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Looking a gift horse in the mouth: Identification of the earliest bitted equids and the microscopic analysis of wear
... Riding is possible, but fast riding is difficult without some kind of bridle with reins to grasp. Thus, the development of the bit becomes an essential part of the mechanism to control and ride an equid, whether horse, donkey or otherwise [38][39][40][41]. While some have tried to argue based on cave art for the presence of bridles (including cheek straps and potentially bits) on equids as far back as the Upper Palaeolithic [42,43], this perspective has not been accepted [44,45]. ...
... Archaeologists and zoologists working on material from Europe and the Near East have extensively studied the disparate iconographic, textual and artefactual remains to determine when equids were first ridden, e.g. [17,20,37,40,41,44,48,50,52,54,55,56]. Pieces of worked bone and antler have long been suggested as potential bridle and cheek pieces in Europe and Eurasian steppes from the late third, but more commonly early second millennium BCE sites [39,47,52,54,[57][58][59]. ...
... organic) bit. In wild and unbitted equids, the juncture of the mesial-occlusal surfaces of the LPM2 is flat and squared [41,48,53,69,72]. ...
Analysis of a sacrificed and interred domestic donkey from an Early Bronze Age (EB) IIIB (c. 2800–2600 BCE) domestic residential neighborhood at Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath, Israel, indicate the presence of bit wear on the Lower Premolar 2 (LPM2). This is the earliest evidence for the use of a bit among early domestic equids, and in particular donkeys, in the Near East. The mesial enamel surfaces on both the right and left LPM2 of the particular donkey in question are slightly worn in a fashion that suggests that a dental bit (metal, bone, wood, etc.) was used to control the animal. Given the secure chronological context of the burial (beneath the floor of an EB IIIB house), it is suggested that this animal provides the earliest evidence for the use of a bit on an early domestic equid from the Near East.
... In particolare, l'età ontogenetica è stata desunta dal confronto delle altezze delle corone dentarie, che si riducono in ragione dell'usura progressiva, con valori di riferimento pubblicati da Misk e Sellem (1998 dove Y corrisponde al prodotto tra la larghezza dell'articolazione distale (D.T.) e la profondità minima del condilo mediale (D.A.P.) del III metapodiale (Eisenmann, 2009a); A è una costante (-4,525); B il coefficiente di ridimensionamento allometrico (1,434) (Alberdi et al., 1995;Eisenmann, 2009a). Per l'identificazione di eventuali modificazioni di origine antropica e naturale 3 , potenziali alterazioni indotte dallo sfruttamento dell'animale come forza-lavoro e possibili manifestazioni patologiche, si è fatto riferimento a varie pubblicazioni specialistiche presenti in letteratura (Anthony, Brown, 1989;Behrensmeyer, 1978;Bendrey, 2007aBendrey, , 2007bBendrey, , 2007cDaugnora, Thomas, 2005;Dzierzęcka et al., 2008;Haynes, 1983;Janeczeck et al., 2010;Levine et al., 2004;Marković et al., 2014;Onar et al., 2012;Tappen, Peske, 1970). ...
... Allo stesso modo, è stato impossibile prendere in esame potenziali periostiti provocate dalla frizione del montante del morso sul diastema (Daugnora, Thomas, 2005). Anche nei denti non sono state riscontrate modificazioni riconducibili all'uso del morso (ad esempio smussamento dell'angolo anteriore e/o della superficie occlusale di P/2; abrasione del fronte di P/2) (Anthony, Brown, 1989;Bendrey, 2007a). La frammentazione dello scheletro assile non ha permesso di valutare possibili alterazioni patologiche a carico della colonna vertebrale, come, ad esempio, la formazione di speroni ossei tra le vertebre, spesso dovuta a traumi legati all'impiego come cavalcatura o per la soma, che è in genere associata a spondilite anchilosante (Spondylosis chronica deformans) (Daugnora, Thomas, 2005;Levine et al., 2004;Onar et al., 2012). ...
... Bit wear analyses for zooarchaeological research were developed and refined by Anthony and Brown (1989, 1991 and Brown and Anthony (1998). Their definition of bit wear is 'the damage that occurs on the occlusal (chewing) surfaces of the second premolar teeth (P2s), particularly the lower second premolars (P 2 s), when a horse chews the bit' (Brown and Anthony, 1998). ...
