No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Les migrations en Tunisie après la révolution
Abstract
Ce texte traite du nouveau contexte migratoire dans lequel s’est retrouvée la Tunisie après « sa » révolution du début de l’année 2011. Il met l’accent sur les différents types de flux qu’a connus le pays, qu’il s’agisse des départs de dizaines de milliers de jeunes Tunisiens en direction de l’Italie, ou de l’exil de centaines de milliers de travailleurs migrants et de ressortissants libyens (où les familles étaient fortement représentées) durant la guerre dans leur pays. Après la fin du conflit et le rapatriement des travailleurs migrants et des familles vers leurs pays d’origine, la Tunisie a hérité d’un camp de transit pour réfugiés et demandeurs d’asile qui ne pouvaient pas rentrer dans leurs pays respectifs, eux-mêmes souvent en guerre ou en conflit ethnique. Mais les solutions proposées après la fermeture de ce camp, décidée par le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR), soulèvent un ensemble d’interrogation sur les risques d’externalisation du traitement de l’asile dans les pays tiers de transit dans le cadre des négociations des accords de mobilité entre ces pays et l’Union Européenne.
... Enfin, l'arrivée de nombreux migrants subsahariens en Tunisie depuis la révolution constitue un véritable « fait social » et questionne le statut de l'immigration africaine en Tunisie (Cassarini, 2020). Tout un ensemble de travaux se focalise ainsi sur ces mouvements migratoires internationaux 1 qui représentent « une expérience migratoire que l'on peut qualifier d'inédite pour un pays traditionnel d'émigration » (Boubakri, 2013). où les secteurs informels du logement et de l'emploi se sont développés à vive allure en l'absence de contrôle des autorités publiques durant cette période de transition (cf. ...
Cet article s’intéresse aux mouvements migratoires à l’intérieur de la Tunisie dans une période particulière qui encadre l’année 2011. Il mobilise deux sources distinctes de données, le recensement de 2014 et une enquête en population générale (ETST, 2016). A partir de ces deux sources de données, il cherche à dessiner une géographie des mobilités tunisiennes sur cette période récente. Au–delà des inégalités régionales anciennes entre les régions littorales et périphériques, il montre les contrastes qui s’inscrivent à différentes échelles du territoire tunisien. La particularité des mobilités internes qui ont suivi les événements de 2011, invisibles dans le recensement, apparaissent comme des mouvements le plus souvent temporaires saisis par l’enquête ETST.
... Le taux de suicide et de tentatives de suicide chez les enfants et adolescents existant déjà bien avant la révolution de 2011 (Halayem et al. 2010) s'est poursuivi de façon alarmante depuis la révolution (Kapitalis, 2018 ;Fekih-Romdhane et al., 2019). Mais il y a eu également une expansion de la migration clandestine (Mabrouk, 2010 ;Boubakri, 2013 ;Boubakri & Potot, 2013 ;Lamloum & Ben Zina, 2016) ainsi que le développement de milieux mafieux (Chikhaoui, 2020). D'autres personnes ont viré vers le salafisme, la radicalisation religieuse et le terrorisme (Fontaine, 2016 ;Bouguira, 2017 ;Hannachi, 2020). ...
Ce travail de thèse nous a permis de réfléchir sur les conditions et le contexte dans lesquels il y a eu embrigadement, recrutement puis formation de sujets radicalistes religieux, communément appelés « djihadistes » dans le contexte spécifique à la réalité tunisienne. Nous avons cherché à comprendre les raisons qui ont pu expliquer le phénomène de radicalisation rapide et massive des jeunes tunisiens et le fait que la Tunisie ait été l’un des principaux pourvoyeurs mondiaux de djihadistes. Notre hypothèse est que le recours au religieux de façon radicale et dogmatique chez les jeunes depuis la révolution tunisienne (décembre 2010 - janvier 2011), plus particulièrement à partir de la seconde moitié de 2011, est l’expression d’une forme violente de retour du refoulé. Il s’agit d’un comportement de révolte religieuse qui s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une quête identitaire collective dans un pays marqué par un mouvement de sécularisation mené par Bourguiba, premier président de la Tunisie depuis l’indépendance du pays en 1956. L’investigation clinique de six détenus au moyen d’un entretien clinique, d’une grille de recueil d’information et du test du Rorschach a montré que l’engagement radicaliste et djihadiste s’est développé plus particulièrement chez des jeunes sur un terrain marqué par la fragilité psychologique et des situations de précarité, d’isolement et de carence (affective, spirituelle, économique, de niveau intellectuel, etc.) C’est comme si ces jeunes cherchaient à réparer inconsciemment une opération de déliaison et de cassure réalisée au niveau des liens symboliques inter et intragénérationnels.
