Homecoming or tourism? Diaspora tourism experience of second-generation immigrants

Abstract

Diaspora tourism is often considered a form of ‘homecoming,’ but for
the children of immigrants who are born in the new country, the
question remains as to whether they perceive their parents’ homeland
as ‘home’ or destination. Moreover, advancements in transportation
and communication technologies allow contemporary immigrants to
maintain transnational ties to their homeland, which in turn may affect
the nature of diaspora tourism. The purpose of this study is to
understand the lived experience of second-generation immigrants
when they travel to their ancestral homeland, and explore the extent
to which second-generation transnationalism shapes their diaspora
tourism experiences. Using a phenomenological approach, 26 secondgeneration
Chinese-Americans who had the experience of traveling in
China were interviewed. Four themes were identified from semistructured
interviews: language and appearance, search for
authenticity, family history, and sense of ‘home.’ Proficiency in their
parental language was found to be a main cause of negative
experiences, yet occasionally a source of pride and attachment. Their
search for authentic experiences was not unlike other tourists, while
familial obligations sometimes limited their experience. Traveling back
to the homeland not only allowed them to understand their parents
and family history, but also reflect upon their life through experiencing
contemporary China. Finally, as the transnational attachment of
second-generation immigrants was not rooted in a specific locale, they
could feel connected to the homeland without actually visiting their
family’s place of origin. Findings contribute to transnationalism and
diaspora tourism literature by comparing first- and second-generation
immigrants and identifying the difference between contemporary
transmigrants and classic diaspora groups with regard to their
diaspora tourism experience.

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Tourism Geographies
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Homecoming or tourism? Diaspora tourism
experience of second-generation immigrants
Wei-Jue Huang, Gregory Ramshaw & William C. Norman
To cite this article: Wei-Jue Huang, Gregory Ramshaw & William C. Norman (2015):
Homecoming or tourism? Diaspora tourism experience of second-generation immigrants,
Tourism Geographies, DOI: 10.1080/14616688.2015.1116597
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616688.2015.1116597
Published online: 15 Dec 2015.
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Homecoming or tourism? Diaspora tourism experience
of second-generation immigrants
Wei-Jue Huang
a
, Gregory Ramshaw
b
and William C. Norman
b
a
School of Hotel and Tourism Management, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, Hong Kong;
b
Department of Parks, Recreation and Tourism Management, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, United States
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 17 June 2015
Accepted 1 November 2015
ABSTRACT
Diaspora tourism is often considered a form of ‘homecoming,’but for
the children of immigrants who are born in the new country, the
question remains as to whether they perceive their parents’homeland
as ‘home’or destination. Moreover, advancements in transportation
and communication technologies allow contemporary immigrants to
maintain transnational ties to their homeland, which in turn may affect
the nature of diaspora tourism. The purpose of this study is to
understand the lived experience of second-generation immigrants
when they travel to their ancestral homeland, and explore the extent
to which second-generation transnationalism shapes their diaspora
tourism experiences. Using a phenomenological approach, 26 second-
generation Chinese-Americans who had the experience of traveling in
China were interviewed. Four themes were identified from semi-
structured interviews: language and appearance, search for
authenticity, family history, and sense of ‘home.’Proficiency in their
parental language was found to be a main cause of negative
experiences, yet occasionally a source of pride and attachment. Their
search for authentic experiences was not unlike other tourists, while
familial obligations sometimes limited their experience. Traveling back
to the homeland not only allowed them to understand their parents
and family history, but also reflectupontheirlifethroughexperiencing
contemporary China. Finally, as the transnational attachment of
second-generation immigrants was not rooted in a specific locale, they
could feel connected to the homeland without actually visiting their
family’s place of origin. Findings contribute to transnationalism and
diaspora tourism literature by comparing first- and second-generation
immigrants and identifying the difference between contemporary
transmigrants and classic diaspora groups with regard to their
diaspora tourism experience.