... This is a finding not revealed by using the method of Brown and Anthony (1998). Anthony and Brown (1989) state: bit wear is likely to be most pronounced on the occlusal surface of the tooth, where the enormous strength of the horse's jaw bears on the metal bit, rather than on the rostral edge, where only infrequent bit-tooth contacts would occur, most often in connection with sharp turning manoeuvres. ...
This article describes alterations to equid lower second premolars and diastemata from a series of known life history equids and a number of archaeological horse specimens from the British Iron Age. Two new methods for recording bit wear are proposed involving the analysis of the extent and morphology of enamel/dentine exposure on the anterior edge of LP2s and analysis of the extent of new bone formation and bone loss to the diastema of the mandible. It is suggested that when a bit is used on a horse it acts more frequently on the anterior margin of the LP2 than has previously been thought and that repeated contact between the bit and the LP2s and diastemata results in recognisable damage to these areas of the mouth.
... The other interesting focal point [41][42][43][46][47][48] was the aspects that resulted from the first lower premolar's (306 and 406) assessment. As mentioned in many literature sources, this piece of dentition presents a special wear pattern in the case of the bit usage [46,49]. ...
Archaeozoological investigation of the horse remains discovered in Alba Iulia-CX 143 complex of the La Tène period reveals the existence of a small-sized male horse (Equus caballus) of 1200-1300 mm in height with slender extremities that died at the age of 7-8 years with no evident paleopathological changes characteristic to horseback riding but showing distinctive elements of bit wear. Abstract: The present paper deals with the archaeozoological investigation carried out on a horse skeleton discovered in a Late Iron Age La Tène tomb (coded CX 143) in Alba Iulia, Romania. The paper presents all the results of the investigation, with a description of finds, adding a detailed assessment of the dentition with some interesting conclusions on the usage of a horse bit and the possible consequences of this use. The morphological features of the horse indicate a 7-8-year-old male individual, with a recalculated height of 1200-1300 mm. What is also stressed in the investigated sample is the lack of the characteristic pathological lesions typical for horseback riding but showing distinctive elements of bit wear. A comparative perspective over the few findings from the same period is provided to ensure the framing of the identified individual into the much larger historical context.
... While some researchers 23 claim that it is not an easy task to distinguish wild animal bones from the domesticated ones in the 20 Apart from those of Troia VI mentioned by M. Kofrmann [Korfmann, Zidarov, 2006]. 21 In the pits, 3938 animal bones were counted and 2555 of which were horses [Telegin, 1973;Levine, 1990;Anthony, Brown, 1989]. 22 First researches about teeth wear were carried on Buhen's horse [Clutton-Brock, 1974;Korfmann, Zidarov, 2006, p. 677]. ...
The collective monograph dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the birth of the famous Russian archaeologist V.D. Kubarev evaluates his scientific heritage; publishes memoirs of him from the Russian and foreign archaeologists; considers scientific problems related to searching for, dating and interpreting the archaeological monuments and finds. The authors’ research interests focus on the problems of archaeology of Altai and neighboring regions from the Bronze Age to the Middle Ages. Special attention is given to the rock art.
... The question remains whether soft bits made from leather or hemp, likely used before the invention of the metal bit, leave similar wear patterns that could be used to detect the riding of horses. In the late 1980s, Anthony and Brown (1989) began a series of longitudinal actualistic experiments comparing the effects of a range of materials for bits on living horses, including leather, hemp, horsehair, and bone. According to their experiments, nonmetallic bits leave a reduced bevel on the mesial portion of the lower second premolar that lacks the characteristic abrasion pattern left by metal bits. ...
... The dental and bone pathologies were found by visual assessment of the macromorphology using the aetilogical classification of Bartosiewicz and Gál (2013). One of the most distinctive and macromorphological markers of bits use is the bevel of the grinding surface anterior ≥3 mm (Anthony & Brown, 1989, 2000, 2011Brown & Anthony, 1998) and enamel/dentine exposure on the P 2 anterior corners (Bendrey, 2007a). Additionally, uneven wear of P 2 enamel and dentine, that is, presence/absence of the "Greaves effect," was recorded (Olsen, 2006 To determine the way of dismemberment of the horse's carcass from Grave 28, the skeletal parts with anatomical bone articulation, cut marks, and their location on the bones were explored. ...
