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Pilgrimage to the Playas: Surf Tourism in Costa Rica
Abstract
Surf tourism is a largely ignored mode of touristic behaviour in the academy. This investigation adds to a very limited body of work by providing explorations of the significance of surf tourism for surfers and by bringing forward data and observations of the impacts surf tourism has had on Playas Jacó and Hermosa, Costa Rica. Interview, statistical and observation data are used here to argue that: a surfer habitus creates dispositions for many surfers to travel to exotic coastal destinations on the periphery; surf trips to Costa Rica in many ways are experientially similar to pilgrimages; and that surf tourism can be seen to be directly and indirectly associated with many economic, environmental and socio-cultural costs and benefits to the local communities under study. Considering the applied dimension of surf tourism it is argued that surfers may indirectly set in motion a process of development and foreign investment into areas that are ill prepared for large numbers of visitors. © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action.
... The cited authors agree with Martin and Assenov (2012) that countries such as Australia, US, New Zealand and UK have dominated research on surf tourism worldwide. Nonetheless, surfing in developing countries has also been studied in recent years (Krause, 2012;Usher, 2017a;Usher and Gómez, 2016;Usher and Kerstetter, 2015b), though much still remains to be discovered in the latter contexts. ...
... In addition, evidence has been found that surfers' presence increases crime, prostitution and drug consumption or sale in host destinations and that local youth are the most affected (Krause, 2012;Tantamjarik, 2004;Towner and Davies, 2018). Researchers have also reported that surf spots' popularity contributes to increased building, which generates environmental degradation, pollution and destruction (Bicudo and Horta, 2009;Ware, 2017). ...
... Localism can be considered the dark side of surfing (Olivier, 2010). This term refers to local surfers' need to affirm -sometimes violentlytheir rights to and privileges in the surfing spaces or spots near where they live (Krause, 2012). Localism can manifest itself as acts (Olivier, 2010;Ponting, 2008;Waitt and Warren, 2008) such as intimidation, vandalism and physical violence directed at surf tourists at different level of intensity (i.e., heavy, moderate and mild) (Usher, 2017a). ...
... C Ca as se e S St tu ud dy y: : S Su ur rf f T To ou ur ri is sm m i in n C Co os st ta a R Ri ic ca a Costa Rica, located in southern Central America with a population of 5.1 million, is a popular surf tourism destination with surfing waves on both the Pacific and Caribbean coasts. Surf tourism in Costa Rica represents nearly a quarter of the country's $1.92 billion annual tourism industry (Krause, 2012;Blanco, 2013). A small body of existing scholarship has addressed surf tourism in Costa Rica as related to a number of socio-ecological issues, including: localism due to overcrowding, territoriality and "transnational" surfer identities (Krause, 2012;Usher & Gomez, 2016;Usher, 2017); threats to the sustainability of surfrelated resources given tourism overdevelopment and near-shore fishing industry encroachment (Tantamjarik, 2004;Evans, 2015); as well as the impacts of surf tourism experiences on pro-environmental behavior change (Hunt and Harbor, 2019). ...
... Surf tourism in Costa Rica represents nearly a quarter of the country's $1.92 billion annual tourism industry (Krause, 2012;Blanco, 2013). A small body of existing scholarship has addressed surf tourism in Costa Rica as related to a number of socio-ecological issues, including: localism due to overcrowding, territoriality and "transnational" surfer identities (Krause, 2012;Usher & Gomez, 2016;Usher, 2017); threats to the sustainability of surfrelated resources given tourism overdevelopment and near-shore fishing industry encroachment (Tantamjarik, 2004;Evans, 2015); as well as the impacts of surf tourism experiences on pro-environmental behavior change (Hunt and Harbor, 2019). ...
... The income value of tourism and amenity investment related to surfing waves -estimated at between $70 and $130 billion globally per year (SINAC, 2016) -has led governments like Costa Rica to market their countries as surfing destinations, actively encouraging higher volumes of surf tourism within their wider (eco)tourism promotion strategies. Past studies demonstrate that 20-25% of the country's two million annual visitors are surf tourists, generating upwards of $800 million USD in surf tourism-related revenue per year (Krause, 2012;Blanco, 2013;SINAC, 2016). There are currently an estimated 150 surf schools operating in Costa Rica (SINAC, 2016), where predominantly foreign clients range from firsttimers to intermediate surfers looking to improve their skills. ...
... Costa Rica, located in southern Central America with a population of 5.1 million, is a popular surf tourism destination with surfing waves on both the Pacific and Caribbean coasts. Surf tourism in Costa Rica represents nearly a quarter of the country's $1.92 billion annual tourism industry (Blanco, 2013;Krause, 2012). A small body of existing scholarship has addressed surf tourism in Costa Rica as related to a number of socio-ecological issues, including: localism due to overcrowding, territoriality and "transnational" surfer identities (Krause, 2012;Usher, 2017;Usher & Gomez, 2016); threats to the sustainability of surf-related resources given tourism overdevelopment and near-shore fishing industry encroachment (Evans, 2015;Tantamjarik, 2004); as well as the impacts of surf tourism experiences on pro-environmental behavior change (Hunt & Harbor, 2019) (Figures 2 and 3). ...
... Surf tourism in Costa Rica represents nearly a quarter of the country's $1.92 billion annual tourism industry (Blanco, 2013;Krause, 2012). A small body of existing scholarship has addressed surf tourism in Costa Rica as related to a number of socio-ecological issues, including: localism due to overcrowding, territoriality and "transnational" surfer identities (Krause, 2012;Usher, 2017;Usher & Gomez, 2016); threats to the sustainability of surf-related resources given tourism overdevelopment and near-shore fishing industry encroachment (Evans, 2015;Tantamjarik, 2004); as well as the impacts of surf tourism experiences on pro-environmental behavior change (Hunt & Harbor, 2019) (Figures 2 and 3). ...