摘要
离散旅游经常被认为是一种“回家”的形式,但是对于移民他乡出生
的子女,他们是把父母的“故土”看作他们的“家”还是旅游目的地尚
未知晓。而且,交通与通讯技术的发展允许当今的移民维持与他
们故土的联系,这进一步影响了离散旅游性质。本研究旨在理解
二代移民赴先祖故土旅行的现场体验,探索二代移民跨国主义影
响其离散旅游体验的程度。使用现象学的方法,对26 个曾赴中国
旅行的二代美籍华人进行了访谈,识别出四个主题༚语言与表象,寻
KEYWORDS
Diaspora tourism;
transnationalism; place
attachment; second-
generation immigrants;
homecoming; Chinese
diaspora
关键词
离散旅游;跨国主义;
地方依恋;二代移民;
回家;中国离散群体
CONTACT Wei-Jue Huang sabrina.huang@polyu.edu.hk
© 2015 Taylor & Francis
TOURISM GEOGRAPHIES, 2015
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求原真性,家族史和故乡感。发现,对语言的熟悉程度是负面体验
的主要原因,尽管也偶尔是产生骄傲与依恋的来源。二代移民寻
求真实体验与其他旅游者有所不同,尽管家庭责任有时候会限制
他们的旅游体验。回到故土不仅使他们了解了他们的父母和家族
史,也使得他们通过体验当代中国反思了他们的生活。最后,由于
二代移民的跨国依恋并未扎根于某一具体的场所,他们可能实际
上并未参访家族的来源地而仍能感觉与故土发生地方依恋。本研
究通过比较一代与二代移民的旅游体验而有助于理解跨国主义与
离散旅游文献,识别出当代跨国移民与典型的离散群体在离散旅
游体验方面的差异。
Introduction
People tend to remember and long for places from their past, be it their hometown,
alma mater, or childhood home (Oxfeld & Long, 2004). In the past, international
migrants often found it difficult, if not impossible, to re-visit places from ‘the good old
days,’given the geographic distance, political context, and economic considerations.
However, recent technologies have enabled contemporary immigrants to be ‘transna-
tional’in establishing virtual and physical connections with their homeland (Portes,
1999). As international tourism becomes more convenient and affordable, diasporic
communities have more opportunities to visit their country of origin, and what used
to be an ‘once-in-a-lifetime trip is now often an annual event’(Kasinitz, Mollenkopf,
Waters, & Holdaway, 2008, p. 258).
The phenomenon of people with migrant ancestry traveling to their homeland has
been associated with many types of tourism, including ‘personal heritage tourism’(Timo-
thy, 1997), ‘ethnic tourism’(King, 1994), ‘ethnic reunion’(Stephenson, 2002), ‘ancestral
tourism’(Fowler, 2003), ‘genealogy tourism’(Meethan, 2004), ‘legacy tourism’(McCain &
Ray, 2003), ‘pilgrimage tourism’(Schramm, 2004), ‘roots-tourism’(Basu, 2004), ‘diaspora
tourism’(Holsey, 2004), and ‘visiting friends and relatives tourism’(Uriely, 2010). While all
of these types of tourism have different meanings and foci, elements of each of them can
be associated with one’s personal diasporic identity, and ‘diaspora tourism’has become a
broader term to describe the tourism activities produced, consumed, and experienced by
people in diaspora (Coles & Timothy, 2004).
First-generation immigrants are often overwhelmed with nostalgia when traveling back
to their country of origin. Their children, however, may or may not share the same experi-
ence. Being born and raised in their current homeland, second-generation immigrants
1
are visiting a new place when they go on diaspora tourism trips, and the question remains
as to whether they perceive their parents’homeland as ‘home’or a foreign destination.