The article presents the results of a zooarchaeological research of two horse skeletons from atypical Turkic Period burials found in the necropolis Chumysh‐Perekat (Altai Kray, Russia). The remains belong to 5 and 10‐12 year‐old male horses. Macro‐morphological analysis showed some dental (wear on P2, over growths of M1 and irregular wear of M¹) and bone pathologies (fusion of the splint bone with metapodia, lumbar vertebrae). Their presence is associated with horse riding. The pattern of dismemberment of one of the horses and tools used to implement it was reconstructed. The authors assume that such manipulations with horse carcasses is a special modification of Turkic funeral tradition by a local Samoyed group. This reflects an early stage of spreading of these traditions to the northern periphery of the Turkic empire.
... It is evident that the anterior premolars of the stallion from the burial Ts-142 were worn due to constant contact with a high-strength element of the harness, i.e. its metal bridle bar. This is usually observed in lower teeth (Antony & Brown, 1989;Bendrey, 2007). However, in this case, wear is also manifested on the upper anterior premolars. ...
The paper summarizes results of the archaeozoological and taphonomic studies of the osteological materials from floodplain settlement (complexes "Nastil 2", "Fire 1") and burial mounds of the medieval Gnezdovo. Mostly cranial remnants of the complex "Nastil 2" are characteristic of so-called "storages" sacrifice, which is recorded for this site for the first time. Animal bones of the "Fire 1" layer were heavily affected by the fire that changed bone tissues in various degrees depending on the temperature. Horse remains of the burial mounds Ts-255 also bear traces of a fire affect, which could be indirect (for example, through a thin soil layer). It changes previous idea of the way the inhumation by indicating cremation. Horse remains of the Gnezdovo show differences in the size class and proportion of skeletal elements. Gracile first phalanges of the horse of the Ts-191 burial indicate their belonging to a southern race. This feature is absent in other remains thus suggesting heterogeneity of the horse breed composition in the Gnezdovo. This is consistent both with the heterogeneity of ethnic composition and with the presence of imported artifacts in the burials. Specificity of the Gnezdovo burials with horses (a separate horse burials; a burial of a rider with his horse; a horse belonging to one owner) demonstrates a special relationship of the residents with riding horses.
... The question remains whether soft bits made from leather or hemp, likely used before the invention of the metal bit, leave similar wear patterns that could be used to detect the riding of horses. In the late 1980s, Anthony and Brown (1989) began a series of longitudinal actualistic experiments comparing the effects of a range of materials for bits on living horses, including leather, hemp, horsehair, and bone. According to their experiments, nonmetallic bits leave a reduced bevel on the mesial portion of the lower second premolar that lacks the characteristic abrasion pattern left by metal bits. ...
... Between 2100-1800 this trickle of horses became a steady supply, perhaps through archaeologically-documented contact between Eurasian steppe cultures (Sintashta-Petrovka) and the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) in Central Asia (Anthony 2007: 421-35). Horse bones appeared in the BMAC citadel of Gonur in Turkmenistan and in Godin III and Malyan (Kaftari phase, 2100-1800) in Iran, where an equid, probably a mule, had wear on its premolars consistent with the use of a bit (Anthony and Brown 1989). In Mesopotamia, the first written word for horse (borrowed into Akkadian as sīsû and written in Sumerian as A N Š E.Z I.Z I, later A N Š E.K U R.R A, or "ass of the mountains") appeared in Sumerian texts of the UR III DYNASTY (ca. ...
