unicité) pourrait favoriser l'adoption et l'augmentation des croyances aux théories du complot. Cette relation s'expliquerait par le fait que les individus ayant un fort besoin d'unicité auraient davantage tendance à être attirés par ce qui rare ou inaccessible, et nous argumentons que c'est justement ce qui caractérise les récits conspirationnistes (e.g., impression de détenir des informations secrètes). Nous présenterons 12 études ayant pour but de tester empiriquement cette hypothèse.Parmi les principaux résultats, nous avons montré que les individus disposant d'un niveau de croyances aux théories du complot supérieur à la moyenne pensent avoir un niveau de croyances à ces théories supérieur à celui attribué aux autres (Etudes 4, 5 et 6), ce qui correspond à un prérequis nécessaire à la formulation de notre hypothèse. Nous avons ensuite mis en évidence que plus les personnes possèdent un fort besoin d'unicité, plus elles croient aux théories du complot (Etude 8). Conformément à notre hypothèse, nous avons également démontré que les personnes qui croient aux théories du complot ont plus tendance à penser détenir des informations rares et secrètes à propos de divers complots (Etude 9). Une méta-analyse conduite sur deux études testant le rôle causal du besoin d'unicité sur les croyances aux théories du complot (Etudes 11 et 12) suggère enfin qu'une hausse situationnelle du besoin d'unicité favoriserait la formation des croyances aux théories du complot.Dans l'ensemble, il semblerait donc que le besoin d'unicité intervienne dans l'adoption des croyances aux théories du complot, même si cet effet semble de taille relativement modeste. En conclusion, cette thèse fait partie des rares travaux soulignant le rôle des explications motivationnelles dans l'adhésion aux théories du complot.
... Narcissism promotes paranoia, a pattern of thinking that triggers an irrational suspicion or mistrust of others and perceive their actions as intentionally malevolent (Cicero & Kerns, 2011;Cichocka, Marchlewska, & de Zavala, 2016a). Research reported that paranoia is positively linked with belief in CTs about political and social events caused by high authoritarians (Darwin et al., 2011;Wilson & Rose, 2014). ...
... The results of the present study substantiate past research that showed narcissism is a robust predictor of conspiracy ideation (Cichocka, Marchlewska, & de Zavala, 2016a). This can be attributed to the narcissists' paranoia behavior which was found to be associated with conspiracy beliefs (Wilson & Rose, 2014). Furthermore, narcissists are attention-seeking (Raskin & Terry, 1988) and their desire to be the center of attention can also be linked with their tendency to have conspiracy mentalities (March & Springer, 2019). ...
Article
Full-text available
The prevalence of conspiracy theories about COVID-19 in the wide-open social media environment has raised considerable concerns about the adverse effects of believing such theories. The previous work showed that skepticism is negatively associated with acceptance of media content. However, this association has yet to be investigated between skepticism towards content on social media and conviction of COVID-19 conspiracy theories. Furthermore, this association can be a function of social media users’ dark triad traits comprising Machiavellianism, narcissism and psychopathy. A convenient sample of 439 Malaysian young adult social media users was recruited to complete the survey. Results showed that skepticism has a negative relationship with belief in conspiracy theories about COVID-19. However, the strength of the relationship is varied depending on respondents’ Machiavellianism and narcissism levels. The negative association between skepticism and belief in COVID-19 conspiracy theories is weaker for individuals with high scores on Machiavellianism. High and moderate scores on narcissism were also found to diminish the negative relationship of skepticism with COVID-19 conspiracy ideation. The results yield implications for enhancing healthy skepticism to mitigate belief in conspiracy theories promulgated on social media. Nonetheless, Machiavellianism and narcissism appeared to weaken the power of skepticism on conspiracy theories.
... In addition to person-focused factors, society-directed attitudes can also play a protective role in the context of the pandemic. Although some authors claim that societal trust increases after natural disasters due to the shared need to overcome the event (e.g., Toya and Skidmore, 2014), others maintain that disasters can foster suspicion conspiracy theories about the event (Wilson and Rose, 2014). These society-level outcomes, in turn, impact mental health. ...
... These studies also highlight vulnerability conditions, for example low socio-economic status (Link and Phelan, 1995;Reiss, 2013), low levels of education (Araya et al., 2003), presence of financial worries (Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2020), unemployment (Xiong et al., 2020), or reduced income (Guo et al., 2020), are risk factors for the mental health of specific importance during unpredictable times, such as a pandemic. Finally, the frequent exposure to COVID-19 news (Bendau et al., 2020;Xiong et al., 2020) accompanied by low perceived efficacy of governmental actions (Maekelae et al., 2020) can make people react with suspicion and develop conspiracy theories about it (Wilson and Rose, 2014). According to Uscinski et al. (2020), during the COVID-19 outbreak there has been an increase in irrational beliefs or conspiracy theories, possibly due to decreased social interactions (Graeupner and Coman, 2017), potentially leading to detrimental outcomes for individuals (Bierwiaczonek et al., 2020) and societies alike (Jolley and Paterson, 2020;Romer and Jamieson, 2020). ...
Article
Full-text available
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic outbreak has affected all countries with more than 100 million confirmed cases and over 2.1 million casualties by the end of January 2021 worldwide. A prolonged pandemic can harm global levels of optimism, regularity, and sense of meaning and belonging, yielding adverse effects on individuals' mental health as represented by worry, paranoia, and distress. Here we studied resilience, a successful adaptation despite risk and adversity, in five countries: Brazil, Colombia, Germany, Israel, and Norway. In April 2020, over 2,500 participants were recruited for an observational study measuring protective and obstructive factors for distress and paranoia. More than 800 of these participants also completed a follow-up study in July. We found that thriving, keeping a regular schedule, engaging in physical exercise and less procrastination served as factors protecting against distress and paranoia. Risk factors were financial worries and a negative mindset, e.g., feeling a lack of control. Longitudinally, we found no increase in distress or paranoia despite an increase in expectation of how long the outbreak and the restrictions will last, suggesting respondents engaged in healthy coping and adapting their lives to the new circumstances. Altogether, our data suggest that humans adapt even to prolonged stressful events. Our data further highlight several protective factors that policymakers should leverage when considering stress-reducing policies.
... In addition to person-focused factors, society-directed attitudes can also play a protective role in the context of the pandemic. Although some authors claim that societal trust increases after natural disasters due to the shared need to overcome the event (e.g., Toya and Skidmore, 2014), others maintain that disasters can foster suspicion conspiracy theories about the event (Wilson and Rose, 2014). These society-level outcomes, in turn, impact mental health. ...
... These studies also highlight vulnerability conditions, for example low socio-economic status (Link and Phelan, 1995;Reiss, 2013), low levels of education (Araya et al., 2003), presence of financial worries (Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2020), unemployment (Xiong et al., 2020), or reduced income (Guo et al., 2020), are risk factors for the mental health of specific importance during unpredictable times, such as a pandemic. Finally, the frequent exposure to COVID-19 news (Bendau et al., 2020;Xiong et al., 2020) accompanied by low perceived efficacy of governmental actions (Maekelae et al., 2020) can make people react with suspicion and develop conspiracy theories about it (Wilson and Rose, 2014). According to Uscinski et al. (2020), during the COVID-19 outbreak there has been an increase in irrational beliefs or conspiracy theories, possibly due to decreased social interactions (Graeupner and Coman, 2017), potentially leading to detrimental outcomes for individuals (Bierwiaczonek et al., 2020) and societies alike (Jolley and Paterson, 2020;Romer and Jamieson, 2020). ...
Preprint
Full-text available
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic outbreak has affected all countries with more than 100 million confirmed cases and over 2.1 million casualties by the end of January 2021 worldwide. A prolonged pandemic can harm global levels of optimism, regularity, and sense of meaning and belonging of people, yielding adverse effects on individual's mental health as represented by worry, paranoia, and distress. Here we studied resilience, a successful adaptation despite risk and adversity, in five countries: Brazil, Colombia, Germany, Israel and Norway. In April 2020, over 2500 participants were recruited for an observational study measuring protective and obstructive factors for mental health. More than 800 of these participants also completed a follow-up study in July.We found that thriving, keeping a regular schedule, engaging in physical exercise and less procrastination served as factors protecting mental well-being. Risk factors were financial worries and a more negative mindset, e.g. feeling a lack of control. Longitudinally, we found no increase in distress or paranoia despite an increase in expectation how long the outbreak and the restrictions will last, suggesting respondents engaged in healthy coping and adapting their life to the new circumstances. Thus, our data shines some light on the mostly depressive news during the pandemic. Humans adapt and despite adversity there are protective factors that policy makers should leverage on.