Previous studies have found some evidence in support of second-generation transnation-
alism (e.g. Haller & Landolt, 2005; Kasinitz et al., 2008; Rumbaut, 2002), which has signifi-
cant implications for diaspora tourism. The transnational ties between second-generation
immigrants and their parents’homeland illustrates the possibility of establishing a con-
nection to a place that one has never been. Attachment and loyalty to a destination are
usually formed after repeat visitations and satisfying experiences (Lee, Graefe, & Burns,
2007; Yuksel, Yuksel, & Bilim, 2010). Second-generation immigrants, however, may feel
attached to their parents’homeland before visiting it. Their sense of loyalty towards the
homeland/destination may be based on emotional attachment or sense of obligation.
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Either way, how do their transnational ties shape their experience when they actually set
foot into the country?
The purpose of this study is to understand the lived experience of second-generation
immigrants when they travel to their ancestral homeland, and explore the extent to which
second-generation transnationalism shapes their diaspora tourism experiences. Specifi-
cally, this study focuses on the experience of Chinese-Americans as they are the earliest
Asian immigrants to the USA and the largest ethnic group within the Asian-American pop-
ulation to this day (Marger, 2012). Moreover, the target population is further limited to
second-generation immigrants between the ages of 18 and 30. This life stage, known as
‘emerging adulthood,’is important to the children of immigrants as they determine their
identities and discover their roles in the greater society (Arnett, 2000; Takeshita, 2007). As
young immigrants search for a sense of belonging, many will turn to their family origin for
guidance, so a trip back to the land of their ancestors is not only a tourism experience but
often a rite-of-passage (Di Giovine, 2009). The unique nature of this age segment differen-
tiates their experience from that of their parents and older immigrant cohorts.
Literature review
As contemporary forms of mobility, tourism and migration interact with each other (Wil-
liams & Hall, 2000b). Tourism generates labor migration and consumption-led migration,
and migration leads to various forms of tourism, such as immigrants traveling back to their
homeland and folks from ‘home’visiting the new country (Coles, Duval, & Hall, 2005; Wil-
liams & Hall, 2000a). Among different types of migration-induced tourism, ‘diaspora tour-
ism’usually refers to people of migrant origins visiting their ancestral homeland (Timothy
& Coles, 2004). To understand the characteristics of diaspora tourism, it is necessary to first
examine the notions of diaspora and transnationalism.
Diaspora and transnationalism
‘Diaspora’originally refers to the exile and dispersion of Jews from the land of Israel
(Cohen, 1997). Over the years, the term has grown to include many ethnic minority groups
who relocate to a foreign land yet bond over a strong sense of community and attach-
ment to their country of origin (Safran, 1991; Sheffer, 1986). Shuval (2000) identified two
important characteristics of diaspora: alienation in the host country and desire for even-
tual return. Feeling alienated, people in diaspora long to return to their homeland, even
after death (Mitchell, 1997). Contemporary use of the word diaspora has grown to include
many population movements, and thus sometimes considered synonymous with the
notion of ‘transnational communities’(Castles & Miller, 2009). While diaspora is an older
term originating from Greek (e.g. Dubnow, 1931), transnationalism is a relatively newer
concept used to describe ‘the processes by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-
stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement’(Basch,
Glick-Schiller, & Blanc, 1994, p. 7). The emergence of transnationalism signifies a paradigm
shift in the lives of contemporary immigrants, from the one-and-only path of assimilation
to a transnational lifestyle that crosses national borders. Transnationalism could be sus-
tained through economic, political, religious, or cultural activities (Portes, Haller, & Guar-
nizo, 2002), as long as they: (1) occur across national borders, (2) take place on a regular
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basis, and (3) require a significant amount of time commitment (Portes, 1999). With the
help of modern technology, immigrants can now maintain virtual and physical contacts
with their country of origin and strengthen their ties to the homeland.