... Despite the observed challenges described above, Playa Hermosa is in the early stage of the rapid development trajectory observed in other Global South communities with high-quality surfing waves. Other surf tourism studies have described the development of surf towns as aligned with Butler's (1980) Tourism Area Life Cycle Model tracing tourism destination trajectories under neoliberal governance along a continuum of linear phases: (1) exploration, (2) involvement, (3) development, (4) consolidation, and (5) stagnation, at which point the destination will either rejuvenate and maintain its appeal or self-destruct due to mass tourism oversaturation (Krause, 2012;Mach, 2014;Ruttenberg & Brosius, 2017;2020). Currently undergoing the development phase of this trajectory, the community and sea-adjacent landscape of Hermosa thus sit at an important moment for exploring alternatives to development, while providing a window into the challenges associated with Costa Rica's characteristic conservation-and-development agenda situated within a growth-based model promoting a heavy-volume approach to tourism (Ruttenberg & Brosius, 2020). ...
p>Responding to the socio-ecological impacts associated with conventional surfing tourism, the field of sustainable surf tourism (SST) promotes the sustainable development of Global South surfing destinations. However, while advancing community-based research and governance approaches, SST scholarship has yet to engage with a decolonial critique of the sustainable development paradigm, or employ decolonizing methods in empirical studies, representing aresearch gap this article endeavors to address. This study draws on a postdevelopment conceptual frame useful for reconsidering SST-for-sustainable-development models. Fieldwork in a Costa Rican surf tourism community employed participatory action research (PAR) aligned with decolonizing methodologies to explore alternatives to development in surfing tourism. Research outcomes and discussion examine the postcapitalist framework of diverse economies (Gibson-Graham, 2005) as a decolonial approach to SST research. Conclusions from this study contribute a field example from SST research to extend diverse economic frames and methods in sustainable and regenerative tourism.</p
... In 2012, the International Surfing Association estimated that there are 35 million surfers worldwide, and valued the worldwide industry associated to the sport in around $22 billion (Surfer Today, 2018). Such popular activity also poses the potential to negatively impact the location where it takes place, e.g., through surf tourism development (Krause, 2012), e.g., in terms of increasing litter or conflicts with other sea users. The wide touristic implications and pressures of the surfing activity have been studied before (Buckley, 2002;Towner and Orams, 2016). ...
... On the other hand, local communities experienced conflicts with non-local surfers and tourists, resulting on cultural damage by surf tourism, due to global cultural gentrification and over-crowding (Hill and Abbott, 2009;Doering, 2018), may even experience local aggressions towards non-local surfers generating a 'local hierarchy' known as surf localism (Anderson, 2013;Beaumont and Brown, 2016). Other cultural costs of tourism were related to foreigners' bad behaviors and influence, which can contribute to the degradation of local culture (Krause, 2012;Towner and Orams, 2016;Towner and Davies, 2019). ...
... Regarding the economic dimension, local communities obtain benefits from surf tourism which, in several cases, have been an advantage for them as a tool for revitalizing the local economy or enhancing regional economy (Poizat-Newcomb, 1999a;Poizat-Newcomb, 1999b;Lazarow, 2007;Lopes and Bicudo, 2017;Kim and Kwon, 2020), as well as contributing to the local business development 'increasing the fixation and employability of the local population and promoting the improvement of local infrastructures and services' as recognized by Machado et al. (2018). However, the popularization of a site for surfing can generate impacts such as increases in local prices (Krause, 2012). Some authors claim that this phenomenon generates unequal income distribution and reinforcement of urban-rural disparities (Towner and Orams, 2016;Doering, 2018). ...
Marine ecosystems contribute to human well-being, e.g. through the promotion of nature-based recreational activities such as surfing, which is a benefit obtained from Cultural Ecosystem Services (CES). Our research objective is to identify the benefits and impacts associated to surfing, and who are the main affected subjects and/or objects, achieving a better understanding of the sustainability status of this recreational activity. To this end, a bibliometric study and systematic review was carried out for the period 1965–2021. Benefits and impacts were collated and grouped according to their dimensional focus and type of effects in 6 groups (3-dimensional focus × 2 type of effects). The results revealed that since the beginning of 21st century surfing research topics are growing and diversifying. This review shows that implications of surfing go beyond direct users (i.e., surfers) and has consequences in diverse dimensions (environmental, socio cultural and economic), involving many stakeholders (e.g., scientific, and local communities). Most of the pieces of evidence collated in this research were related with the people who practice the activity and its social implications (psychological benefits as main benefit and injuries as main impact). Following an interdisciplinary approach, we obtained a holistic understanding of the surfing activity, not only in terms of the different dimensions addressed but on the sectors of the society that obtain benefits or are impacted by the activity. All of them should be considered and integrated to guarantee the sustainable management of this CES benefit.
... The cited authors agree with Martin and Assenov (2012) that countries such as Australia, the United States, New Zealand and the United Kingdom have dominated research on surf tourism worldwide. Nonetheless, surfing in developing countries has also been studied in recent years (Krause, 2012;Usher, 2017a;Usher and Gomez, 2016;Usher and Kerstetter, 2015b), though much still remains to be discovered in the latter contexts. ...
... In addition, evidence has been found that surfers' presence increases crime, prostitution and drug consumption or sale in host destinations and that local youth are the most affected (Krause, 2012;Tantamjarik, 2004;Towner and Davies, 2018). Researchers have also reported that surf spots' popularity contributes to increased building, which generates environmental degradation, pollution and destruction (Bicudo and Horta, 2009;Ware, 2017). ...
... Localism can be considered the dark side of surfing (Olivier, 2010). This term refers to local surfers' need to affirm -sometimes violently -their rights to and privileges in the surfing spaces or spots near where they live (Krause, 2012). Localism can manifest itself as acts (Olivier, 2010;Ponting, 2008;Waitt and Warren, 2008) such as intimidation, vandalism and physical violence directed at surf tourists at different level of intensity (i.e. ...
... Surfers prioritize uncrowded quality surfing waves much more highly than social elements like the presence of bars and other gathering places (Dolnicar & Fluker, 2003;Porter & Usher, 2019;Sotomayor & Barbieri, 2016). Adding fuel to pent up surf tourism demand, because travel is synonymous with the surfer habitus (Anderson, 2014;Ford & Brown, 2006;Krause, 2012), the surf media and surf forecasting sites (and their related social media platforms) have continued to broadcast images of perfect waves around the world that are empty as a result of the pandemic and its restrictions. National governments have also been complicit in this effort, demonstrating their understanding of surf tourism value. ...
... On balance, the economic benefits of surf tourism (which have bypassed communities in some destinations), come with a suite of costs that incur in varying degrees in different contexts around the world. These include ecological issues related to coral reef damage, untreated effluent in waterways, unscrupulous coastal development, and, social issues including gentrification, loss of cultural values, drug and alcohol abuse, and prostitution (Krause, 2012;West, 2014). ...
... It may be the case that differences between different sub-cultures of surf tourists warrant exploration of different ethics and adopted practices and how these influence surf travel demand. This line of enquiry could be beneficial for destinations and also help to challenge the narrative of a hegemonic surfer habitus (Ford & Brown, 2006;Krause, 2012) which is often analyzed from a dominant white male shortboard perspective (Olive et al., 2015) and move towards understanding and respecting the growing diversity within the surfing population. ...