... Consistent with this idea, panel data shows that societal trust increases following natural disasters, perhaps due to the shared need to work together as a society to overcome the disaster (Toya & Skidmore, 2014). On the other hand, people often respond to threatening events with suspicion, developing conspiracy theories about their nature and cause (Dussaillant & Guzmán, 2014;van Prooijen & van Dijk, 2014;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Work conducted during previous pandemics also yields mixed findings. ...
... Facing a shared threat could foster a greater sense of community by binding people to local and national identities and strengthening affective ties (Greenaway & Cruwys, 2019;Li & Brewer, 2004). Alternatively, threat could prompt the uptake of conspiracy theories and the spread of misinformation (Dussaillant & Guzmán, 2014;van Prooijen & van Dijk, 2014;Wilson & Rose, 2014). At a practical level, politicians may be reluctant to adopt strict measures for fear of reprisal from voters. ...
Preprint
The contagiousness and deadliness of COVID-19 have necessitated drastic social management to halt transmission. The immediate effects of a nationwide lockdown were investigated by comparing matched samples of New Zealanders assessed before (Npre-lockdown = 1,003) and during the first 18 days of lockdown (Nlockdown = 1,003). Two categories of outcomes were examined: (1) institutional trust and attitudes towards the nation and government, and (2) health and wellbeing. Applying propensity score matching to approximate the conditions of a randomized controlled experiment, the study found that people in the pandemic/lockdown group reported higher trust in science, politicians, and police, higher levels of patriotism, and higher rates of mental distress compared to people in the pre-lockdown pre-pandemic group. Results were confirmed in within-subjects analyses. The study highlights social connectedness, resilience, and vulnerability in the face of adversity, and has applied implications for how countries face this global challenge.
... (Brotherton & Eser, 2015;Bruder et al., 2013;Darwin, Neave, & Holmes, 2011;Grzesiak-Feldman & Ejsmont, 2008;Imhoff & Lamberty, 2018). Wilson and Rose (2014) situated paranoid ideation in the context of Duckitt's (2001) dual-process model of ideology and prejudice and observed that increased paranoia was positively associated with ring-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). Thus, we investigated the hypothesis that there would an asymmetrical effect of political ideology on conspiratorial thinking and that the effect would be mediated by paranoid ideation as well as distrust of officialdom. ...
... In the present research program, we administered a variety of psychological and political instruments to large samples of American adults and observed that political conservatives were significantly more likely than liberals to exhibit paranoid ideation, to be more distrustful of officialdom, and to espouse conspiratorial thinking in general and in particular (for example, with respect to the scientific evidence about climate change). As noted above, these observations are remarkably consistent with Hofstadter's (1964) historical analysis of the "paranoid style in American politics"-as well as previous research indicating that paranoia is positively associated with right-wing authoritarianism and SDO (Wilson & Rose, 2014). ...
Article
Full-text available
It is often claimed that conspiracy theories are endorsed with the same level of intensity across the left‐right ideological spectrum. But do liberals and conservatives in the United States embrace conspiratorial thinking to an equivalent degree? There are important historical, philosophical, and scientific reasons dating back to Richard Hofstadter's book The Paranoid Style in American Politics to doubt this claim. In four large studies of U.S. adults (total N = 5049)—including national samples—we investigated the relationship between political ideology, measured in both symbolic and operational terms, and conspiratorial thinking in general. Results reveal that conservatives in the United States were not only more likely than liberals to endorse specific conspiracy theories, but they were also more likely to espouse conspiratorial worldviews in general (r = .27, 95% CI: .24, .30). Importantly, extreme conservatives were significantly more likely to engage in conspiratorial thinking than extreme liberals (Hedges' g = .77, SE = .07, p < .001). The relationship between ideology and conspiratorial thinking was mediated by a strong distrust of officialdom and paranoid ideation, both of which were higher among conservatives, consistent with Hofstadter's account of the paranoid style in American politics.
... Consistent with this idea, panel data shows that societal trust increases following natural disasters, perhaps due to the shared need to work together as a society to overcome the disaster (Toya & Skidmore, 2014). On the other hand, people often respond to threatening events with suspicion, developing conspiracy theories about their nature and cause (Dussaillant & Guzmán, 2014;van Prooijen & van Dijk, 2014;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Work conducted during previous pandemics also yields mixed findings. ...
... Facing a shared threat could foster a greater sense of community by binding people to local and national identities and strengthening affective ties (Greenaway & Cruwys, 2019;Li & Brewer, 2004). Alternatively, threat could prompt the uptake of conspiracy theories and the spread of misinformation (Dussaillant & Guzmán, 2014;van Prooijen & van Dijk, 2014;Wilson & Rose, 2014). At a practical level, politicians may be reluctant to adopt strict measures for fear of reprisal from voters. ...
Preprint
New Zealand’s COVID-19 lockdown in March/April 2020 imposed severe economic and social restrictions, which occurred in a setting of pervasive health and economic uncertainties. Here, we leverage national longitudinal data from 2018 and during severe lockdown to systematically quantify the evolution of psychological-distress trajectories within the same people (2018/2020, N = 940). To distinguish severe-lockdown-related distress from natural disaster, we additionally investigate mental health following the Christchurch earthquakes (2011, N = 6,806). During lockdown, there was a three-fold increase in feelings of worthlessness. A sense of neighbourhood community became decoupled from this distress, which high levels of social belonging and health-satisfaction did not prevent. A silver lining was a relief from feelings of effort, fostered by social belonging. By contrast, the Christchurch earthquakes increased all distress indicators and distress buffers performed consistently. We infer that losses of employment and social routines during New Zealand’s lockdown, in a setting of government income and health protections, precipitated bittersweet mental health dynamics. Clarifying which pandemic mental health burdens can be mitigated, and how, holds applied interest for pandemic health responses in other countries, and for future pandemics.
... Consistent with this idea, panel data shows that societal trust increases following natural disasters, perhaps due to the shared need to work together as a society to overcome the disaster (Toya & Skidmore, 2014). On the other hand, people often respond to threatening events with suspicion, developing conspiracy theories about their nature and cause (Dussaillant & Guzmán, 2014;van Prooijen & van Dijk, 2014;Wilson & Rose, 2014). ...
... Facing a shared threat could foster a greater sense of community by binding people to local and national identities, and strengthening affective ties (Greenaway & Cruwys, 2019;Li & Brewer, 2004). Alternatively, threat could prompt the uptake of conspiracy theories and the spread of misinformation (Dussaillant & Guzmán, 2014;van Prooijen & van Dijk, 2014;Wilson & Rose, 2014). At a practical level, politicians may be reluctant to adopt strict measures for fear of reprisal from voters. ...
Article
Full-text available
The contagiousness and deadliness of COVID-19 have necessitated drastic social management to halt transmission. The immediate effects of a nationwide lockdown were investigated by comparing matched samples of New Zealanders assessed before (Npre-lockdown = 1,003) and during the first 18 days of lockdown (Nlockdown = 1,003). Two categories of outcomes were examined: (1) institutional trust and attitudes towards the nation and government, and (2) health and wellbeing. Applying propensity score matching to approximate the conditions of a randomized controlled experiment, the study found that people in the pandemic/lockdown group reported higher trust in science, politicians, and police, higher levels of patriotism, and higher rates of mental distress compared to people in the pre-lockdown pre-pandemic group. Results were confirmed in within-subjects analyses. The study highlights social connectedness, resilience, and vulnerability in the face of adversity, and has applied implications for how countries face this global challenge.
... Psychological research has found several correlates of endorsement of conspiracy theories, such as psychopathological and maladaptive traits (e.g., Swami, Weis, Lay, Barron, & Furnham, 2016); narcissism (e.g., Cichocka, Marchlewska, & de Zavala, 2016); and social attitudes such as anomie, distrust and political cynicism (e.g., Moulding et al., 2016). Given that conspiracy theories are especially widespread about political issues, worldviews (Moulding et al., 2016), and the socio-political constructs of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation have also been connected with conspiracy beliefs (e.g., Wilson & Rose, 2014), with generally more reliable effects for authoritarianism than for social dominance (e.g., Grzesiak-Feldman, 2015). ...
... DWB are tightly connected with right wing authoritarianism (e.g.,Federico et al., 2013), which in turn has been connected with conspiracy ideation (e.g.,Wilson & Rose, 2014). We preferred to measure DWB instead than Authoritarianism because the DWB construct is at a broad level of generality and does not measure directly, as Authoritarianism scales do, ideological orientations. ...
Article
In the present research, we examined whether individual differences in basic moral concerns might be related to a greater endorsement of conspiracy theories. Building on the notion that conspiracy theories often deal with super-individual relevant events in which a group perspective is central, we proposed that individual differences in moral concerns pertaining to group- and community-concerns (i.e., binding moral foundations) rather than to individual well-being (i.e., individualising moral foundations) would be positively associated with conspiracy beliefs. We further hypothesised that such relations would be totally mediated by beliefs in a dangerous world and by embracing moral absolutism. We found support for these predictions in two community samples (Ns: 319; 514). Theoretical implications were discussed.