Although diaspora and transnationalism literature both support the bond between
immigrants and their homeland, the two concepts have different implications for diaspora
tourism. Traditionally associated with forcible dispersion, the word ‘diaspora’arouses emo-
tions of nostalgia and homelessness, while ‘transnationalism’often occurs in the context
of voluntary migration (Castles & Miller, 2009). In addition, feeling alienated in the host
society, people in diaspora are united as a community, while transmigrants could be suc-
cessfully assimilated and maintain transnational ties on an individual level (Levitt & Glick-
Schiller, 2004; Sheffer, 2006). For voluntary migrants who have settled in the new country,
transnationalism involves traveling back and forth regularly between one’s societies of ori-
gin and settlement, not a permanent return (Kasinitz et al., 2008). For classic diaspora
groups, the homeland is an ideal place to which they cannot return, which not only rein-
forces their longing for ‘home,’but makes homecoming a once-in-a-lifetime experience
(Shuval, 2000). However, as the concept of diaspora has grown to include diverse groups,
it should be noted that not all diaspora groups long for permanent return, and nor do all
members of a diasporic community share the same desire to return, especially the later-
generations (Cohen, 1997; Tsuda, 2009).
Diaspora tourism
Both diaspora and transnationalism theory illustrate the need for immigrants to visit their
homeland. While the desire to remain connected to one’s roots may be the same, diaspora
tourism experiences differ due to diverse migration histories and national origins. For the
African diaspora, a journey back to ‘Mother Africa’to visit the historic sites of slave trade is
a way for them to make sense of the tragic past and gain a sense of pride (Bruner, 1996;
Ebron, 1999; Holsey, 2004; Schramm, 2004). For diasporic Jews, diaspora tourism often
takes the form of educational group tours, allowing them to consider the issues of religion
and identity in an all-Jewish environment (Cohen, 2004; Cohen, 2008; Ioannides & Ioan-
nides, 2004). Supported by the Israeli government, such tours help to reinforce the con-
nection between Israel and Jewish communities around the world (Di Giovine, 2009). The
Chinese Government also sponsors summer programs for young overseas Chinese, not
only to instill in them a sense of Chinese nationalism but also to encourage material con-
tributions (Louie, 2000). For other immigrant communities, especially recent migration
waves, diaspora tourism can be less institutionalized and more family oriented, with pur-
poses such as visiting family and relatives (Uriely, 2010), participating in ethnic family
reunion (Stephenson, 2002), and taking part in family rituals (Long, 2004).
Compared to other groups, diaspora tourism to China has been less studied. Feng and
Page (2000) investigated the outbound travel patterns of Chinese-New Zealanders, reveal-
ing that China was their most popular destination and recent immigrants had a higher
propensity to visit China than earlier immigrants. Exploring diaspora tourism from the des-
tination perspective, Lew and Wong (2002) noted that 15% of the foreign tourists in China
were ethnic Chinese, and those residing in America had higher expenditure than those
from Southeast Asia. Another study by Lew and Wong (2005) focused on overseas Chinese
visitors in Hong Kong. Findings indicated that overseas Chinese residing within Asian
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countries was the larger group in terms of visitor numbers, but overseas Chinese living in
long-haul, non-Chinese cultures had a stronger propensity to reconnect with their Chi-
nese-ness than those residing in Asia. Taking geographic distance into account, it is not
surprising that the Chinese diaspora in Asia could visit China more frequently and had
higher visitor numbers. However, the Chinese diaspora in western countries had higher
expenditure and a stronger desire to reconnect with their homeland.
Place attachment
The transnational ties between immigrants and their homeland could be examined
through place attachment theory. According to Williams, Patterson, Roggenbuck, and
Watson (1992), place attachment consists of two dimensions. Place dependence refers to a
functional attachment to a place that can satisfy one’s specific needs, and place identity is
a symbolic or psychological attachment to a place that reflects one’s self and sociocultural
identity. While functional attachment is maintained through experience and interaction
with a place, symbolic place attachment can be constructed through individual percep-
tion and imagination (Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff, 1983). As such, the attachment
between diasporas and their homeland may be more symbolic than functional, especially
for second-plus generations who do not have the actual experience of living in the
homeland.