... Instead of reinforcing the perception of third countries as simple receiving units of European policies, we choose to focus on the agency of the local actors and the feedback effects involved in the negotiations for the implementation of migration policies, that may lead, or not, to a translation of the European objectives into the registries of practices of the partner countries. Inspired by the work of researchers focusing on the neighbourhood of the European Union in the study of the its migration policy regime, such as El Qadim (2015), Michalon (2015Michalon ( , 2009Michalon ( , 2007 and Boubakri (2016Boubakri ( , 2013Boubakri ( , 2008, we have adopted an angle of analysis that moves away from a Eurocentric approach and that instead perceives the external dimension of EU's migration policy as "a conjunction of the ideas formulated by the actors from the member states and the European agencies, and that takes into account the claims of the third countries". (El-Qadim, 2015, p. 311) Based on this postulate, our research raises the following question: What is the role of the instrument of the Mobility Partnership in the circulation of norms, ideas and practices related to the "good governance" of international migrations and are these internalized by the partner countries? ...
This research wishes to contribute to the understanding of the migration policy regime of the European Union (EU), by considering an analytical perspective that privileges the standpoint of the countries of its neighbourhood. As an entry point, we have focused our analysis on the Mobility Partnership, a policy instrument of soft power, representative of the emblematic network governance privileged by the EU in its current political framework, the Global Approach to Migration and Mobility (GAMM). Applying an “instrument approach”, our research raises the question of the role played by the Mobility Partnership in the circulation of norms, ideas and practices related to the “good governance” of international migration, and whether these are internalized by the partner third countries. We present the results of a comparative analysis of two study-cases, Moldova and Georgia, countries considered by the European Commission as the “best pupils” in the implementation of their Mobility Partnerships, with the ambition to interrogate whether this instrument leads to a “common understanding” between the EU and the national actors that may lead to a translation of the European objectives in the field of migration into the registries of practices in the countries of the Eastern neighbourhood. Lastly, we will discuss the strategic “usage” of this instrument from the partner third countries, that can lead to different results, from complete absorption of the objectives, to resistance in their implementation.
... In the heart of the Arab Spring, Tunisia experienced an unprecedented wave of migrations in the first quarter of 2011, linked to a relaxation of borders controls (Boubakri, 2013a;Natter, 2015). The rise of migratory flows took different forms: legal, illegal, exile, asylum, etc. (Boubakri, 2013b). At the same time, as of February 2011, Tunisia received Libyan refugees fleeing their country beacause of the outbreak of conflict. ...
Remittances are an important financial flow to developing countries. The objective of this paper is to empirically investigate the reaction of Tunisian migrants through their remittances to Arab Spring in Tunisia. From monthly data acquired using times-series techniques for remittances from January 2000 to December 2016, we find reasonably strong evidence that remittances associated with Arab Spring increased. Remittances can play a positive role in absorbing economic shocks resulting from political revolution in home countries. These governments could benefit from migrants to boost their countries’ development.
Background
This study delves into the impact of supporterism on voluntary political engagement in post-revolution Tunisia, particularly focusing on its potential for educating youth in participatory democracy. The study centres on the dynamics within the ultras supporters of the Tunisian football team “Club Africain” (CA), exploring their role in shaping political attitudes and actions. Also, this research highlights the significant role of supporterism in shaping political attitudes and actions among Tunisian youth. It emphasizes the need for further exploration of the influence of supporterism on political engagement in diverse political contexts with varied supporter profiles.
Methods
Ultimately, supporterism emerges as a persuasive tool for fostering understanding and engagement in participatory democracy, particularly among the youth. Therefore, 20 Club Africain ultras were interviewed semi-structured about their political engagement experiences. Interviews sought to understand the collective and individual opinions of Tunisians on democratic autonomy. The documentary analysis also showed the political engagement of young Tunisians and their determination to defend the country against fraudulent democratic processes.
Results
The investigation shows that supporterism and politics interact dynamically, demonstrating their resilience against political opportunism. However, some interviewees (7/20) contemplated immigration and terrorism as potential solutions despite their undeniable support for a secular state, rejecting extremist Islamic ideologies. These thoughts are rooted in experiences of discrimination and marginalization, shaping their perceptions and aspirations for the future. The results highlight supporterism as a dynamic space fostering autonomy in the political participation of young Tunisians.