... There are also inconsistent findings, for example, concerning the relationship between rightwing authoritarianism and conspiracy beliefs (e.g., Dyrendal et al. 2021, Wilson & Rose 2014; see Biddlestone et al. 2022 for a meta-analysis of the predictors of conspiracy beliefs). ...
Article
Full-text available
Conspiracy theories are abundant in social and political discourse, with serious consequences for individuals, groups, and societies. However, psychological scientists have started paying close attention to them only in the past 20 years. We review the spectacular progress that has since been made and some of the limitations of research so far, and we consider the prospects for further progress. To this end, we take a step back to analyze the defining features that make conspiracy theories different in kind from other beliefs and different in degree from each other. We consider how these features determine the adoption, consequences, and transmission of belief in conspiracy theories, even though their role as causal or moderating variables has seldom been examined. We therefore advocate for a research agenda in the study of conspiracy theories that starts—as is routine in fields such as virology and toxicology—with a robust descriptive analysis of the ontology of the entity at its center. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Psychology, Volume 74 is January 2023. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
... N = 150). Wilson and Rose [38] reported modest associations between paranoia and belief in conspiracy theories in a number of student samples (r varying between .27 and .30). Cichocka and collegaues [39], using data from three online studies (Ns varying from 202 to 505) found that conspiracy theories were associated with narcissistic personality traits; although a positive correlation was found between conspiracy theories and paranoia, this effect was explained by paranoia mediating between low self-esteem and conspiracy theories. ...
Article
Full-text available
Paranoia and belief in conspiracy theories both involve suspiciousness about the intentions of others but have rarely been studied together. In three studies, one with a mainly student sample (N = 496) and two with more representative UK population samples (N = 1,519, N = 638) we compared single and two-factor models of paranoia and conspiracy theories as well as associations between both belief systems and other psychological constructs. A model with two correlated factors was the best fit in all studies. Both belief systems were associated with poor locus of control (belief in powerful others and chance) and loneliness. Paranoid beliefs were specifically associated with negative self-esteem and, in two studies, insecure attachment; conspiracy theories were associated with positive self-esteem in the two larger studies and narcissistic personality traits in the final study. Conspiracist thinking but not paranoia was associated with poor performance on the Cognitive Reflection Task (poor analytical thinking). The findings suggest that paranoia and belief in conspiracy theories are distinct but correlated belief systems with both common and specific psychological components.
... However, there is good reason to believe that ideological attitudes would predict rejection of science across a range of issues. Notably, RWA and SDO predict all the aforementioned ideological correlates of rejection of science: political conservatism Wilson & Sibley, 2013), free-market ideology (Buckland, 2014;Jost et al., 2003), conspiracy mentality (Grzesiak-Feldman & Irzycka, 2009;Wilson & Rose, 2014), and religiosity (RWA only; Altemeyer, 1998;Wilson & Sibley, 2013). We would therefore expect the ideological attitudes RWA and SDO to be associated beliefs about a range of scientific issues, with effects mediated by different ideological constructs depending on the specific issue in question. ...
Article
Full-text available
Previous research has highlighted how ideological factors such as political self-identification, religiosity and conspiracy thinking influence our beliefs about scientific issues such as climate change and vaccination. Across three studies (combined N = 9,022) we expand on this line of inquiry to show for the first time that the ideological attitudes relating to authoritarianism and group-based dominance predict disagreement with the scientific consensus in several scientific domains. We show these effects are almost entirely mediated by varying combinations of ideological (political ideology, religiosity, free-market endorsement, conspiracy thinking) and science-specific (scientific knowledge, trust in scientists) constructs, depending on the scientific issue in question. Importantly, a general distrust of science and scientists emerges as the most consistent mediator across different scientific domains. We find that, consistent with previous research, the ideological roots of rejection of science vary across scientific issues. However, we also show that these roots may share a common origin in ideological attitudes regarding authority and equality.
... These suggest that shootings were false flag events orchestrated by government agencies to justify restriction of gun ownership (Dentith, 2019;Karp & Tovey, 2019). At present, what is known about the nature and prevalence of conspiracy theories in both countries involves a mix of popular anecdotes, media accounts, and a small number of limited research investigations (e.g., Wilson & Rose, 2014). ...
Article
Belief in conspiracies is not restricted to the fringe dwellers of society. International research suggests that such beliefs are quite common and that conspiracy theories may serve three basic psychological motives (i.e., epistemic, existential, and relational) for individuals. Yet, little is known about conspiracy theory awareness or belief in Australasia. We report the first large systematic investigation of system‐justifying motives using two nationally representative samples of Australians (n = 1011) and New Zealanders (n = 754). Our findings show that almost all are aware of local and international conspiracies, the majority endorse one or more, and that all three psychological motives consistently relate to conspiracy belief, but not to awareness. In a series of hierarchical multiple regressions, we find that relational (i.e., increased anomie and disillusionment with the government) and existential motives (i.e., less trust in others and increased religiosity) are uniquely and relatively more important than epistemic needs (i.e., decreased analytic thinking) as predictors of increased local and international conspiracy belief. Findings are discussed in terms of the importance of understanding conspiracy theories as an ideological belief system that may function to serve underlying psychological motives.
... In both Australia and New Zealand which suggest these shootings were false flag events orchestrated by government agencies to justify restriction of gun ownership (Dentith, 2019;Karp & Tovey, 2019). At present, what is known about the nature and prevalence of conspiracy theories in both countries involves a mix of popular anecdotes, media accounts, and a small number of limited research investigations (e.g., Wilson & Rose, 2014). ...
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Conspiracism is not restricted to the fringe dwellers of society. International research suggests that such beliefs are quite common and that conspiracy theories may serve three basic psychological motives (i.e., epistemic, existential, and relational) for individuals. Yet, little is known about conspiracy theory awareness or conspiracism in Australasia. We report the first large systematic investigation of system justifying motives using two nationally representative samples of Australians (n = 1,011) and New Zealanders (n = 754). Our findings show that almost all are aware of local and international conspiracies, and the majority endorse one or more. Also, that all three psychological motives consistently relate to conspiracism but not to awareness. In a series of hierarchical multiple regressions, we find that epistemic (i.e., decreased analytic thinking), existential (i.e., less trust in others, and socially conservative political ideology and increased religiosity), and relational motives (i.e., increased anomie and disillusionment with the government) were all significant unique predictors of increased local and international conspiracism. Findings are discussed in terms of the importance of understanding conspiracism as an ideological belief system that may function to serve underlying psychological motives. MOTIVATIONAL CORRELATES OF CONSPIRACISM 3
... Despite the use of different scales, the correlation between odd beliefs and authoritarian attitudes is comparable to prior studies (Oliver & Wood, 2018;Stojanov et al., 2019). Different from Wilson and Rose (2014), the association between RWA and paranoid ideation was very weak in our sample, and our study does not support some earlier findings that odd beliefs predict belief in conspiracy theories directly (Barron et al., 2014;Lobato et al., 2014). Barron et al. (2014Barron et al. ( , 2018 argued that there is no clear conceptual difference between odd beliefs and facets of paranormal beliefs relating to hidden agency, and that this close relationship may point to differential traits that lead people to also hold beliefs in conspiracy theories. ...
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Many different predictors for belief in conspiracy theories have been empirically validated in different studies. The current study considers the relative contribution of individual differences in dimensions of schizotypal personality, social dominance orientation (SDO), right wing authoritarianism (RWA), paranormal beliefs (PB) and the newer construct of conspiracy mentality (CM) on belief in conspiracy theories. For predicting belief in specific conspiracy theories, we applied Path analyses with a large convenience sample (N = 883, 62% women) of students from Norway, a highly gender egalitarian country, allowing us to consider the effects of mediators and gender moderation in a specified model. Schizotypal personality dimensions Odd Beliefs and Paranoid Ideation predicted different mediators, and their effects on belief in conspiracy theories were totally mediated. The mediating variables (SDO, RWA, PB, and CM) were all unique predictors of belief in conspiracy theories, with CM having the largest contribution for both sexes. Explorative analyses of the specified model across gender suggest that the model for men and women is not equivalent. Results are discussed in light of the predictive contribution of especially conspiracy mentality.
... Istraživanja koja su se bavila povezanošću između vjerovanja u teorije zavjere i vankliničke paranoje, najčešće su nalazila značajnu povezanost ova dva koncepta (Grzesiak-Feldman & Ejsmont, 2008;Wilson & Rose, 2013). Paranoja se, najčešće, smatra domenom kliničkog istraživanja, ali u slučaju sociopsiholoških istraživanja, češće se u razmatranje uzimaju vanklinički oblici paranoidnog mišljenja, za koje se smatra da su u izvjesnoj mjeri zastupljeni kod čitave populacije. ...