The wild horse, equus caballus, was foreign to the lowland Near East. The oldest well-documented domesticated horses were exca-vated in the 1980s and 1990s in the steppes of northern Kazakhstan at sites of the Botai cul-ture dated 3600–3100 BCE (Anthony 2007: 206–213; Olsen 2003; Outram et al. 2009). These steppe sites exhibited very high percent-ages of horse bones (65–99.9%), horse milk residues in ceramics, metric changes in horse metacarpals, wear from organic bits on horse premolar teeth, and culturally deposited dumps of horse manure in settlements. Wild horses also lived on the high plateaus of Anatolia and western Iran between the eighth and fifth millennia BCE, but both onagers (equus hemionus) and an onager-like equid that became extinct by the fourth millennium BCE (equus hydruntinus) far outnumbered horses. Where horse bones did appear (Ç atal Höyük), they were usually less than 1% of fauna and declined in frequency through the Neolithic (Cameron 2005). Horse bones increased in sites of the fourth millennium in the North Caucasus (Maikop culture) and in eastern Anatolia and Azerbaijan (Alikemek-Tepesi), contemporary with Botai; they increased again in sites of the late Kura-Araxes culture after about 2500 BCE. This last expansion in eastern Anatolia was soon followed by the first appearance of horse bones in Syrian sites (Selenkahiye, Tell es-Sweyhat V & IV, Tell Chuera IC) and of horse images in art (Oates 2003; Vila 2006), during the period of the Dynasty of Akkad (late twenty-fourth to twenty-second century BCE). Between 2100–1800 this trickle of horses became a steady supply, perhaps through archaeologically-documented contact between Eurasian steppe cultures (Sintashta-Petrovka) and the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Com-plex (BMAC) in Central Asia (Anthony 2007: 421–35). Horse bones appeared in the BMAC citadel of Gonur in Turkmenistan and in Godin III and Malyan (Kaftari phase, 2100–1800) in Iran, where an equid, probably a mule, had wear on its premolars consistent with the use of a bit (Anthony and Brown 1989). In Mesopotamia, the first written word for horse (borrowed into Akkadian as sı ¯sû and written in Sumerian as A N Š E.Z I.Z I, later A N Š E.K U R.R A, or " ass of the mountains ") appeared in Sumerian texts of the UR III DYNASTY (ca. twenty-first century); Š ulgi, king of Ur, compared himself to a " horse of the highway that swishes its tail " (Oates 2003: 118). Domesticated asses (equus asinus) had served as mounts and pack animals during the fourth millennium in Mesopotamia, Syria, and Egypt (Rossell et al. 2008) and by 2700–2500 were trained to pull battle wagons and battle carts, vehicles with solid wooden wheels (Littauer and Crouwel 1979). A larger, stronger equid was obtained for this purpose by breeding the untamable but native onager with the domes-ticated ass. The exotic horse was both larger and stronger than these native equids. The oldest preserved image of a man riding an equid that is clearly a horse is on a seal of the Ur III king Š u-Sin dated to the late twentieth century (Owen 1991); a similar rider compo-sition is known from a BMAC-style cylinder seal reportedly found in Afghanistan. Many other Bronze Age images of riders portray an awkward rump seat, suitable only on a donkey. If real, this seat could have reduced the effec-tiveness of Bronze Age horseback riding (Drews 2004), but it might have been only an artistic convention of Near Eastern artists still more familiar with donkey-riding than horse-riding. As late as the eighteenth century, riding a horse was regarded as improper for Zimri-Lim, king of Mari (see ZIMRI-LIM OF MARI), who was admonished to ride on a mule or on a palanquin instead. Chariots, the first vehicles designed for speed, appeared between 2000–1800. Chariots are dated earliest (2100–1800) in Sintashta-Petrovka graves in the Ural steppes,
The archaeological studies developed two concepts concerning the character of Tagar economy: semi-nomadic and sedentary. They are based on different approaches to burial assemblage materials, accidental findings, and general opinion on stock-raising economy in Eurasian forest-steppes and steppes. The zooarchaeological profile of Tagar settlements can resolve this argument. A high share of horse bones may mean a semi-nomadic or nomadic lifestyle, while low share of equine remains can be a sign of a sedentary economy. The research featured Tagar settlements in the forest-steppe areas of the interfluve area between the Kiya and the Chulym. The paper describes the zooarchaeological collection of the archeological site of Kоsоgol I, the largest Early Iron Age settlement in the area. The collection includes 6,634 samples, of which 687 belong to horses. The authors believe that cattle breeding was the main branch of the Tagar economy. Horses were the third most important group. However, horses were not meat animals, as bones of young horses were quite rare among the kitchen waste. The Tagars killed mature or old work horses (older than 12–13), which could not work anymore. Hunting was a secondary branch of their economy: they hunted does, as well as water and moor fowl near the settlement. The results of Kosogol I zooarchaeological assemblage study proved the theory about the sedentary cattle breeding of the early Tagar people.