This manuscript provides the only empirically derived pre-COVID-19 global estimation of international surf travel spending and the first assessment of sustainable surf tourism attitudes, behaviors, and willingness to pay. It establishes important baselines that can serve as points of comparison as, and after, surf tourism returns, inevitably changed, post-COVID-19. Employing a direct cost method, international surf tourism expenditure was valued between $31.5 to $64.9 billion USD per year and surfers reported being willing to pay between $1.99 and $4.1 billion USD more annually for sustainable surf tourism products. These results suggest surfing tourism deserves a more significant place in funding initiatives, discussions, and research related to fostering sustainable development from ocean resources in the rapidly changing world.
... This is similar to the empowerment Hawaiians have gained from resistance to colonialism through Iocalism (Ingersoll, 2009;Walker, 2011). Other studies have found that local surfers in developing countries are not the ones enforcing localism, they want to share their wave resource with visitors; resident foreigners are the ones who enact heavy Iocalism instead (Krause, 2013;Usher and Kerstetter, 2015a). This brings an added dimension to localism: the length of time someone has to live or surf somewhere to be considered a local. ...
... Both of these countries are at different stages of surf tourism development. Costa Rica pas long been known as a surf destination and Nicaragua is up and coming (Krause, 2013;Weisberg, 2010). While there are many similarities within surfing communities in the two countries, the differences could be attributed to the amount of time each place has been known as a surfing destination. ...
... Some resident foreigners in both places seemed to believe they had the right to fight with anyone over waves. Other studies have also observed this heavier localism on the part of resident foreigners in developing countries (Krause, 2013). As previously mentioned, heavy local ism on the part of resident foreigners has the potential to endanger local economic sustainability if it repels tourists. ...
... 2009; Ponting & O'Brien, 2015). The communities near world-class surf breaks have experienced significant positive and negative changes with the arrival of surf tourists (Krause, 2013;O'Brien & Ponting, 2013;Usher & Kerstetter, 2014). Researchers have focused considerable attention on the sustainability of surf tourism destinations (Martin & Assenov, 2015;Ponting & O'Brien, 2015). ...
... Researchers have focused considerable attention on the sustainability of surf tourism destinations (Martin & Assenov, 2015;Ponting & O'Brien, 2015). While surf tourism provides residents with access to a new sport and increased economic opportunities, foreign dominance of the industry, inflated land prices, increased levels of crime and drugs, prostitution and environmental degradation are some of the negative impacts observed in surf tourism destinations (Krause, 2013;Tantamjarik, 2004;Towner, 2016). Crowding and exceeding carrying capacity are other factors that threaten the sustainability of surf tourism destinations because a primary motivator of surf travel is crowd avoidance (Ponting & O'Brien, 2015). ...
... Some destinations in developing countries have at least two groups of 'local surfers' due to the presence of resident foreigners (Usher & Kerstetter, 2015b). Costa Rica is a country where the population of resident foreign surfers has greatly increased in the past decade (Krause, 2013;Noorloos, 2011). ...
... Surf tourism is a pioneering and colonizing form of tourism that is often followed by a rapid succession of tourism developments and a broadening of the tourism base (Krause, 2012;Ponting, 2009;Ponting, McDonald, & Wearing, 2005). This process has nudged many unprepared communities adjacent to high quality surfing resources down the slippery slope to unplanned, uncontrolled, and unsustainable large-scale tourism development (Buckley, 2002;Krause, 2012;. ...
... Surf tourism is a pioneering and colonizing form of tourism that is often followed by a rapid succession of tourism developments and a broadening of the tourism base (Krause, 2012;Ponting, 2009;Ponting, McDonald, & Wearing, 2005). This process has nudged many unprepared communities adjacent to high quality surfing resources down the slippery slope to unplanned, uncontrolled, and unsustainable large-scale tourism development (Buckley, 2002;Krause, 2012;. While linkages between surf resource management and destination management have been implied, a wholistic understanding of surf tourism sustainability is contingent on their clear definition and articulation. ...
... The global surf industry has been estimated to be worth between $70 and $130 billion annually (O'Brien & Eddie, 2013). Surf tourism has been described as the fastest growing segment of the lucrative surf industry, fueled by both visitation accretion in existing surf tourism destinations and the ongoing expansion of surfing to remote coastal communities in low-middle income countries (LMICs) (Ford & Brown, 2006;Barbieri & Sotomayor, 2013;Mach, 2014;Krause, 2012;Towner, 2015). The digital dissemination of information about where to surf, when, how to get there, and where to stay (Mach, 2014;, along with more rapid, connected, and affordable transportation have also combined to accelerate growth in surf tourism (Barbieri & Sotomayor, 2013;Westwick & Neushul, 2013). ...
Surf resources are critical to thousands of coastal communities as the natural resource base for many tourism services that spur development. There is, however, almost a total lack of formal surf-break management around the world, despite many surf resources becoming crowded, which leads to nuanced resource conflicts with social, economic and environmental implications. Managerial approaches and surf research, we argue, could become more effective by incorporating a nuanced understanding of the scales and process that govern behavior in surf tourism. This conceptual article first applies tourism destination governance (TDG) to outline the many stakeholders and scalar dimensions involved in governing surf tourism. To expand this normative analysis, Foucault’s governmentality framework is used to discuss different informal governance regimes (sovereign, disciplinary, and neoliberal) that conduct behavior at surf-breaks. The intersection of TDG and typologies of governmentality then help to discuss empirical cases demonstrating how governmentalities operating both at the surf-break and at wider scales, often overlap to either reinforce one another and powerfully condition behavior or compete and make governance ineffectual. This elaboration of surf tourism destination governance (STDG) opens up a new research agenda for surf tourism scholarship also applicable to other forms of tourism dependent upon contested natural resources.
... The desire to surf quality and uncrowded waves in warm exotic destinations drives this demand and remains an enduring theme in the specialized surf media and within the advertising campaigns of surf and adventure brands (Ormrod 2005;Ponting, McDonald, and Wearing 2005;Lawler 2011;Ponting and McDonald 2013;Canniford 2017). Surf travel has also become a critical component of the surfer habitus and a defining feature of the sub-culture, which also perpetuates the practice (Ford and Brown 2006;Krause 2012). Surfer numbers are reportedly growing at 30% per year (WSL 2016) and the inclusion of surfing in the 2020 Olympic Games in Tokyo is likely to further increase participation and government support for development of the sport. ...
... Many studies, however, have found that surf tourism can also bring a host of social and environmental problems when local communities are excluded from the process of development and there is not proper planning. Such oversight calls for considering better techniques to control development, include local community members in the development process, and mitigate resource crowding (Tantamjarik 2004;Ponting, McDonald, and Wearing 2005;Krause 2012;Towner 2015Towner , 2016Anderson 2017). Studies of the social carrying capacity of surf-breaks have found that higher quality surf often leads to more drastic coping mechanisms, such as violent forms of localism to control crowd numbers (Mixon 2014;Usher and Kerstetter 2014). ...