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Osnovni istraživački problem ove studije predstavlja identifikaciju, učestalost i determinante vjerovanja u teorije zavjere u bosanskohercegovačkom kontekstu. Teorije zavjere se mogu, u najširem smislu, definisati kao skup pojednostavljenih i najčešće empirijski neutemeljenih uvjerenja u kojima sveprisutna i moćna grupa učesnika koordinisano organizuje aktivnosti sa zlonamjernim i štetnim ciljevima. Naš problem je bio tretiran kroz više istraživačkih pitanja i zadataka: Kakav je istorijat teorija zavjere? Kako se teorije zavjere proučavaju u društvenim naukama? Koje teorije zavjere su rasprostranjene u našem društvu? Kakve su one u poređenju sa regionalnim i internacionalnim kontekstima? Koliko su one rasprostranjene različitim stratumima populacije? Koji su socijalni i psihološki korelati prihvatanja teorija zavjere? Kakva je psihološka struktura vjerovanja u teorije zavjere? Postoje li načini da se smanji uticaj štetnih teorija zavjere? Osnovni dizajn našeg istraživanja je deskriptivno-korelacioni nacrt, zasnovan na kvantitativnoj anketnoj studiji. Istraživanje je sprovedeno u drugoj polovini maja 2018. godine, na uzorku punoljetnih stanovnika Bosne i Hercegovine, metodom anketiranja licem u lice. Prilikom izbora uzorka, vodilo se računa o bitnim demografskim odlikama populacije BiH. Ukupno je ispitano 1046 ispitanika (53% žena), sa prosjekom starosti od 42 godine. Ukupno je bilo 68.5% ispitanika iz Federacije BiH, 29.5% iz Republike Srpske, a 2% iz Distrikta Brčko. Kad je u pitanju etnička struktura uzorka, oko 14% ispitanika izjasnilo se kao Hrvati, oko 42% kao Bošnjaci, oko 31% kao Srbi, oko 11% kao Bosanci, te oko 2% kao Drugi. Glavna registrovana varijabla u istraživanju nam je bila vjerovanje u teorije zavjere, koja je procjenjivana skalom koja je sadržala 24 stavke koje su predstavljale specifične teorije zavjere. Polovina stavki bile su lokalno specifične, a druga polovina predstavljala je globalno prisutne teorije zavjere. Upitnik je sadržavao i druge varijable, poput crta ličnosti, važnosti socijalnih identifikacija, cinizma, autoritarnosti, nacionalizma, konzervativizma, percepcije društvene nepravde, osjećanja prema drugim etničkim grupama, povjerenja u institucije, te političke i socijalne participacije. Rezultati pokazuju da skoro svaki ispitanik vjeruje u bar jednu teoriju zavjere, od 24 koje smo im ponudili. Dvije trećine ispitanih vjeruje da je privatizacija rezultat sprege mafije i državnih struktura i onih koji vjeruju da velike korporacije rade na uništavanju interesa malih tržišta širom svijeta. Neznatno manji je procenat ispitanika koji smatraju da velike farmaceutske firme namjerno šire razne bolesti kako bi povećale prodaju lijekova, da je sudbina naroda i država na Balkanu rezultat zakulisnih igara imperijalističkih sila, te da je bivša Jugoslavija uništena da bi kapitalizam zamijenio socijalističko uređenje. Najveće razlike po sociodemografskim karakteristikama našli smo između pripadnika različitih etničkih grupa. Ispitanici različitih etniciteta najviše se razlikuju na stavkama vjerovanja u teorije zavjere koje se odnose na međuetničke relacije, kao posljedice sukoba 90-ih godina. Takođe, vidjeli smo da se socioekonomski slojevi društva razlikuju po stepenu prihvatanja teorija zavjere, i to tako da niži stratumi društva radije prihvataju ove narative. Na osnovu veza između prihvatanja teorija zavjere i socio-psiholoških varijabli, vidimo da u našem kontekstu prihvatanje teorija zavjere ide uz klaster desnih, tradicionalnih i konzervativnih stavova, koje karakteriše i stalna zabrinutost za sopstvenu grupu, te udaljavanje od drugih kolektiva. Dalje, vidimo da ljudi koji više prihvataju zavjereničke narative imaju generalno ciničniji pogled na društvo, kao na anomično i nepravedno, te selektivno vjeruju u birane institucije, ne učestvuju puno u društvenim akcijama, ali su skloniji političkom angažmanu. U zaključcima studije predlažemo preporuke o tome šta vlasti i društvo mogu učiniti kako bi se suprotstavile štetnom uticaju nekih teorija zavere. Prva opšta preporuka, na osnovu zdravog razuma i rezultata ove studije, jeste da društvene i političke institucije trebaju biti otvorene i transparentne. Druga opšta preporuka govori o dugoročnom pristupu kroz obrazovni sistem gdje se treba više fokusirati na razvoj kritičkog mišljenja i istraživačkih vještina kod mladih. Treća preporuka je da institucije civilnog društva, tj. nevladine organizacije, mediji i javnost moraju da rade zajedno u pravcu razotkrivanja teorija zavere. Na kraju, javnost u cjelini treba senzibilizirati u pogledu zavjereničkih narativa, a posebno onih koji su ukorjenjeni u ideološkim sukobima. Na samom kraju rada razmatramo pitanja i ograničenja studije i ideje o mogućim poboljšanjima dizajna istraživanja.
... Furthermore, paranoia is related to suspicion of people in general, while conspiracy beliefs to suspicion of powerful others (Imhoff & Lamberty, 2018). In addition, as an empirical matter, studies have found only low to moderate correlations between these two constructs (Brotherton & Eser, 2015;Darwin, Neave, & Holmes, 2011;Wilson & Rose, 2014). ...
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Beliefs in conspiracy theories, generally considered to be a unidimensional construct, are associated with negative outcomes. The existing measures of conspiracy theory beliefs have number of shortcomings. We present the development of a novel measure of the tendency to believe in conspiracy theories and report the discovery of a second factor that reflects rational skepticism. In Study 1 (N = 500) we use item response theory to devise the final items. In Study 2 (N = 202) we demonstrate the predictive validity of the two factors for different types of conspiracies. In Study 3 (N = 308) we demonstrate convergent/divergent validity. In Study 4 (N = 800) we demonstrate construct validity in three countries. Implications for the concept of conspiracy theory and conspiracy theory beliefs are discussed.
... Our findings can also be connected to recent research demonstrating that individual narcissism, or a grandiose idea of the self, is positively related to belief in conspiracy theories (Cichocka et al., 2016;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Interestingly, Cichocka et al. (2016) found that paranoid thought mediates the relationship between individual narcissism and conspiracy beliefs. ...
... Our findings can also be connected to recent research demonstrating that individual narcissism, or a grandiose idea of the self, is positively related to belief in conspiracy theories (Cichocka et al., 2016;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Interestingly, Cichocka et al. (2016) found that paranoid thought mediates the relationship between individual narcissism and conspiracy beliefs. ...
Preprint
In the current research, we investigated whether belief in conspiracy theories satisfies people’s need for uniqueness. We found that the tendency to believe in conspiracy theories was associated with the feeling of possessing scarce information about the situations explained by the conspiracy theories (Study 1) and higher need for uniqueness (Study 2). A further two studies using two different manipulations of need for uniqueness (Studies 3 and 4), showed that people in a high need for uniqueness condition displayed higher conspiracy belief than people in a low need for uniqueness condition. This conclusion is strengthened by a small-scale meta-analysis. These studies suggest that conspiracy theories may serve people’s desire to be unique, highlighting a motivational underpinning of conspiracy belief.
... Although it is true that both paranoia and belief in conspiracy theories are frequently associated with low trust and lack of control, it is crucial to gain a better understanding what kind of trust and what kind of control we are talking about. Many authors have noted that conspiracy theories "frequently if not always involve a strong political element" (Wilson & Rose, 2014;p. 275;Imhoff & Bruder, 2014). ...
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Public discourse and scholarly literature often make a strong connection between paranoid thought and belief in conspiracy theories. We report one meta‐analysis and two correlational studies across two distinct cultural contexts (total N = 578) to provide an estimate for their association but also evidence for their distinctiveness via a multi‐trait‐multi‐method approach. Whereas the meta‐analysis (k = 11 studies) provided support for a reliable association between paranoia and conspiracy beliefs, the two additional studies provide direct evidence for their distinctiveness and divergent associations with other constructs. Although both assume sinister intentions of others, beliefs in conspiracy theories are more specific in who these others are (powerful groups) than paranoia (everyone). In contrast, paranoia was more restricted in terms of who the target of the negative intentions is (the self) than conspiracy theorizing (society as a whole). In light of this and distinct associations of conspiracy beliefs with political control and trust but not (inter‐)personal control and trust (like paranoia), we propose to treat the two as distinct (albeit correlated) constructs with conspiracy beliefs reflecting a political attitude compared to paranoia as a self‐relevant belief. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
... Our findings can also be connected to recent research demonstrating that individual narcissism, or a grandiose idea of the self, is positively related to belief in conspiracy theories (Cichocka et al., 2016;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Interestingly, Cichocka et al. (2016) found that paranoid thought mediates the relationship between individual narcissism and conspiracy beliefs. ...