Conclusion
Supporters demonstrate a self-motivated commitment to democratic values and equitable socio-economic development, advocating for transparent governance. Their engagement in politics through supporterism underscores the potential for positive and evolving interactions between sports and political activism.
International Business (IB) and management studies have neglected giving needed attention to interactions of individuals with stigmatized national identities with overseas clients. This leaves uncertainty about the antecedents that lead these individuals to disclose their national identity to foreign clients or keep it hidden. Drawing on Social Identity Theory (SIT) and Stigma Theory, this comparative case study of two Tunisia-based call centers serving western markets indicates that identity-related choices depend more on skills and experiences individuals possess than on how they relate to each other. The study contributes to both IB and management studies by completing the existing definition of SIT and offering solutions regarding how to address stigma in IB.
Cet article a pour but de montrer comment il est possible d’analyser les dimensions émotionnelles au moyen des outils de la socio-anthropologie. L’auteur s’appuie sur des scènes ethnographiques pour rendre compte du poids de l’angoisse existentielle chez des Tunisiens ayant vécu une expérience de migration irrégulière. Le lecteur parvient de cette façon à approcher au plus près les émotions exprimées par des personnes qui vivent dans un état d’angoisse permanent.
According to the World Bank indicators, the Maghreb youth unemployment rate is among the highest in the world. After the Arab Spring uprisings (2011), the youth aspirations and expectations clashed with the economic difficulties and political reality in the Maghreb countries, which are unable to provide employment opportunities and efficient solutions to youth major problems. In the light of this situation, we analyzed (using quantitative methods) the satisfaction degree of young people under the effect of economic challenges and political transformations in the Maghreb region. It is clear from the results that the Maghreb youth adhere more to the economic priority, despite other priorities related to administrative corruption, the lack of public services, the fight against terrorism and insecurity. The second conclusion is that the youth economic expectations create a kind of homogeneity in this region. In all the observed countries, most young people consider the economy as the first priority, as well as the entire population.
This chapter analyses the outsourcing of European migration policies, and the role of Tunisian civil society in this context, over the course of recent Tunisian political history. If the use of civil society by the European Union (EU) is part of a global trend of its more general governance, these policies meet Tunisian political history. The construction of the Tunisian political body has been marked by the entanglement of migratory issues with the regulation of the population orchestrated by successive authoritarian governments. Building on the Foucauldian concept of governmentality, the chapter shows to which extent migration has been a historical means for the government to discipline its population.
En Tunisie, depuis 2011, des collectifs et des associations se mobilisent pour et autour de la cause des migrants disparus. Les familles concernées, représentées notamment par l’association La Terre pour tous, réclament le retour des leurs – car l'absence de corps les conduit à espérer qu'ils sont encore vivants – ou des informations qui permettraient de mettre fin à l’incertitude. Les disparus sont-ils devenus des corps anonymes ? Si oui, dans quelles circonstances ? Au cœur du dispositif d’énonciation et des pratiques protestataires se trouve la figure de la mère, souffrante et éplorée, qui accroît la forte portée symbolique de ces disparitions. Attirés par la puissance contestataire de ces luttes, des associations et des collectifs militants, nationaux et transnationaux, se joignent aux familles pour porter leur cause, l’accompagner, la traduire, l’orienter ou l’étendre. Or, tandis que ces acteurs nombreux et variés se saisissent du thème de ces corps absents pour formuler une critique des politiques migratoires et du régime des frontières, l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) tente d’imposer d’autres clés de compréhension de la disparition des migrants et promeut des programmes visant à dissuader les candidats aux départs. De son côté, l’association La Terre pour tous s’approprie, non sans tensions et rivalités, certaines revendications et formes de protestation, mais choisit aussi d’en délaisser d’autres.
Spätestens seit den Umwälzungen des „arabischen Frühlings“, die in Tunesien 2010 ihren Ausgang nahmen, ist die europäische Medienlandschaft nicht mehr ohne die regelmäßigen Meldungen zu Schiffskatastrophen im Mittelmeer mit Geflüchteten und Migrant_innen, die auf dem Weg zu einer besseren Zukunft verunglückten, zu denken. Die weitreichenden Folgen der Proteste und Rebellionen, die einen Großteil der MENA-Region betreffen, haben durch Bürgerkriege und failed states Migrationsbewegungen (Es wird die Definition der IOM angewandt, die jeden dauerhaften Wohnortwechsel von Menschen, egal ob zwischen Staaten oder innerhalb eines Staates, umfasst. Darunter fallen selbstverständlich Flucht und Vertreibung) angestoßen, beziehungsweise sie grundlegend verändert.