... In 2015, tourism contributed US$1,043,500 to the GDP of Costa Rica (roughly 9%) (ICT 2015). In 2014, 2,527,000 tourists visited Costa Rica (ICT 2015), of whom 16.2% (409,000) identified surfing as the primary reason for travelling to the country (Krause 2012;Blanco 2013). Lazarow and Nelson (2007) estimated that surfing infused more money into the Costa Rican economy (US$816 million) than the coffee export industry in 2012. ...
This study examines the natural component of seasonality in surf tourism. Using survey responses collected globally, we first analyse how surfers report using forecasts to make travel decisions. Occupancy and head-count data were also collected in Pavones, Costa Rica and analyzed against surf forecast data to empirically assess intra-seasonal fluctuations. Despite a small and highly skilled subset of the surf population, most international travel is booked months in advance based on climatic factors. Case study results indicate, however, that intra-seasonal travel behaviour within a country is correlated to both mid-range (occupancy) and short range (head-counts in the water) forecasts. Combined, surf forecasts and observed natural conditions impact surf travel behaviours in nuanced ways that deserve further attention to better understand destination and hospitality management, as well as, host and guest satisfaction and how they relate to intra-seasonal and intra-regional travel patterns. © 2018 Australia and New Zealand Association of Leisure Studies
... Previous work found resident foreigners enacted more aggressive localism at Pavones, but their perceptions of local surfer identity were not explored (Usher & Gómez, 2016). In other surf destinations in Central America, researchers found foreign resident surfers were more aggressive and enacted heavier localism than indigenous surfers because resident foreigners thought of themselves as local surfers (Krause, 2013;Usher & Kerstetter, 2015b). However, these studies did not explore expatriates' identities as locals in great depth. ...
... Ishiwata (2002) found that Hawaiian locals were able to demonstrate their connection to the local surf community through riding boards from underground shapers. In Costa Rica and Nicaragua, researchers found resident foreigners, who seemed to considered themselves local surfers, were guilty of being more aggressive than indigenous residents in the surf (Krause, 2013;Usher & Kerstetter, 2015b). These examples illustrate the importance of more in-depth examinations of local surfer identity in places where the make-up of communities is becoming increasingly internationalized. ...
... This provided them with access to resources and "power to define the 'rules' of the local field" (Thorpe, 2014, p. 172). Researchers in Central America had similar findings in several studies: resident foreigners who defined themselves as local surfers believed that entitled them to regulate actions and be aggressive in the surf break (Krause, 2013;Usher & Kerstetter, 2015b). The current study will build on previous work on expatriate communities as lifestyle migrants, and explore the identities of expatriate surfers in Costa Rica in greater depth than Usher and Kerstetter's (2015b) previous work in Nicaragua. ...
Surfer identity construction has been linked to a number of factors, including a strong attachment to place. Surfers have always been a mobile population, and the search for waves in new places is a central aspect of the sport. The movement of surfers has led to the development of transnational communities in surf destinations. This ethnographic study examined the ways in which expatriates in Costa Rica construct their identities as local surfers. Many expatriates considered themselves local surfers as a result of the time they had lived and surfed in Pavones and their knowledge of the wave. Many Ticos did not think of expatriates as local surfers. Some expatriates’ assertions of local identity and resultant aggression were sources of frustration for Ticos, tourists, and other expatriates.
... 2009; Ponting & O'Brien, 2015). The communities near world-class surf breaks have experienced significant positive and negative changes with the arrival of surf tourists (Krause, 2013;O'Brien & Ponting, 2013;Usher & Kerstetter, 2014). Researchers have focused considerable attention on the sustainability of surf tourism destinations (Martin & Assenov, 2015;Ponting & O'Brien, 2015). ...
... Researchers have focused considerable attention on the sustainability of surf tourism destinations (Martin & Assenov, 2015;Ponting & O'Brien, 2015). While surf tourism provides residents with access to a new sport and increased economic opportunities, foreign dominance of the industry, inflated land prices, increased levels of crime and drugs, prostitution and environmental degradation are some of the negative impacts observed in surf tourism destinations (Krause, 2013;Tantamjarik, 2004;Towner, 2016). Crowding and exceeding carrying capacity are other factors that threaten the sustainability of surf tourism destinations because a primary motivator of surf travel is crowd avoidance (Ponting & O'Brien, 2015). ...
... Some destinations in developing countries have at least two groups of 'local surfers' due to the presence of resident foreigners (Usher & Kerstetter, 2015b). Costa Rica is a country where the population of resident foreign surfers has greatly increased in the past decade (Krause, 2013;Noorloos, 2011). ...
This study examines the phenomenon of surf localism among local Costa Rican and foreign resident surfers in Pavones, Costa Rica, a well-known surf break considered the second longest left-breaking wave in the world. A multidisciplinary territoriality framework is used to explore the ways in which surfers expressed ownership, defined boundaries and regulated behavior in the surf break. Using an ethnographic approach, the first author engaged in participant observation in the surf and the community. She also conducted interviews with Costa Rican residents, resident foreigners and tourists. The findings indicate a number of differences between Costa Rican surfers and resident foreigners with regard to ownership, boundary definition and regulating behavior. Costa Rican surfers felt a greater sense of ownership for the surf break, but were less likely to start verbal or physical conflicts with other surfers than resident foreigners. Resident foreigners indicated feeling a right to the surf break, more so than ownership, and were more likely to verbally confront tourists who were not following surf etiquette. There was also evidence of a cyclical pattern of localism. Many participants blamed conflicts between surfers on increased crowding. The results also highlight the importance of constant destination monitoring in order to ensure a positive surfing experience for Costa Ricans, foreigners and tourists in a community highly reliant on surf tourism income.
... In the last 20 years, both forms of surf tourism have directly impacted local communities throughout the developing world (Ponting et al., 2005;Ponting and O'Brien, 2014). Many of its economic, social and cultural impacts have been documented, but missing from the literature is a focus on 'localism' or local surfers' need to assert (at times violently) their rights to and privileges in the surfing space (Krause, 2013;Warshaw, 2003). Local surfers in Hawai'i, California and Australia (Young, 2000) have been seen antagonising visiting surfers, preventing them from catching waves, and sometimes fighting -even violently forcing -them from the water. ...
... Localism is a topic that has been raised by researchers who study surfing and surf tourism (Krause, 2013;Olivier, 2012;Preston-Whyte, 2002;Tantamjarik, 2004). Warshaw (2003, p.340) defines localism as, "territorial practice whereby resident surfers in a given area try to exclude nonresident surfers through threat, intimidation, and occasionally violence." ...