Article
In the current research, we investigated whether belief in conspiracy theories satisfies people’s need for uniqueness. We found that the tendency to believe in conspiracy theories was associated with the feeling of possessing scarce information about the situations explained by the conspiracy theories (Study 1) and higher need for uniqueness (Study 2). A further two studies using two different manipulations of need for uniqueness (Studies 3 and 4), showed that people in a high need for uniqueness condition displayed higher conspiracy belief than people in a low need for uniqueness condition. This conclusion is strengthened by a small-scale meta-analysis. These studies suggest that conspiracy theories may serve people’s desire to be unique, highlighting a motivational underpinning of conspiracy belief.
... Research shows that such heightened self-reference and awareness of others' perceptions can foster paranoia-a tendency to perceive others' actions as intentionally malicious (Feningsten & Vanable, 1992; see Cameron, 1959;Cicero & Kerns, 2011;Raskin & Terry, 1988). Paranoia has been identified as a robust predictor of conspiracy beliefs, which correspond to a more specific conviction that a major political or social event is intentionally caused by ''a secret plot by a covert alliance of powerful individuals or organizations'' (Douglas & Suttton, 2011, p. 3;e.g., Bruder et al., 2013;Darwin, Neave, & Holmes, 2011;Grzesiak-Feldman, 2015;Kramer & Schaffer, 2014;Wilson & Rose, 2014). Melley (2002) suggested that it is the intentionality bias that makes the paranoid prone to perceive significant events as being caused by conspiracies. ...
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Across three studies, we examined the role of self-evaluation in predicting conspiracy beliefs. Previous research linked the endorsement of conspiracy theories to low self-esteem. We propose that conspiracy theories should rather be appealing to individuals with exaggerated feelings of self-love, such as narcissists, due to their paranoid tendencies. In Study 1 general conspiracist beliefs were predicted by high individual narcissism but low self-esteem. Study 2 demonstrated that these effects were differentially mediated by paranoid thoughts, and independent of the effects of collective narcissism. Individual narcissism predicted generalized conspiracist beliefs, regardless of the conspiracy theories implicating in-group or out-group members, while collective narcissism predicted belief in out-group but not in-group conspiracies. Study 3 replicated the effects of individual narcissism and self-esteem on the endorsement of various specific conspiracy theories and demonstrated that the negative effect of self-esteem was largely accounted for by the general negativity towards humans associated with low self-esteem.
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Partiendo del libro de 2020 de Michal Sandel “La tiranía del mérito”, en este ensayo estudiaremos cómo el resentimiento de los trabajadores blancos estadounidenses sin título universitario hacia las élites políticas, económicas y sociales se ha retroalimentado con el fenómeno de la desinformación y las teorías de la conspiración, concretamente con la conocida como QAnon. Primero exploraremos el libro de Sandel y su relación con la paranoia y después expondremos las claves de la teoría de la conspiración QAnon, que nos servirá para comparar las semejanzas entre sus causas y lógicas con las reflexiones de Sandel acerca de las consecuencias de la meritocracia.
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Using survey and social network evidence from Southeast Europe, we advance the understanding of conspiracy theories and politics related to the coronavirus pandemic in three ways: (1) we show that beliefs in coronavirus conspiracy theories are related to ideological support for a nationalist vision of society and socialist vision of the economy; (2) we also show that both conspiracy believers and nonbelievers are living in bubbles of the like-minded; and (3) we use the tools of natural language processing to elucidate the unambiguous differences in the discourse related to the coronavirus used by conspiracy believers and nonbelievers.
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After the fall of the Iron Curtain, expectations about the rapid democratization, smooth transition to market economy, and integration into the global flux of goods, people, and ideas of Eastern European countries ran high. Over three decades after 1989, the political trends in Eastern Europe, such as the rise of populism, reveal that the democratic transition is easily reversible. With the recent populist revival and the rise of authoritarian leaders in Eastern Europe, however, antisemitic discourse reached mainstream politics and surfaced in campaigns against the American-Jewish billionaire George Soros across the region. Anti-EU and anti-Soros narratives are just two examples of conspiracy theories that have received a great impetus from Eastern Europe in the past decade. Conspiracy theorizing has a long history in Eastern Europe, but scholarship started to reflect on this legacy relatively recently, in a large part as a result of current global political trends and the growing impact of such theories on social imaginaries.
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This open-access book examines the phenomenon of fake news by bringing together leading experts from different fields within psychology and related areas, and explores what has become a prominent feature of public discourse since the first Brexit referendum and the 2016 US election campaign. Thanks to funding from the Swiss National Science Foundation, all chapters can be downloaded free of charge at the publisher's website: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9780429295379 There is also an Amazon Kindle edition that's free of charge: https://www.amazon.com/Psychology-Fake-News-Correcting-Misinformation-ebook-dp-B08FF54H53/dp/B08FF54H53/ref=mt_other?_encoding=UTF8&me=&qid=
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In the last decade, the number of investigations of the beliefs in conspiracy theories has begun to increase in the fields of social, differential, and experimental psychology. A considerable number of variables have been suggested as predictors of conspiracy beliefs, amongst them personality factors such as low agreeableness (as disagreeableness is associated with suspicion and antagonism) and high openness to experience (due to its positive association to seek out unusual and novel ideas). The association between agreeableness, openness to experience and conspiracy beliefs remains unclear in the literature. The present study reviews the literature of psychological studies investigating conspiracy beliefs. Additionally, the association between Big Five personality factors and conspiracy beliefs is analyzed meta-analytically using random-effects models. Ninety-six studies were identified for the systematic review. A comprehensive account of predictors, consequences, operationalization, questionnaires, and most prominent conspiracy theories is presented. For meta-analysis, 74 effect sizes from 13 studies were extracted. The psychological literature on predictors of conspiracy beliefs can be divided in approaches either with a pathological (e.g., paranoia) or socio-political focus (e.g., perceived powerlessness). Generally, there is a lack of theoretical frameworks in this young area of research. Meta-analysis revealed that agreeableness, openness to experience, and the remaining Big Five personality factors were not significantly associated with conspiracy beliefs if effect sizes are aggregated. Considerable heterogeneity in designs and operationalization characterizes the field. This article provides an overview of instrumentation, study designs, and current state of knowledge in an effort toward advancement and consensus in the study of conspiracy beliefs.
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Sixty-four participants were asked to read one of four variations on a vignette that reported the assassination or attempted assassination of a hypothetical President and then to rate the likelihood that each of eight statements relating to the vignettes was accurate. Participants were more likely to endorse a conspiracy theory to account for events when the consequences were major (the President dies) rather than comparatively minor (the President survives). Levels of belief in real-world conspiracy theories did not relate to this inference-making process even though participants whose level of belief in conspiracy theories was high were more likely to doubt the veracity of the reported details of the event.
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Surveyed 348 residents of southwestern New Jersey and found that most believed that several of a list of 10 conspiracy theories were at least probably true. Ss who believed in 1 conspiracy were more likely also to believe in others. Belief in conspiracies was correlated with anomia, lack of interpersonal trust, and insecurity about employment. Blacks and Hispanics were more likely to believe in conspiracy theories than were Whites. Younger Ss were slightly more likely to believe in conspiracy theories, but there were few significant correlations with gender, educational level, or occupational category. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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ABSTRACT Previous studies have suggested that conspiracist ideation forms part of a monological belief system in which one conspiracist idea acts as evidence for new conspiracist ideas. Here, we examined this possibility in relation to an event lacking reliable or conclusive evidence, namely the disappearance of Amelia Earhart and Fred Noonan. A total of 914 members of the British general public completed scales measuring their beliefs about the disappearance of Earhart and Noonan, belief in conspiracy theories, the Big Five personality factors, support for democratic principles, political cynicism, self-esteem, and self-assessed intelligence. Results showed that belief in conspiracy theories was associated with the endorsement of less plausible explanations for the disappearance of Earhart and Noonan. In addition, belief in less plausible explanations was also significantly associated with lower self-assessed intelligence, greater political cynicism, lower self-esteem, and higher Agreeableness scores. These results are discussed in relation to monological belief systems.