[This corrects the article DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0196335.].
This compilation of faunal data has allowed the development of a chronology of the dispersal of domesticated horses from the Eurasian steppe into Southwest Asia. During the late Pleistocene, horses were widespread throughout much of the Near East, however increasing aridification led to their extinction from the region. Their presence within the archaeological record of the Late Holocene therefore suggests their spread as a human-controlled domesticate. Early domesticated horses are found at Botai, Kazakhstan, although faunal data indicates that Anatolia, Iran, and the southern Levant contained surviving populations of wild horses during the mid-Holocene. If these remains from the Levant, western Iran, and Anatolia do not belong to native wild progenitors, their presence in Late Chalcolithic deposits indicate an introduction of domesticated horses to this region much earlier than previously assumed. The Buhen horse is the oldest dated domesticated horse in Egypt and was assumed to be anachronistic given the lack of contemporaneous Levantine specimens. However horses were present in the Levant prior to and contemporary with the Buhen horse, illustrating a steady southward distribution from the Eurasian steppe over two millennia dating from the Late Chalcolithic to the Late Bronze Age; a spread likely hastened by the widespread adoption of chariot warfare in the early 2nd millennium BC.
Remains of horses found in a sanitary burial place of 1812, in the village of Borodino (Mozhaisk district, Moscow region, 2010) were studied. The sex and age composition and constitutional features of 37 driving horses were determined. The animals had injuries during the war, and were buried soon after the battle. Using the discriminant analysis of the morphometric data on skulls and bones of the postcranial skeleton, the belonging of the buried horses to different breed groups was revealed. Some horses were representatives of native steppe and forest breeds - horses of Russian light cavalry and local farming; the most of the horses are representatives of European factory breeds-army drill horses of infantry officers from the Russian and French armies. Some individuals of the latter are bloodstock (with a touch of oriental breeds, English Thoroughbred); several individuals are French breed cart-horses- Artillery gun. The data on the identified breeds of the buried horses agree with the available historical data on the composition of military units participating on the northern flank of the battle.
Introduction Recent studies by Di Cosmo (1999, 2002) and Vehik (2002) have emphasized the transformational political effects of intertribal warfare in arid grasslands on two continents. Intensified warfare in both places encouraged greater political complexity, hierarchy, and elite-centered, distance-trading activities. This chapter argues that intensified warfare and long-distance trade played powerful roles in the origins of the Sintashta culture. Sintashta is defined by a group of fortified settlements and cemeteries dated about 2100-1800 bce (calibrated) in the northern Eurasian steppe between the upper Ural and upper Tobol rivers southeast of the Ural Mountains. Outside the settlements were cemeteries that yielded whole-horse sacrifices, chariots, and many weapons. Inside the settlements, almost every excavated house yielded copper slag and remains of furnaces or intensely burned hearths. The metal was copper or arsenical bronze, usually in alloys of 1-2.5% arsenic. Pieces of crucibles were placed in two graves at Krivoe Ozero (Vinogradov 2003: 172), and broken casting molds were recovered from the Arkaim settlement. An estimated 6,000 tons of quartzitic rock bearing 2-3% copper was mined from the single documented mining site of Vorovskaya Yama east of the upper Ural River (Grigoriev 2002: 84; Zaikov, Zdanovich, and Yuminov 1995). The surprising evidence for metallurgical production inside every excavated structure suggests that the Sintashta settlements were the focus of intense metalworking activities, although the scale and organization of metal production is not well understood either within or between them (see Hanks, Chapter 9 in this volume).