... Resident foreigners, tourists and local surfers indicated that some of the resident foreigners felt they were justified in fighting with local surfers over waves and making problems for tourists. Krause (2013) found similar results in a study of surf tourism in Costa Rica: resident foreigners were the cause of localism. Given that resident foreigners may be causing the most problems, for local surfers and tourists, future research should continue to explore their sense of territoriality in the surf zone. ...
... One of the ways in which foreign residents have incorporated their adopted homes into their identities is through the practice of localism. Although some have claimed localism is a naturally occurring phenomenon in surfing, others believe it has been initiated in developing countries by Westerners (Krause, 2013;Usher & Kerstetter, 2015;Young, 2000). Anderson (2014) supported the latter assertion by suggesting that surfers bring their own culture with them when they travel and as such disregard local cultures rooted in that place. ...
... One local surfer said, "He, like, has a lot of money, he says, 'I'm owner of Nicaragua' and no!" These incidents of ownership claims and territoriality suggest some foreigners have incorporated the local surf break into their surfer identity, much like Krause (2013) found with expatriates in Costa Rica. However, this incident also highlights the contested nature of transnational identities: although this foreigner saw himself as a local who should defend his right to the waves there, local surfers did not consider him local because of his poor treatment of local residents and bad attitude in the water (Massey, 2006;Medina, 1999). ...
... Much like surfers in other places, some identified as local surfers because of how long they had lived there and the time they had spent surfing the waves (Daskalos, 2007). Also, like expatriates in other surf destinations, some exhibited territorial defenses, such as fighting with other surfers or conducting themselves in a manner which suggested they believed they were local surfers: having more rights and privileges than other foreigners (Krause, 2013). ...
Surfers have created their own subculture, which has been associated with concepts such as environmentalism, masculinity, place, and nonconformity, yet the increasing global reach of their sport has created transnational surf communities that bring into question the definition of what it means to be a “local” surfer. This ethnographic study examines identity construction in local Nicaraguan surfers, the ways in which their subculture has formed within a transnational context, how they accept/reject resident foreign surfers, and how foreign surfers see themselves in Nicaragua’s globalized surf space. The findings indicate that Nicaraguan surfers have formed their own local surf subculture from globalized influences, and determining whether foreigners are accepted or rejected from this subculture depends on a complex set of factors related to their relationship with local surfers and the local indigenous community.
... It was quite common for migrant surfers to talk about how they were drawn to Bocas for the surf, which makes it hard to blame others for the same motivations. They recognize, however, that popularity brings more people and infrastructure in developing countries [58,59]. Additionally, concerning the property mentioned in the last section, in relation to disputed pier construction, residents suggested that during the pandemic, the resort owners installed drainage that is being piped directly into the surf zone. ...
... It is likely that many surfers (and aspiring surfers) will turn to the sea for therapeutic benefits. Research also demonstrates the importance of surf-trips to surfers, so many will likely seek out what are viewed in surf culture as enhanced benefits from surfing abroad in pristine environments with a few friends [52,58,68]. ...
Surf tourism is the principal development driver in many coastal communities around the world. Surf tourism development brings economic opportunities to residents in coastal destinations, but has also been criticized for associations with gentrification, pollution, and inequity. While many have speculated that surfers represent a crisis-resistant tourist segment, this had not yet been empirically demonstrated, nor had the sustainability implications of their travel during crises been explored. Building on ethnographic observations and two interview phases with 25 resident surfers in Bocas del Toro, Panama, this is the first study to do both. The findings reveal that the pandemic exacerbated existing sustainability challenges by accelerating development near surf-breaks, fomenting tensions within the surf community (related to surf tourism business operations and the distribution of benefits) and facilitating residents to surf more frequently—exacerbating surf-resource crowding. Evidence also revealed, however, a potential shift in surfers’ collective consciousness in the context of the pandemic, which reduced conflicts between visiting and resident surfers. This paper exposes the urgent need for stakeholders in surf communities, and particularly surf tourism business owners, to cooperate in order to preserve surf experiences that are vital to resident mental/physical health and well-being, as well as the attractiveness as a surf tourism destination.
... I had heard there had been an incident in Pavones, Costa Rica, between a local Tico (the name Costa Ricans call themselves) and a stand-up paddle boarder, and since it was a point break 2 (reputed to be one of the longest left-breaking waves in the world), it seemed a logical place to study localism. I knew Costa Rican tourism was more developed, and it had been established as a well-known surf destination as early as the 1990s (Krause, 2013). Therefore, I was interested to find out how different it was from Nicaragua, which only began to grow as a surf tourism destination in the late 1990s and early 2000s. ...
... A Surfer Chick's Reflections on Field Research in Central America 63 territoriality over the surf break (not just their observations about local surfers acting territorially, which had been my focus in Nicaragua). My previous study in Nicaragua, and Krause's (2013) work in Costa Rica, indicated that foreign residents often enacted heavier localism than native locals (Usher & Kerstetter, 2015a, 20156). My findings in Pavones confirmed these previous studies: locals, tourists and expatriates agreed that expatriates were generally more aggressive in the surf than Ticos. ...
... In fact, if we further review the surf tourism literature, it appears that human-waves relations or surf tourism more widely have received limited attention so far (Buckley, 2002;Krause, 2012). Martin and Assenov (2012) are amongst the few exceptions who reviewed surf tourism studies between 1997 and 2011, addressing two key perspectives herein, namely: (a) a coastal management perspective in which scholars study the economic benefits of surf tourism for urban communities in developed countries, and (b) a social justice perspective in which scholars portray the implication of surf holidays for rural host communities in developing countries. ...
... Martin & Assenov, 2014;Ponting & O'Brien, 2015;Towner & Milne, 2017). Few other studies take on the socio-cultural impacts of surf tourism development (Doering, 2018a), marine resource protection in surf tourism management (Towner, 2016), or surf tourism as cultural pilgrimage (Krause, 2012). ...
As contemporary surf tourism research primarily focuses on sustainability or socio-economic impacts, the materiality of waves tends to become simplified or overshadowed. By taking the latter more seriously, this article particularly aims to explicate how local human-waves relations offer nuanced and complex accounts of what it means to live with waves in surf tourism destinations. Drawing on Ingold’s (2000. The perception of the environment: Essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill. London: Routledge) notions of ‘engagement’ and ‘perception’, human-waves relations become illustrated here as ‘ambivalent’ given their practically complex interdependence and the irreducibility of waves and humans. On basis of field observations in Siberut, Mentawai Islands, Indonesia, this article highlights how local Mentawaian engagements with waves develop in terms of ambiguous and dynamic notions of ‘good waves’, ‘fear’ and ‘pleasure’, and practices of ‘avoidance/encounter’. These notions emphasize the often complex and everyday engagements Mentawaians have with waves, but also offer an avenue to recognize the importance of attending to the seemingly trivial matter of waves in context of a surf tourism destination.