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Surveys indicate that belief in conspiracy theories is widespread. Previous studies have indicated that such beliefs are related to agreeableness, low levels of self esteem, certain negative attitudes towards authority, and paranoia. The current study investigated the relationship between conspiracy theory beliefs, paranormal belief, paranoid ideation, and schizotypy, in a study involving 60 females and 60 males aged 18–50. Sex differences were found in paranormal belief, with females scoring significantly higher than males in spiritualism, precognition, psi, and overall paranormal belief. Partial correlations controlling for sex showed that conspiracy beliefs were significantly and positively correlated with paranormal beliefs, paranoid ideation and schizotypy. Confirmatory analysis revealed a best fit model to explain conspiracy beliefs that included schizotypy and paranoid ideation, but not paranormal beliefs. These findings suggest that paranoid ideation and schizotypy are strongly associated with belief in conspiracy theories.
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The cross-lagged effects of dangerous and competitive social worldviews on Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) were examined over a five-month period (N = 165). Analyses indicated that the motivational goal for group-based dominance and superiority indexed by SDO changed as a function of the degree to which the social world was perceived as a competitive place characterized by inequality and resource scarcity. The motivational goal for ingroup conformity and collective security indexed by RWA, in contrast, changed as a function of the degree to which the social world was perceived as a dangerous and threatening place prone to high levels of crime and immoral behavior. These findings are consistent with the causal pathways between social worldviews and ideological attitudes predicted by Duckitt's (2001) model of the dual motivational and cognitive processes underlying prejudice. An unexpected reciprocal effect in which RWA predicted longitudinal change in dangerous worldview was also identified, suggesting that the relationship between these two constructs may be more complex than previously hypothesized.
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Two studies examined the role of informational framing and individual differences on acceptance of the moon landings conspiracy theory (CT). In Study 1, participants were randomly assigned to one of three experimental groups in which they were exposed to different forms of information about the moon landings CT. Results showed that information critical of the moon landings CT resulted in attenuated conspiracist beliefs and that information supportive of the CT resulted in stronger conspiracist beliefs. In addition, stronger belief in the moon landings CT was associated with participants' belief in other CTs and openness to experience. In Study 2, participants completed a survey measuring their belief in the moon landings CT and a range of individual difference factors. Results showed that acceptance of the moon landings CT was associated with the adoption of a conspiracist worldview and schizotypal tendencies. Possibilities for conceptualizing the functional roles played by CTs are discussed. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Previous studies on the relationship between threat and right-wing attitudes have tended to focus on either internal threat, emanating from one's private life, or external threat, originating from society. However, these studies failed to examine whether these types of threats constitute two distinctive dimensions and which of these threats is most closely related to right-wing attitudes. In order to explore the dimensions underlying threat, a factor analysis on a variety of threat scales was conducted (Study 1; N = 300). Furthermore, in a meta-analysis (Study 2; total N = 22,086) and a questionnaire study in a large representative sample (Study 3, N = 800) the strength of the relationships of internal and external threat with right-wing attitudes were investigated. The present studies revealed that internal and external threat can be considered as two distinct dimensions underlying threat. Moreover, whereas external threat yielded strong relationships with right-wing attitudes, internal threat only explained a minor part of the variance in these attitudes. External rather than internal threat underlies the relationship between threat and right-wing attitudes.
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Two studies examined correlates of belief in a Jewish conspiracy theory among Malays in Malaysia, a culture in which state-directed conspiracism as a means of dealing with perceived external and internal threats is widespread. In Study 1, 368 participants from Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, completed a novel measure of belief in a Jewish conspiracy theory, along with measures of general conspiracist ideation, and anomie. Initial analysis showed that the novel scale factorially reduced to a single dimension. Further analysis showed that belief in the Jewish conspiracy theory was only significantly associated with general conspiracist ideation, but the strength of the association was weak. In Study 2, 314 participants completed the measure of belief in the Jewish conspiracy theory, along with measures of general conspiracist ideation, and ideological attitudes. Results showed that belief in the Jewish conspiracy theory was associated with anti-Israeli attitudes, modern racism directed at the Chinese, right-wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation. General conspiracist ideation did not emerge as a significant predictor once other variables had been accounted for. These results suggest that there may be specific cultural and social psychological forces that drive belief in the Jewish conspiracy theory within the Malaysian context. Specifically, belief in the Jewish conspiracy theory among Malaysian Malays appears to serve ideological needs and as a mask for anti-Chinese sentiment, which may in turn reaffirm their perceived ability to shape socio-political processes.
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Given the widespread appeal of conspiratorial beliefs, it is surprising that very little empirical research has examined the psychological variables associated with such beliefs. In the present study, we examined individual and demographic predictors of beliefs in conspiracy theories concerning the September 11, 2001 (9/11) attacks on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon among a representative British sample of 254 women and men. Results of structural equation modelling showed that 9/11 conspiracist beliefs were positively associated with belief in other conspiracy theories, exposure to 9/11 conspiracist ideas, political cynicism, defiance of authority and the Big Five personality factor of Agreeableness. In total, a model including demographics, personality and individual difference variables explained over 50% of the variance in 9/11 conspiracist ideas. The implications of these findings for the literature on conspiracy theories are discussed. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Although common knowledge seems to agree that authoritarianism is ‘bad to the self’, previous studies yielded inconclusive results with respect to the relationship between authoritarianism and mental distress. The present research explores whether the impact of facilitators of mental distress on actual mental distress depends on the level of authoritarianism. Study 1 includes a sample of 132 adults and demonstrated less negative consequences of D-type personality on depression for individuals with high rather than low levels of authoritarianism. Study 2 conducted in a sample of 109 elderly revealed that the effects of negative stressful life events on mental distress were curbed by higher levels of authoritarianism. It is concluded that while previous studies have amply shown that authoritarianism has adverse consequences for other people, these negative effects do not appear to be particularly present for the self. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Research has shown that social threat correlates with ideological authoritarianism, but the issues of causal direction and specificity of threat to particular ideological attitudes remain unclear. Here, a theoretical model is proposed in which social threat has an impact on authoritarianism specifically, with the effect mediated through social worldview. The model was experimentally tested with a sample of undergraduates who responded to one of three hypothetical scenarios describing a future New Zealand that was secure, threatening, or essentially unaltered. Both threat and security influenced social worldview, but only threat influenced authoritarianism, with differential effects on two factorially distinct subdimensions (conservative and authoritarian social control attitudes) and with the effects of threat mediated through worldview. There was a weak effect of threat on social dominance that was entirely mediated through authoritarianism. The findings support the proposed theoretical model of how personal and social contextual factors causally affect people's social worldviews and ideological attitudes.
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This study used canonical correlation to examine the relationship of 11 individual difference variables to two measures of beliefs in conspiracies. Undergraduates were administered a questionnaire that included these two measures (beliefs in specific conspiracies and attitudes toward the existence of conspiracies) and scales assessing the 11 variables. High levels of anomie, authoritarianism, and powerlessness, along with a low level of self-esteem, were related to beliefs in specific conspiracies, whereas high levels of external locus of control and hostility, along with a low level of trust, were related to attitudes toward the existence of conspiracies in general. These findings support the idea that beliefs in conspiracies are related to feelings of alienation, powerlessness, hostility, and being disadvantaged. There was no support for the idea that people believe in conspiracies because they provide simplified explanations of complex events.
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Black Americans are far more likely than White Americans to endorse theories about conspiracies by the U.S. government against Blacks. The present study explored the predictors of these conspiracy beliefs for 91 Black and 96 White college students. Two explanations for belief in these conspiracies were considered, one focusing on political powerless and externality of attributions and the other focusing on system blame or Blacks' disadvantaged status. Regression analyses supported the view that belief in these conspiracy theories is related to blaming problems of Black Americans on prejudice and discrimination. Race was a powerful predictor of belief in these conspiracies even when socioeconomic status was controlled. Furthermore, the race effect was partially mediated by the system blame measure but not by political powerlessness or greater externality of attributional style. System blame was a much stronger predictor of conspiracy beliefs for Black than for White students. Conspiracy beliefs were positively associated with the racial self-esteem of Black students and negatively for White students. Clinical implications and implications for intergroup relations are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) (journal abstract)
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Because the authoritarian personality was introduced to explain the rise of fascism during World War II, research focused on its ability to predict prejudice, leaving its associations with well-being largely unexplored. Studies that did examine these associations yielded inconsistent results, and some authors even argued that authoritarianism buffers against the negative effects of psychological vulnerability factors (i.e. D-type personality) and negative life events on well-being, especially among people in an authoritarian environment. Using a cross-sectional community sample (N=1010), Study 1 failed to support the idea that authoritarianism relates to depressive symptoms and buffers against the negative effects of D-type personality on depressive symptoms. Using a longitudinal college student sample (N=499), Study 2 showed that authoritarianism did not moderate the effects of life events either and even predicted over-time increases in depressive symptoms. Using a longitudinal high school sample (N=590), Study 3 showed that this effect emerged regardless of degree of fit with the social environment (i.e. with family and friends). Taken together, results suggest that authoritarianism constitutes a risk factor for rather than a protective factor against depressive symptoms.