Besides dimensionality, place attachment research also considers the boundary of a
place. When someone is ‘going home,’‘home’could refer to an actual house, hometown,
or home country. Place attachment occurs on various geographic levels, including site-
specific, area-specific, physiography-specific, and even specific environments, such as wil-
derness (Williams et al., 1992). Moreover, immigrants have two ‘homes’their ancestral
homeland and their current country of residence. According to Hammond (2004), ‘home’
includes ‘locations of various levels of scale, including an individual dwelling, a village, a
territory, region, or nation-state’(p. 37). Tsuda (2004)defined ‘home’as ‘a stable place of
residence that feels secure, comfortable, and familiar’and ‘homeland’as ‘a place of origin
to which one feels emotionally attached’(p. 125). Considering immigrants’dual loyalty
and attachment, diaspora tourism may influence their relationship to both ‘home’and
‘homeland.’Manzo (2003) suggested that one’s relationship to ‘home’would influence
how s/he felt about the place ‘away,’and vice versa. To better understand diasporic com-
munities, it is important to examine how transnational attachment changes through dias-
pora tourism.
Past experience and activity involvement have been identified as two main antece-
dents of place attachment (Backlund & Williams, 2003; Gross & Brown, 2008; Hou, Lin,
&Morais,2005; Kyle, Graefe, Manning, & Bacon, 2003;Lee,2001; Lee, Backman, & Back-
man, 1997). Past experience is often conceptualized as number of visits or length of
residency at a place. In general, the more time spent at a place, the stronger one’s
sense of attachment to it (Williams & Vaske, 2003). Activity involvement refers to one’s
level of interest in an activity and how essential an activity is in one’s life (Kyle et al.,
2003). Given the importance of past experience and activity involvement in the forma-
tion of place attachment, when second-generation immigrants visit their homeland for
the first time, what factors contribute to their transnational attachment? Backlund and
Williams (2003) suggested that place attachment may ‘stem not from direct experience
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ofaplace,butasaconsequenceofhearingothers’stories and memories of these pla-
ces’(p. 324). Second-generation immigrants may learn about the homeland from their
parents, teachers, peers, and the media, all of which shape their perception and place
attachment.
The experience of diaspora tourists is influenced by their ties to two countries. Second-
generation diaspora tourism is further complicated by their lack of past experience at the
homeland/destination. For Chinese-Americans, the geographic and cultural distance
between home and host societies also presents a unique context for transnational attach-
ment. Therefore, this study focuses on second-generation Chinese-Americans, which high-
lights the contrast between home and homeland and the possibility of developing
destination loyalty and attachment prior to actual visitation.
Methodology
This study examines the diaspora tourism experience of second-generation immigrants by
adopting a hermeneutic phenomenological approach. Based on the philosophical
assumption that ‘we can only know what we experience,’phenomenology is the study of
lived experience and life world phenomenon as they appear through human conscious-
ness (Laverty, 2003; Patton, 2002). There are two main traditions in phenomenology:
transcendental versus hermeneutic phenomenology (Pernecky & Jamal, 2010). Transcen-
dental phenomenology is a search for the essence and underlying structures of lived expe-
riences (Creswell, 1998). It is positivistic in believing that there is ‘truth’to be found. To
reveal the truth objectively, researchers must rely on bracketing out their preconceptions
and look for universal structures within the data. Hermeneutic phenomenology, on the
other hand, focuses on understanding the meaning of an experience within the sociocul-
tural context. Following a constructivist paradigm, hermeneutic phenomenology sees
individuals as interpreters of their personal experience, and it is through reflexive dialogue
and interpretation that researchers and informants co-construct the meaning of lived
experiences (Obenour, 1999).