... Crowded urban surf breaks in surfers' home countries drive demand for surf tourism to areas offering high quality waves and uncrowded conditions (Hugues Dit Ciles, 2009;Ponting, 2008;Dolnicar & Fluker, 2003;Preston-Whyte, 2002). At least 38 surf travel guidebooks include 112 of 161 countries known to host surfing tourists (Martin & Assenov, 2011a) from a global surfer population estimated to be between 20 (Lazarow & Nelson, 2007) to 25 million (Aguerre, 2009 Krause (2012) stated one of the essential differences between surf tourists and other travelers is that surfers stay longer and prefer local establishments more often than other types of tourists. Lately, recreational surfing and surf tourism have emerged as multibillion dollar industries including equipment manufacturers, clothing firms, amateur and professional sporting events, domestic and international tourism (Martin & Assenov, 2014). ...
... In addition, surf sites and surfing activities play a leading role in a region's image, commerce and tourism-based identity (Doering, 2018;Martin, 2013). For example, owners and tourism officials reported that surfers were environmentally minded, sensitive to natural environment and on balance who had a minimal impact on the coastal ecologies (Krause, 2012). This is another issue why surf tourism is important for creating sustainable tourism activities and services. ...
The main objective of this research is to analyze and evaluate the perceptions and opinions of employees and visitors on sustainable surf tourism in seven surf centers in a popular tourism destination called Alaçatı, Turkey. Based on the interviews in seven schools by using the semi-structured interview technique, research findings revealed that construction and housing around the surf destination should be limited and natural texture should be preserved in the bay area. Formation of surf camps for kids from various age groups are critical for the development of surf tourism industry. Innovative windsurf related activities should be organized to attract the attention of domestic and international visitors. This exploratory research sheds a light in this field of study for researchers, practitioners and sports tourism professionals.
... Crowded urban surf breaks in surfers' home countries drive demand for surf tourism to areas offering high quality waves and uncrowded conditions (Hugues Dit Ciles, 2009;Ponting, 2008;Dolnicar & Fluker, 2003;Preston-Whyte, 2002). At least 38 surf travel guidebooks include 112 of 161 countries known to host surfing tourists (Martin & Assenov, 2011a) from a global surfer population estimated to be between 20 (Lazarow & Nelson, 2007) to 25 million (Aguerre, 2009 Krause (2012) stated one of the essential differences between surf tourists and other travelers is that surfers stay longer and prefer local establishments more often than other types of tourists. Lately, recreational surfing and surf tourism have emerged as multibillion dollar industries including equipment manufacturers, clothing firms, amateur and professional sporting events, domestic and international tourism (Martin & Assenov, 2014). ...
... In addition, surf sites and surfing activities play a leading role in a region's image, commerce and tourism-based identity (Doering, 2018;Martin, 2013). For example, owners and tourism officials reported that surfers were environmentally minded, sensitive to natural environment and on balance who had a minimal impact on the coastal ecologies (Krause, 2012). This is another issue why surf tourism is important for creating sustainable tourism activities and services. ...
The main objective of this research is to analyze and evaluate the perceptions and opinions of employees and visitors on sustainable surf tourism in seven surf centers in a popular tourism destination called Alaçatı, Turkey. Based on the interviews in seven schools by using the semi-structured interview technique, research findings revealed that construction and housing around the surf destination should be limited and natural texture should be preserved in the bay area. Formation of surf camps for kids from various age groups are critical for the development of surf tourism industry. Innovative windsurf related activities should be organized to attract the attention of domestic and international visitors. This exploratory research sheds a light in this field of study for researchers, practitioners and sports tourism professionals.
... Surf sites and surfing activities play a leading role in a region's image, commerce and tourism-based identity (Martin 2013). Owners and tourism officials reported, for instance, that surfers were environmentally minded and on balance had a minimal impact on the coastal ecologies (Krause 2012).This is another issue why surf tourism is important for creating a sustainable tourism resort. ...
... Started with independent travelers searching for new surfing spots, surf tourism peaked in the1960s mostly because of more affordable air travel, lighter surfboards, and the image of a surfing culture delivered through mass media, increased accessibility to lessons at surf schools (Butts, 2001;Tantamjarik, 2004;Barbieri and Sotomayor 2013;Ng, Phillips, Calado, Borges and Veloso-Gomes, 2013).Thanks to the lightening and quickening materials, surf has been adopted by a large mass of people as a business line, a competitive sports branch, and a leisure time activity (Reichenfeldr, 1991). One of the important differences between surf tourists and other travellers is that surfers stay longer and prefer local establishments more often than other types of tourists (Krause 2012). Buckley (2006) denoted that surf tourism in economic terms encompasses surf schools offering surfing lessons as part of a tourist's travel experience as one of four distinct segments. ...
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In addition to being seen as the best place to do surfing in Turkey, Alaçatı is accepted as the second among the best training areas in the world. Alaçatı is also a tourism destination famous for its bays and stone houses. There have been both national and international surfing races in Alaçatı. There are 10 surf schools. The main aim of this study is analyzing the current status of the surf schools along with determining the significance of surfing tourism for Alaçatı. In this study, the qualitative approach has been adopted in data collection and analysis. The data was collected through an interview technique: semi structured questionnaire conducted in the eight surf schools that have accepted to participate in the study. Surf schools believe that they contribute to Alaçatı in terms of promotion, economy, employment and incoming tourist number. The distinguishing features of the surf schools located in Alaçatı from the other surf schools have been listed as: the safety of the bay, the shallowness of water, visibility of the bottom of the sea, absence of waves and constant wind. They have emphasized that it is a great area for training with these features. Surf schools have stated that surf trainers have certificate and they follow the latest technology. The reason for the inability to increase the number of surfers has been linked to the high prices of the accommodation management corporations. It has been expressed that the biggest threat is the wind shields that are going to be built for the visitors of the area coming for sun, sandy beaches and sea. There is a concern that surfing in the area will end up because of the disruption of wind. They have rendered an opinion that raising the number of the feasts and having them in the low season would increase the number of surfers. As a result of the analysis, it is revealed that the local authorities should set a tourism plan for Alaçatı to progress in tourism. It should be decided upon whether Alaçatı is desired to be made into an outstanding surf center or not.
... Usher y Kerstetter (2015) señalan que este tipo de turismo tiende a estar dominado principalmente por extranjeros, además de contribuir a un alza de precios en terrenos cercanos a los spots. También se ha reportado que la presencia del surfista incrementa la delincuencia, la prostitución y el consumo o venta de drogas o marihuana en el destino (Krause, 2013;Tantamjarik, 2004;Towner, 2016;Towner & Davies, 2019). En cuestiones ambientales, se ha demostrado que la popularidad del spot o de la ola aporta a la degradación del ambiente, a su contaminación y destrucción (Ware, 2017). ...