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Despite evidence of widespread belief in conspiracy theories, there remains a dearth of research on the individual difference correlates of conspiracist ideation. In two studies, we sought to overcome this limitation by examining correlations between conspiracist ideation and a range of individual psychological factors. In Study 1, 817 Britons indicated their agreement with conspiracist ideation concerning the July 7, 2005 (7/7), London bombings, and completed a battery of individual difference scales. Results showed that stronger belief in 7/7 conspiracy theories was predicted by stronger belief in other real-world conspiracy theories, greater exposure to conspiracist ideation, higher political cynicism, greater support for democratic principles, more negative attitudes to authority, lower self-esteem, and lower Agreeableness. In Study 2, 281 Austrians indicated their agreement with an entirely fictitious conspiracy theory and completed a battery of individual difference measures not examined in Study 1. Results showed that belief in the entirely fictitious conspiracy theory was significantly associated with stronger belief in other real-world conspiracy theories, stronger paranormal beliefs, and lower crystallized intelligence. These results are discussed in terms of the potential of identifying individual difference constellations among conspiracy theorists.
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Despite a substantial literature examining personality, prejudice, and related constructs such as Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), there have been no systematic reviews in this area. The authors reviewed and meta-analyzed 71 studies (N = 22,068 participants) investigating relationships between Big Five dimensions of personality, RWA, SDO, and prejudice. RWA was predicted by low Openness to Experience but also Conscientiousness, whereas SDO was predicted by low Agreeableness and also weakly by low Openness to Experience. Consistent with a dual-process motivational model of ideology and prejudice, the effects of Agreeableness on prejudice were fully mediated by SDO, and those of Openness to Experience were largely mediated by RWA. Finally, the effects of Agreeableness and Openness to Experience were robust and consistent across samples, although subtle moderating factors were identified, including differences in personality inventory (NEO Personality Inventory-Revised vs. Big Five Inventory), differences across prejudice domain, and cross-cultural differences in Conscientiousness and Neuroticism. Implications for the study of personality and prejudice are discussed.
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Early theorists assumed that sociopolitical or ideological attitudes were organized along a single left-right dimension and directly expressed a basic personality dimension. Empirical findings, however, did not support this and suggested that there seem to be 2 distinct ideological attitude dimensions, best captured by the constructs of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation, which express 2 distinct sets of motivational goals or values. We outline a dual-process motivational (DPM) model of how these 2 dimensions originate from particular personality dispositions and socialized worldview beliefs and how and why their different underlying motivational goals or values generate their wide-ranging effects on social outcomes, such as prejudice and politics. We then review new research bearing on the model and conclude by noting promising directions for future research.
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Previous studies of paranoia have assessed only limited numbers of paranoid thoughts, and have not considered the experience from a multidimensional perspective or examined the relationship between different suspicious thoughts. To assess a wide range of paranoid thoughts multidimensionally and examine their distribution, to identify the associated coping strategies and to examine social-cognitive processes and paranoia. Six questionnaire assessments were completed by 1202 individuals using the internet. Paranoid thoughts occurred regularly in approximately a third of the group. Increasing endorsement of paranoid thoughts was characterised by the recruitment of rarer and odder ideas. Higher levels of paranoia were associated with emotional and avoidant coping, less use of rational and detached coping, negative attitudes to emotional expression, submissive behaviours and lower social rank. Suspiciousness is common and there may be a hierarchical arrangement of such thoughts that builds on common emotional concerns.
Chapter
Social psychologists, when first introduced into the field (or rather, underground world) of conspiracy and conspiratorial conceptions, experience two kinds of surprise. First, they will be struck and then puzzled by the obvious fact that there is a large and complex field of potential social-psychological research of which they have been unaware. Neither in the broad context of the general problems of their field nor in the special domains of the attribution of guilt and blame have they come across conspiracy Not for the first time they will have to concede that there is a topic of intrinsic psychological interest that has been left to history and to other social sciences, as has happened with most social issues that could not easily be tailored into experimental size.
Book
Part I. From There to Here - Theoretical Background: 1. From visiousness to viciousness: theories of intergroup relations 2. Social dominance theory as a new synthesis Part II. Oppression and its Psycho-Ideological Elements: 3. The psychology of group dominance: social dominance orientation 4. Let's both agree that you're really stupid: the power of consensual ideology Part III. The Circle of Oppression - The Myriad Expressions of Institutional Discrimination: 5. You stay in your part of town and I'll stay in mine: discrimination in the housing and retail markets 6. They're just too lazy to work: discrimination in the labor market 7. They're just mentally and physically unfit: discrimination in education and health care 8. The more of 'them' in prison, the better: institutional terror, social control and the dynamics of the criminal justice system Part IV. Oppression as a Cooperative Game: 9. Social hierarchy and asymmetrical group behavior: social hierarchy and group difference in behavior 10. Sex and power: the intersecting political psychologies of patriarchy and empty-set hierarchy 11. Epilogue.
Article
It is commonly accepted that social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) are potent unique predictors of a variety of prejudice and prejudice-related constructs. However, contrary to some predictions, there has been little evidence that these constructs interact to produce this outcome-they appear to be additive but not interactive in their prediction of prejudice. We extend the interaction hypothesis to consideration of another broadly relevant construct-political ideology. Drawing from 14 independent New Zealand-based samples, we show, through meta-analysis and multilevel random coefficient modelling, that SDO and RWA additively and interactively predict levels of political conservatism operationalised in a variety of ways. Specifically, both constructs are associated with increasing political conservatism, and the lowest levels of conservatism (or highest levels of political liberalism) are found in those lowest in both SDO and RWA.
Chapter
Conspiracy implies secret communication. It occurs when a group is plotting to attain some goal, and keeping their actions secret from those who would otherwise oppose them.
Chapter
An examination of anti-Semitic themes in the thinking of the contemporary far left cannot proceed without controversy, for the very concept of “anti-Semitism” is itself a matter of intense debate. At the root of this debate lie the relations between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, and whether, either in practice or in theory, the articulation of an anti-Zionist position collapses into an anti-Semitic one, or whether anti-Zionism is separate from anti-Semitism. The present strategy is not to offer firm definitions of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism, in order to separate or link the two concepts by definition, but to see whether anti-Semitic themes emerge in the way that the anti-Zionist position is articulated in sections of the far left in Britain.
Article
Conspiracy thinking is defined as a pattern of explanatory reasoning about events and situations of personal, social, and historical significance in which a "conspiracy" is the dominant or operative actor. While conspiracy thinking exists to some extent probably in every society, the authors note the special prevalence of this type of thinking in the Arab-Iranian-Muslim Middle East, and offer a psychoanalytically based approach to conspiracy thinking based on theories of the paranoid process. The authors also attempt to identify aspects of Arab-Iranian-Muslim culture that may predispose individuals from that culture to conspiracy thinking, especially child-rearing practices, attitudes toward sexuality, and the role of secrecy.
Article
The concept of irrational beliefs is central to rational emotive behavior therapy (REBT). These beliefs are defined by their absolutist and dogmatic qualities. The terms absolutist and dogmatic are also characteristic of some personality constructs, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) being foremost among these. A relatively new personality construct, social dominance orientation (SDO) is similar to RWA in that both are excellent predictors of prejudice. As these two constructs are independent of each other, it has been suggested that they have different etiological underpinnings. The present study examined the relationship between the presence of irrational beliefs in people scoring high in RWA and SDO. Results suggest that high RWAs are more likely than high SDOs to endorse irrational beliefs. These findings add to the growing literature examining the relationship between these two personality constructs as well as suggesting possible implications for the use of REBT with clients scoring high on these personality dimensions.
Article
In 4 studies, we analyzed the correlation between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). In the 1st study, we meta-analyzed the research studies published on the correlation between RWA and SDO. In the other 3-2 with political militant samples and 1 with a student sample - we analyzed this relationship in Italy. The correlation between RWA and SDO was greater in countries characterized by strong, rather than weak, ideological contrasts and, only in countries with strong ideological contrast, greater in adult, rather than student, samples. In Italy, the correlation between RWA and SDO was strong, positive, and stable in the student sample. However, in our militant samples 3 different patterns of correlations were found: (a) positive, (b) nearly zero, and (c) negative. The subsamples in which the correlation was negative were made up of rightist militants with a relatively avoidant and not secure attachment style. Limits and future developments of this research are discussed.
Article
The additive and interactive effects of Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) were examined using 16 independent samples of New Zealand European participants (N = 2,164). Consistent with Duckitt's (2001) Dual Process Model, SDO and RWA displayed strong additive effects across various domains of intergroup-related attitude, including measures of racism, sexism, homosexual prejudice, and ethnic and religious ingroup identification. In each of these five domains, meta-analysis indicated that the statistical interaction of SDO and RWA accounted for an average of less than .001% variance in addition to their linear combination. It is concluded that the association between SDO and various discriminatory attitudes and beliefs is only extremely weakly dependent on RWA, and vice-versa, suggesting that these two ideological attitudes are primarily additive, rather than interactive, in nature.