En libre accès ici:
https://journals.openedition.org/anneemaghreb/3410
Ne croyant pas à un avenir pour eux dans leur pays d’origine, les candidats à l’exil tunisiens placent leur espoir en une vie future de l’autre côté de la Méditerranée, en Europe. Pour certains d’entre eux, leur projet est rendu impossible par les restrictions des politiques migratoires. La seule option qui leur reste est la migration non documentée (harga) qui nécessite de contourner certaines législations. Au lieu de se résigner et de renoncer à leur objectif, ils développent un discours de revendication au droit à émigrer qui participe au renforcement de leur volonté de rejoindre le continent européen. Parmi les arguments que l’on retrouve dans leur discours et dans les représentations qu’ils contribuent à véhiculer sur Internet, on note l’omniprésence de la question de l’injustice. Cet article se focalise sur la place du sentiment d’injustice dans ces revendications à l’accès à la mobilité.
Among the Tunisian citizens, some do not manage to consider their future in their country of origin and hope for a better life on the other side of the Mediterranean Sea, in Europe. Because of their socioeconomic profile, some of them do not have the possibility to get a visa. The only option left for them to reach Europe is undocumented migration (harga). This type of migration requires to bypass the migration policies. This could lead them to give up and stay in Tunisia but it does not happen. Instead, they keep hope and make sense of undocumented migration through an argumentation in which they claim their right to migrate. In both their discourse and the correlative audiovisual representations on Internet, one always finds the question of injustice. This article focuses on the way the feeling of injustice serves as an argument for strenghtening their claim for their right to migrate.
The effects of thiamine against pink and black spot rots caused by Trichothecium roseum and Alternaria alternata and modulation on the metabolism of reactive oxygen species (ROS) and phenylpropanoid pathway were investigated in this paper. In vitro test indicated that thiamine significantly inhibited mycelia growth and spore germination of T. roseum and A. alternata. Thiamine at 100 mmol L⁻¹ effectively inhibited lesion development of muskmelon fruit inoculated with T. roseum or A. alternata, enhanced production rate of and H2O2 content, activities of catalase (CAT), ascorbate peroxidase (APX) and glutathione reductase (GR) in muskmelon fruit. Thiamine also affect phenylpropanoid pathway in muskmelon fruit by increasing the activities of phenylalanine ammonia lyase (PAL) and peroxidase (POD), the content of total phenolic compounds, flavonoids and lignin. These results suggest that the effects of thiamine on pink and black spot rots in muskmelon fruits are associated with its direct fungitoxic against the pathogens and the modulation of and H2O2 production, eliminating enzymes and phenylpropanoid pathway.
Distribution and Circulation: Categorizing Detainees in the Choucha Camp (Tunisia)
How is the material dimension of the confinement of foreigners linked with the purpose of sites of confinement – that is, managing the movement of migrants via admission or expulsion? The present article examines the distribution of migrants within Tunisia’s Choucha transit camp, which, until its closure in June 2013, received Sub-Saharan migrants fleeing fighting in Libya. In order to organize the confinement of a large number of people, the authorities distributed the migrants by reference to categories of national or ethnic group membership. While separating individuals according to nationality allowed the camp’s administration to guarantee peace there, it also anticipated the detainees’ future administrative status (refugee, rejected asylum seeker, etc.). Used for the purpose of administering the confinement routine, these national categories reveal the manner in which the camp administration anticipated the prospects open to (or imposed upon) individuals. As the case of the “Choucha refugees” shows, some migrants thus attempted to challenge the categories according to which they had been classified.
Tunisia, the first Arab country to have known a popular uprising, went through a migratory experience that we can qualify as the “novel” for a traditional issuing country. Before 2011, it was home to no more than a hundred refugees, and saw some thousands irregular migrants (Tunisian and foreign) lifting or crossing through its territory to reach, by sea, the Italian coast. But since 2011, the number of foreigners fleeing civil wars and instability in their country of origin, but also poverty and unemployment, has been rising. If the first wave of exile ended in 2011, hundreds of thousands of Libyan nationals continue to enter Tunisia for extended stays and renewed due to the resumption of civil war since 2014 and the disruption of public services. The neighborhood and the free movement of persons between both countries make it difficult the qualification of the presence of Libyan nationals in Tunisia: are they tourists or refugees? Syrian civil war has also forced few thousands of refugees to reach Tunisia as country of asylum or to transit for Europe. Tunisia continues to be a destination of sub-Saharan immigration fueled by students, economic migrants, and also by refugees fleeing old and new homes of conflicts on the continent. The article examines the ways in which this country hosts and manages different forms of migration.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.