The diaspora tourism experience of contemporary, second-generation immigrants is
different from that of their parents as well as classic diaspora groups. A phenomenological
inquiry not only describes one’s experience but situates its meaning within the society. As
part of the hermeneutic circle, a person’s historicality, background, and culture that were
handed down in turn shape the way s/he interpret and understand the world (Laverty,
2003). Rather than investigating tourist experience at a specific site, this study focuses on
people the personal narratives of second-generation Chinese-Americans and their per-
spectives on their homeland, traveling, and bi-cultural identity. In-depth, semi-structured
interviews were conducted to obtain lifeworld descriptions from participants’viewpoints
(Kvale, 1996). Through open conversation, interviewees share their thoughts and experi-
ences, while the interviewer guides the flow of conversation. The researcher’s own obser-
vation and knowledge of relevant literature allow the researcher to unfold the meanings
of participants’experiences, and co-construct an intersubjective understanding of diaspora
tourism (King & Horrocks, 2010). Diaspora and transnationalism are used as theoretical
frameworks to help interpret participants’experiences and providing meaningful descrip-
tions of diaspora tourism in the context of China.
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Sampling and data collection
The target population was second-generation Chinese-Americans between the ages of 18
and 30 who had visited China. Participants were recruited through purposive and snow-
ball sampling. Research has shown that 95.5% of second-generation Chinese-Americans
were ‘currently attending college’around the age of 24 (Zhou & Xiong, 2005). Therefore,
the first few participants were contacted through a Chinese-American student organiza-
tion at a university in southern California. Afterwards, new participants were recruited
through snowball sampling of existing participants. In the end, 26 interviews were con-
ducted from June to August, 2011. Data collection concluded after the point of data
saturation.
Interviews were designed to capture the tourism experience of participants as well as
their feelings towards the homeland and bi-cultural identity. An interview guide was
developed based on relevant literature, and questions were pilot-tested among a conve-
nience sample of Asian-American students to ensure that the questions were clear and
comprehensible. Questions were then revised according to expert opinions and feedbacks
received from pilot-test participants. Specifically, interview questions include:
Thinking about your travel experience in China:
what did you like and dislike?
which place was the most memorable?
which place can best represent China/Chinese culture?
where did you feel the most comfortable or ‘at home’?
which place made you feel uncomfortable or like an outsider?
How do you feel about China and the U.S.? Where would you consider as your home/
homeland?
Did the trip influence how you feel about: China/yourself/your family?
Do you feel obligated to visit China? Would you prefer to visit China more than other
countries?
All interviews were conducted in English, with occasional phrases or proper nouns in
Chinese. The interview time ranged from 30 minutes to 1 h and 15 minutes, with an aver-
age of 1 h. Prior to the interviews, a one-page questionnaire was given to participants to
gather demographic and tripographic information, such as frequency, length of stay,
group size, and purpose of the trip.
Data analysis
To process the data, notes and transcripts were analyzed through systematic classification
and identification of themes and patterns (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). The data was coded
manually through a basic word processing program. The coding process consisted of
three stages: descriptive coding, interpretive coding, and overarching themes. First, tran-
scripts were read and highlighted, and descriptive codes were defined. Second, descrip-
tive codes were clustered to form meaningful interpretative units. Third, interpretive
codes are integrated and developed into overarching themes by comparing and analyz-
ing their relationships. In order to obtain meaningful interpretations of the data, it is also
necessary to establish valid connections between findings and relevant literature (King &
Horrocks, 2010).
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To enhance credibility and dependability, this study employed theory triangulation and
expert opinion (Patton, 2002). Diaspora, transnationalism, and place attachment theory
were all used to provide counter-perspectives and explain the dynamic relationship
between immigrants and their homeland. The opinions of academic experts in relevant
fields were also sought in the research process, and their feedbacks were incorporated
prior to data collection and after preliminary analysis.
Findings
The short questionnaire provided information on participants’demographics and diaspora
tourism tripographics. The 26 participants consisted of 12 males and 14 females, with an
average age of 21.8. All participants were born in the USA with at least one foreign-born
Chinese parent. On average, they took 3.68 trips to China at the time of data collection.