Article
The so-called Dark Triad (narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy) represent correlated subclinical personality traits capturing “dark personalities”. How might darker personalities contribute to prejudice? In the present study (n = 197), these dark personality variables correlated positively with outgroup threat perceptions and anti-immigrant prejudice. A proposed two-stage structural equation model, assuming indirect personality effects (Dark Personality, Big Five) on prejudice through ideology and group threat perceptions, fit the data well. Specifically, a latent Dark Personality factor predicted social dominance orientation, whereas (low) Openness to Experience predicted right-wing authoritarianism; these ideological variables each predicted prejudice directly and indirectly through heightened intergroup threat. The authors recommend that personality models of prejudice incorporate both normal-range and subclinical personality predictors, in addition to ideological and social psychological mediators.
Article
The first item principal components analysis on the Delusions-Symptoms-States Inventory’s item pool was carried out to assess the coherence of the a priori concepts. This involved the responses of 479 psychiatric patients and 234 normal adult subjects on 104 test items. Principal components analyses produced six oblique scales of six items each, with satisfactory Cronbach alpha reliability coefficients, which were also meaningful clinically. These were Psychological Distress, Grandiose Beliefs, Persecutory Beliefs, Euphoric Mood, Intrusive Thoughts and Acts and Somatic Distress. A principal components analysis of the scale scores produced three higher order factors including ones identified as neurosis and psychosis. The factor, and subscale scores, were examined in relation to the degree of patient involvement with psychiatric services and normal status. These six new scales, to be known as the British Inventory of Mental Pathology (BIMP), should be useful as a quick psychiatric screening measure and as a monitor of change.
Article
Is social dominance orientation (SDO) a stable individual difference measuring a general orientation towards group-based inequality or constructed from the situational priming of attitudes and beliefs about specific groups? Two studies in Taiwan involving 1605 adults (Study 1) and 101 high school students (Study 2) addressed this dispute between social dominance theory (SDT) and self-categorization theory (SCT). In Study 1, questionnaires were used to prime the salience of either gender or arbitrary-set system (demographic group). In accord with SCT, and contrary to SDT’s invariance hypothesis, men were higher on SDO than women only when gender was salient, and Mingnan Taiwanese, the dominant group in the arbitrary-set system, were higher in SDO than Outside province Taiwanese and Hakka Taiwanese only when demographic group was salient. In Study 2, high school students on a field trip to a museum exhibit that primed race had significantly higher SDO scores compared to their pretest scores on a questionnaire priming demographic group. Test–retest reliability was 0.48, modest for a 1-week interval. SDO acted more like an ideological orientation than as a personality variable, with limited cross-situational consistency.
Article
We conducted a cross-sectional telephone survey to explore the relationship of birth control conspiracy beliefs and perceived discrimination to contraceptive attitudes and behavior among a sample of African Americans (aged 18-45) in the USA (N = 71). Results indicated that a large percentage of respondents perceived discrimination targeted at African American women and endorsed birth control conspiracy beliefs, and that a significant proportion of female respondents perceived discrimination when getting family planning or contraceptive services. Stronger conspiracy beliefs and greater perceived discrimination were associated with negative attitudes toward contraceptive methods, particularly birth control pills, and with contraceptive behavior and intentions. Our findings suggest that conspiracy beliefs and perceived discrimination may play an important role in African Americans' attitudes toward and use of contraceptive methods.
Article
A new instrument designed to assess paranoid thought in college students, together with reliability and validity data, was presented in Study 1. A single general factor accounted for a substantial portion of the variance in the full scale. Public self-consciousness was consistently and significantly correlated with the present measure of paranoia. In Study 2, both pretested paranoia and public self-consciousness were related to feelings of being watched (a classical manifestation of paranoia), although public self-consciousness had an effect only when there was a 2-way mirror present. In Study 3, self-attention, experimentally induced using a story construction task, again resulted in a heightened sense of being observed. Discussion focuses on paranoid cognition as characteristic of everyday thought and the implications of self-attention for social perception processes.
Article
The theme of conspiracy, together with those of attention, of persecution, of calling, of omnipotence, of redemption, of being victim, of apocalyptic vision, is among the current themes of paranoic-schizophrenic, sensitive as well as involutive, products of delusion. From a descriptive-psychopathological1 point of view, these themes have more-or-less optimal contents; they are drawn from the material of experienced based on the person’s biographical and sociocultural background. This is what thought processes whose form has been changed by delusion (see Jaspers, 1946, pp. 88, 340–344, 614; Peters, 1977, p. 572) utilize. Something a specific culture has not thought of, therefore, cannot form part of the experience of the members of this community, and, consequently, cannot become a delusionary theme. If one turns the conclusions around, can one however deduce that everything that is part of the cultural repertoire and which the individual in question has had access to as a result of his biographical constellations, therefore constitutes a potential delusionary theme? No. As one sees right away, obviously there are privileged delusionary themes such as the ones mentioned earlier, while other themes, which are as accessible culturally and biographically, are hardly ever (or never) the theme of a delusion. For instance, it is difficult to imagine a gardening or cooking, a mediocrity or coincidence delusion. Hence the question, which descriptive psychopathology tends to neglect, namely whether the theme of a delusion is not linked to the function of the delusion, whether there is not a structural connection, seems justified (Jaspers, 1946, p. 88; Schneider, 1971, p. 112ff.).
Article
The author considered the small part of the population whose members score highly on both the Social Dominance Orientation scale and the Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale. Studies of these High SDO-High RWAs, culled from samples of nearly 4000 Canadian university students and over 2600 of their parents and reported in the present article, reveal that these dominating authoritarians are among the most prejudiced persons in society. Furthermore, they seem to combine the worst elements of each kind of personality, being power-hungry, unsupportive of equality, manipulative, and amoral, as social dominators are in general, while also being religiously ethnocentric and dogmatic, as right-wing authoritarians tend to be. The author suggested that, although they are small in number, such persons can have considerable impact on society because they are well-positioned to become the leaders of prejudiced right-wing political movements.
Article
Although prior research shows that substantial proportions of African Americans hold conspiracy beliefs, little is known about the subgroups of African Americans most likely to endorse such beliefs. We examined the relationship of African Americans' sociodemographic characteristics to their conspiracy beliefs about HIV/AIDS and birth control. Anonymous telephone surveys were conducted with a targeted random-digit-dial sample of 500 African Americans (15-44 years) in the contiguous United States. Respondents reported agreement with statements capturing beliefs in HIV/AIDS conspiracies (one scale) and birth control conspiracies (two scales). Sociodemographic variables included gender, age, education, employment, income, number of people income supports, number of living children, marital/cohabitation status, religiosity and black identity. Multivariate analyses indicated that stronger HIV/AIDS conspiracy beliefs were significantly associated with male gender, black identity and lower income. Male gender and lower education were significantly related to black genocide conspiracy beliefs, and male gender and high religiosity were significantly related to contraceptive safety conspiracy beliefs. The set of sociodemographic characteristics explained a moderately small amount of the variance in conspiracy beliefs regarding HIV/AIDS (R2 range=0.07-0.12) and birth control (R2 range=0.05-0.09). Findings suggest that conspiracy beliefs are not isolated to specific segments of the African-American population.
Article
At least 10-15% of the general population regularly experience paranoid thoughts and persecutory delusions are a frequent symptom of psychosis. Persecutory ideation is a key topic for study. In this article the empirical literature on psychological processes associated with persecutory thinking in clinical and non-clinical populations is comprehensively reviewed. There is a large direct affective contribution to the experience. In particular, anxiety affects the content, distress and persistence of paranoia. In the majority of cases paranoia does not serve a defensive function, but instead builds on interpersonal concerns conscious to the person. However, affect alone is not sufficient to produce paranoid experiences. There is also evidence that anomalous internal experiences may be important in leading to odd thought content and that a jumping to conclusions reasoning bias is present in individuals with persecutory delusions. Theory of mind functioning has received particular research attention recently but the findings do not support a specific association with paranoia. The threat anticipation cognitive model of persecutory delusions is presented, in which persecutory delusions are hypothesised to arise from an interaction of emotional processes, anomalous experiences and reasoning biases. Ten key future research questions are identified, including the need for researchers to consider factors important to the different dimensions of delusional experience.
An omnibus study of personality, values, and prejudice
  • S Mcfarland
Even paranoids have enemies: structure and correlates of conspiracy beliefs
  • M S Wilson
A major event has a major cause
  • Leman
Anomalistic psychology: a study of magical thinking
  • L Zusne
  • W H Jones
Philosophy and conspiracy theory. Paper presented to the School of Philosophy
  • D Coady
Snakes and ladders: evidence of reciprocal causal relationships between social dominance orientation and psychopathy
  • M S Wilson
  • C G Sibley