El turismo es un fenómeno capaz de generar impactos económicos, socioculturales y ecológicos en los destinos donde se desarrolla. Según la literatura, esos impactos pueden ser provocados por diversos factores, entre ellos, el tipo de turismo y de turista estudiado. El turismo de surf es un segmento que en las últimas décadas ha ganado crecimiento, pero que aún permanece como un objeto de estudio casi desconocido en los países en vías de desarrollo, incluido México. La presente investigación tiene como objetivo identificar los impactos (económicos, socioculturales y ambientales) del turismo de surf en Puerto Escondido, México. Por medio de una entrevista semiestructurada, se encontró que la contribución económica, los empleos, el localismo y la afectación a las olas son parte de los impactos reportados por los residentes. Este estudio demuestra que algunos impactos del surf son particulares y, por lo tanto, merecen atención por parte de los diferentes stakeholders interesados en su desarrollo.
... Therefore the occupancy percentage could be used as a signifier for the occupancy rate of the town. Surf tourism is often the first connection for remote costal areas to the global economy (McGregor and Willis 2016;O'Brien and Ponting 2013;Ponting, McDonald, and Wearing 2005;Krause 2012). Traditionally there are numerous negative effects on the local population and environment, as neo-liberal development practices are often the first to be implemented in these areas (Ibid). ...
Globally, the Muslim population is growing and if current trends continue, Muslims will make up 26.4% of the world’s total projected population of 8.3 billion in 2030. This worldwide growth of the Muslim population in the middle class and younger population has meant that Muslim tourists are becoming a significant segment within the global travel and tourism sector. According to the latest statistics total Muslim tourist arrivals were 116 million in 2014 and the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite having 7th rank in terms of Muslim tourist arrivals with 4.1 million total Muslim tourist arrivals, was in the 11th rank in terms of Islamic and Halal tourism receipts with US$ 942.5 million recorded in 2014. Sub-optimal place of Iran in Islamic and Halal tourism market as one of the most important Islamic countries, its low share of this highly profitable market despite possessing maximum Muslim population and an Islamic government with high compatibility of this type of tourism with its socio-cultural and religious values and norms, depicts the importance of this newfound type of tourism as one of the most appropriate options for tourism industry development in Iran and necessity of paying attention to its high potential in this countries tourism planning and policy-making process.
... Research on surfing and surf-riding tourism has attracted increasing attention in recent years (Orams & Towner, 2013). However, research has tended to focus on tropical and sub-tropical warm-water surfing destinations such as Hawaii (Walker, 2011), the Maldives (Ponting, 2014), Costa Rica (Krause, 2012); Indonesia (Towner & Orams, 2016), the Philippines (Porter et al., 2015), Fiji (Ponting & O'Brien, 2014), Papua New Guinea (O'Brien & Ponting, 2013), and the wider Indo-Pacific (Buckley, 2002). Martin and Assenov (2012) conducted a review of surfing tourism research in the published literature and concluded that while the area was growing as a focus for researchers, it was still in its infancy with only a limited number of topics explored and only 10% of the countries with surfing resources studied. ...
More affordable travel opportunities have facilitated a swift rise in surf tourism, which is a growing multi-billion dollar global business niche within the broader sport tourism industry. It is argued that a growing number of surfers who are searching for the perfect wave without the crowds found in well-established surfing destinations are shifting to cold-water surfing. Previous research on surf tourism has largely focused on warm-and temperate-water surfing and related travel. However, an exploration of and an attempt to comprehend cold-water surf tourism and how it compares to similar activities in warm-water has been overlooked. This study focuses on understanding the travel behaviour and related experiences of Norwegian surf tourists domestically and internationally, to cold-and warm-water destinations. Data were collected using a phenomenological approach and semi-structured in-depth interviews with 18 experienced Norwegian surfers. Results show that these surfers are highly mobile, visiting warm-water surf destinations such as Morocco, Bali, Australia and Hawaii and also cold-water surf destinations such as Norway, Iceland, Scotland and Canada. They travel to surf at least once a year, staying between 10days to three months, preferably in cheap accommodation. The longer the travel distance, the longer the stay. Their experiences of “localism”, where local surfers behave aggressively toward visiting surfers, were more common in crowded warm-water destinations. In addition to the enjoyment of surfing, these Norwegian surf tourists valued opportunities to create new social relationships, experience new and different cultures and expand their “world-view” via their surf travel. They appreciated unique natural environments and experienced a deep connection to nature. This research presents the first empirical data on the travel behaviour and related-experiences of surf tourists from a non-traditional surfing nation in Scandinavia.
... 215-238 227 con temas como alcohol, drogas y el comportamiento irrespetuoso de los turistas de surf. Otro estudio similar al anterior es el Krause (2012), en Costa Rica. ...
RESUMEN El turismo de surf es un fenómeno de gran relevancia a nivel mundial; millones de surfis-tas se desplazan a diversos destinos con la finalidad de montar la ola perfecta, mejorar sus habilidades, aprender el deporte o simplemente apreciarlo. Sin embargo, aun cuando se han reconocido las características particulares de este nicho de turismo en Iberoamérica, poca atención ha recibido como fenómeno social por parte de la Academia y, por lo tanto, la revisión de su estado de conocimiento ha sido limitada. El presente documento tiene como objetivo presentar las líneas de investigación relacionadas con el turismo de surf durante el periodo 2012-2018, a través de un análisis de contenido aplicado a artículos científicos publicados tanto en inglés como en español. Entre los principales resultados destacan cinco líneas de investigación: 1) El surfista; 2) Turismo de surf, desarrollo local y sustentabilidad; 3) Impactos del turismo de surf; 4) Identidad y género en el turismo de surf; e 5) Historia del surf y stake-holders, las cuales son descritas en este estudio. Cabe señalar que la revisión realizada también permitió identificar autores, universidades y países que han abordado temas relacionados, así como aquellos vacíos de conocimiento que aún persisten sobre este tópico de actualidad. Palabras claves: turismo de surf; revisión de la literatura; análisis de contenido.
... The global popularity of surfing has increased substantially over the past half-century. As surfing is gradually becoming part of a global lifestyle and tourism phenomenon, a growing body of literature has explored aspects of surfing culture at a range of global surf destinations [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15]. However, except notable recent writings [16][17][18], there is little research on surfing cultures across East Asian countries, in particular, South Korea. ...