The horse is ridden by means of the bit, and the bit leaves its trace on the horse's teeth. The beginnings of horse-rising are here identified by defining and detecting microscopic bit wear on equid teeth, using comparative samples from 4 countries and 25 000 yr of prehistory. Scanning electron microscope analysis demonstrates that bit wear is clearly distinguishable from other tooth damage. It first occurs in the Ukraine, USSR, at about 4000 BC. Soon thereafter, mobility became a cultural advantage that transformed Eurasian societies. Horses, not wheels, provided the first significant innovation in human land transport, with an effect comparable in scope to that of the introduction of the steam locomotive or private automobile. Horseback riding contributed to profound changes in trade and trade routes, settlement patterns, warfare and other inter-societal relations, grassland subsistence practices, social organization and political ideology. -from Authors
This is the first book to provide a systematic overview of social zooarchaeology, which takes a holistic view of human–animal relations in the past. Until recently, archaeological analysis of faunal evidence has primarily focused on the role of animals in the human diet and subsistence economy. This book, however, argues that animals have always played many more roles in human societies: as wealth, companions, spirit helpers, sacrificial victims, totems, centerpieces of feasts, objects of taboos, and more. These social factors are as significant as taphonomic processes in shaping animal bone assemblages. Nerissa Russell uses evidence derived from not only zooarchaeology, but also ethnography, history, and classical studies to suggest the range of human–animal relationships and to examine their importance in human society. Through exploring the significance of animals to ancient humans, this book provides a richer picture of past societies.
Bit wear is the damage that occurs on the occlusal surfaces of the second premolar teeth when a horse chews the bit. Bit wear can provide evidence of horseback riding and/or horse draught from teeth found in archaeological sites. This article revises our earlier definition of bit wear and describes wear on an expanded study collection of modern bitted and feral horses (72 individuals). An experiment is described in which previously unbitted horses were ridden with organic bits to simulate the wear made by pre-metallic bits. Because the evaluation of bit wear depends partially on the age of the horse, a crown-height/age curve for horse lower second premolars is presented. Finally, horse premolars from the archaeological site of Botai in Kazakstan are evaluated using the new definition of bit wear and are found to provide evidence for horseback riding in northern Kazakstan between 3400 and 2700BC.
The horse skeleton found in the autumn of 1958 at the fortress of Buhen in northern Sudan has become one of the most prominent, but also one of the most enigmatic equid remains from the second millennium BC: Firstly, because of its assumed early date of c. 1675 BC, deduced by W.B. Emery after analysing the stratigraphical data, This - according to our knowledge at the time - being several decades before the oldest known equid remains in Egypt. Secondly, because of wear on the lower left second premolar (LP2), which has led to the conclusion that it was most probably caused by bit-wear. Since the 1960s, both conclusions have been subject to criticism. The purpose of this study is to provide a review of the history of research and reception of the Buhen horse in its interdisciplinary context over the last fifty years with the result that only modern scientific techniques might be able to solve some of the outstanding questions.
Pathological changes and other alterations in an Iron Age horse skeleton from Danebury, Hampshire, England are described and used to interpret the possible use of the ani-mal. The low level of pathology present in what is a relatively old animal (c.16-18 years of age at death) suggests that the horse was not heavily used, perhaps employed to pull a light cart or chariot or occasional riding. The presence of a horizontal fissure in the caudal epiphysis of the thoracic vertebra 14 may indicate that it was used for riding, possibly with either a pad saddle or bareback.
RESUMEN: El trabajo aborda los cambios patológicos y otro tipo de alteraciones detectados en un esqueleto de caballo de la Edad del Hierro recuperado en Danebury, Hampshire, Inglaterra y utiliza ello para interpretar los posibles usos del animal. El limitado grado de patología exis-tente en lo que parece ser un animal bastante viejo (entre 16-18 años de edad) sugiere que el caballo no fue utilizado de forma intensiva siendo su misión, posiblemente, la de tirar de un carro o carroza ligera o, incluso, ser montado de forma ocasional. La presencia de una fisura horizontal en la epífisis caudal de la vértebra torácica nº 14 podría indicar que se utilizó para la monta bien a pelo o con silla de montar.
Recent discoveries in different parts of the Near East have led the authors to reconsider the early history of metal driving bits. These now seem to go back into the third millennium BC, which is much earlier that the evidence previously indicated. The paper also includes a brief discussion of the links – if these existed at all – with early bridle bits made of organic materials from the southern Urals–Volga area.
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