South Korea used to be a non-surfing region until it experienced a remarkable realization of the surfing phenomenon, the so-called “surfing boom”, during the past couple of decades. The nonexistence of surfing communities or cultures offers a unique context that surfers have to deal with to become local surfers. The migration status of surfers further complicates the process of local surfer identity construction. This particular context provided migrant surfers with unique socio-spatial challenges and tasks that led them to a certain desire for sustainable surfing milieu. This paper aims to explore the experiences of early migrant surfers when constructing their local surfer identity. Data were collected through fieldwork, in-depth interviews, and document analysis. The early migrant surfers perceived becoming local surfers to be a process of making a new life while they were settling on their new “home”. Thus, they desired a sustainable surfing environment not only with the surf breaks but also with the whole regional community they live in. Hence, becoming a local surfer was becoming a local villager at the same time. They put forth multilateral community endeavors to construct and maintain social and emotional bonds with local authorities, local native residents, and the community environment. Through their interactions with the wider rural community, it was hoped that they would also actually contribute to the formation and maintenance of that rural community for sustainable surfing.
... Le surfeur individualiste (et pas nécessairement occidental) n'a que faire de la tradition. Il y a cependant un débat académique à ce sujet, des chercheurs estimant que le localisme est une production typiquement occidentale, importée dans les lieux exotiques où ils ont fini par se rendre, à la recherche de vagues parfaites (Krause, 2013 ;Usher & Kerstetter, 2015b), générant ainsi des formes d'acculturation équi- voques, où des surfeurs étrangers se comportent sur des spots à l'instar des surfeurs locaux : ils défendent après tout l'accès à des vagues unanimement considérées comme exceptionnelles, et au final, leur origine géographique ou sociale est subsumée par l'expérience sublimée du surf (Usher & Kerstetter, 2015a). Il n'en reste pas moins que les locaux, dans les pays où l'afflux récent de surfeurs se fait durement sentir, se sont appropriés très rapidement les codes inhérents à cette pratique, et savent moduler le localisme en fonction des saisons et de la (sur)population 11 . ...
... Many small coastal ranching and fishing communities have transformed into large surf tourism destinations. These changes are accompanied by social and environmental challenges including gentrification, loss of sociocultural mores, damage to traditional livelihoods, drug use, prostitution, untreated effluent, the use of sensitive building materials, clearing of critical costal ecosystems, and inequitable freshwater distribution, as well as, a great deal of economic leakage (Krause, 2012, Larson, 2002Tantamjarik, 2004) ...
To fill gaps and expand collective knowledge surrounding surf tourism management, this chapter utilizes a case study of Fiji, which was selected because this region has arguably experienced the most drastic changes and divergent types of surf tourism management regimes. Tracing the evolution of surf tourism governance in two of the area’s most well-known surf-breaks provides a unique opportunity to analyze the nexus between traditional (local and regional governance structures) and state level statutory law as it relates to property rights, governance, and surf resource regulation versus liberalization. To better understand the nuance involved in governing surf tourism in Fiji (and beyond) the goal of this chapter is to contextualize surf breaks as common pool resources (CPRs) that are nested within complex socio-ecological systems (SES) (Ostrom, 2007, 2009, 2010; Ostrom and Cox, 2010).
During the 1970s and 1980s, as surfers were carving out new international surf spaces around the globe, Nicaragua was on a much different trajectory—one that engendered the Sandinista guerrilla insurgency that deposed a four-decade-long, US-backed dictatorship in 1979. In response, the United States waged a decade-long, low-intensity counterinsurgency against the Sandinista government. While other surfing destinations were growing in popularity, notably neighboring Costa Rica, Nicaragua was, by most accounts, considered off-limits due to the conflict. In 1990, a watershed moment fostered an environment conducive to international tourism and foreign investment. The election of Violeta Barrios Torres de Chamorro ushered in a time of peace unseen for decades. Chamorro’s embrace of market-driven economics created a scenario welcoming for international visitors and their foreign capital. A perhaps unforeseen beneficiary of these policies were surfers, who started gravitating to the once rural peripheries of southwestern Nicaragua. This radically changed the economic and cultural character of these historically indigenous communities. Over the course of three decades, surfing and its subculture permeated virtually all parts of these coastal pueblos, resulting in a profound and largely irreversible sociocultural and economic transformation. This dissertation places surfers and surfing at the center of this phenomenon, tracing the evolution of the Popoyo area, and the Tola Municipality more broadly, from an undeveloped stretch of Pacific coastline to an international epicenter for surf tourism and expatriate communities.
Previous research outlined the genesis of a new body of surf tourism research based on a wide array of gray and published literature (Martin, S. A., & Assenov, I. (2012). The genesis of a new body of sport tourism literature: A systematic review of surf tourism research (1997–2011). Journal of Sport and Tourism, 17(4), 257–287). The aim of this paper is to further investigate the development of the field through an evidence-based informetric analysis of international journal articles listed in Web of Science or Scopus databases. Employing a systematic review of journal papers published from 2011 to 2020, the study addresses the previous gray literature problem of accessibility and eligibility criteria for citation. Findings are drawn from explicit and tangential studies which capture an up-to-date overview of the evolution of surf tourism research. The study identifies active journals, authors, field locations, and leading areas of research, suggesting that the field has entered a period of ‘academic professionalization’. A bibliography of 96 journal articles presents academics and readers with a corpus of accessible research.
This article uses a political ecology approach to examine the relationship between tourism and groundwater in southwest Nicaragua. Tourism remains a growing industry; however, adequate provisions of freshwater are necessary to sustain the production and reproduction of tourism and it remains uncertain if groundwater supplies can keep pace with demand. Integrating the findings of groundwater monitoring, geological mapping, and ethnographic and survey research from a representative stretch of Pacific coastline, this paper shows that diminishing recharge and increased groundwater consumption is creating a conflict between stakeholders with various levels of knowledge, power, and access. It concludes that marginalization is attributable to the nexus of a political promotion of tourism , poorly enforced state water policies, insufficient water research, and climatic variability.
The practice of surfing has often been at odds with the mores of wider society, to the point where surfers have been described in the media as rotten, long-haired, unwashed drug addicts, or as jobless junkies. However, in recent years there has been an increase in the popularity of surfing and an increase in the consumption of surfing related commodities. This increase in popularity is largely due to the marketing practices of the business interests that are involved in surfing, which has appropriated its images and sold them to a rapidly expanding and lucrative market.This paper will outline how the commodification of surfing's visual style, and the meanings that are symbolised by this development, have had a three-fold effect on the sport. First, surfing has been shifted away from the beach into quite different contexts; second, surfing as understood by the wider society has been altered and; third, the commodifying practices of business interests have transferred the symbolic ownership of the sport from surfers to surfing capital.
IntroductionContemporary RelevanceThe TALC and the Future