Based on travel purpose and additional interview information, there are three types of
diaspora tourism trips: (1) sightseeing tours with family, (2) independent family trips
to visit relatives or attend family events, and (3) travel study programs held by their
university. For trip duration and group size, the average length of stay of leisure/family
trips (nD17) was 21.2 day, with a group size of 5.3, while the average length of stay of
travel study trips (nD9) was 84.8 days, with a group size of 11.9 people. Besides the basic
tripographics of second-generation diaspora tourism, the interviews provided in-depth
descriptions of their experience. Specifically, four themes emerged from the qualitative
analysis: language and appearance,search for authenticity,family history, and sense of
‘home.’
Language and appearance
Proficiency in their parents’language played a crucial role in shaping second-generation
diaspora tourism. Not being able to speak Chinese has been identified by participants as a
main cause of their negative experiences. Frank had problems at a local foot massage
place when the masseuse only spoke Mandarin: ‘I didn’t understand, and then there’s that
awkward moment. Just in that situation it was weird, because I wasn’t getting the full
experience. I was given a limited experience because I couldn’t understand the language’
(1 trip). Lane, whose parents came from Hong Kong, was fluent in Cantonese. Her experi-
ence in Hong Kong was much better than in Beijing:
In Hong Kong I feel like everything is pretty at home for me, just going out and talking to peo-
ple, anywhere I go. But in China, whenever I had to speak to someone in Chinese, then I just
feel like a foreigner. It’s just really hard for me to communicate with anyone in Beijing. (5 trips)
Appearance
Participants’language proficiency was also perceived differently because of their appear-
ance. Those who looked Chinese would be expected to speak the language, but those
with a ‘foreign’look would be forgiven when they spoke bad Chinese. Jay, who was half-
Caucasian, said that locals were impressed when he used simple Chinese, but his friends
who ‘look more Chinese, but don’t speak at all’would ‘get all embarrassed when people
talk to them, because they don’t know or can’t read Chinese’(2 trips). As a result, those
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who looked more Chinese felt they were treated differently compared to their non-
Chinese-looking counterparts. As observed by Leah: ‘For the Caucasians, the locals would
take pictures with them, and super fascinated if you can speak any Chinese at all. People
are much nicer to them, much more welcoming. It was very different.’But for Chinese-
Americans: ‘The locals would look at them and not understand why they could not speak
Chinese. So they sort of took a condescending approach, like ‘well, if you’re Chinese, why
don’t you connect with your roots?’(7 trips).
Local dialects
The different dialects in Chinese added to the complexity of one’s travel experience. Par-
ticipants fluent in one Chinese language/dialect still encountered unpleasant situations
when they visited other regions. Matt, of Teo-Chew ancestry, said that Teo-Chew was actu-
ally his first language. However, when he traveled around China: ‘I tried speaking English
first, and then Teo-Chew sometimes, but they didn’t understand that either, because Teo-
Chew was just for that region’(1 trip). In the rare cases when participants spoke the right
dialect at the right place, they enjoyed surprising the locals. According to Jack: ‘I like it bet-
ter when people assume you don’t speak Chinese, and then they are impressed when you
do, than if they assume you do and you don’t’(10 trips). Sam, who spoke Taishan-ese,
also took great pride in being able to speak the dialect and felt at home in the Taishan
region:
A lot of times they have this preconception that us ABCs [American-Born Chinese] cannot
speak Chinese. So when I start speaking Chinese, especially when I go back to the local
area where my parents and grandparents lived, and you speak their dialect. They are happy.
(3 trips)
Search for authenticity
Backstage experiences
When visiting the homeland, participants pursued authentic, ‘backstage’experiences, not
touristy encounters (MacCannell, 1973). For example, they chose to visit the ‘not as tour-
isty’sections of the Great Wall, or a local dim sum place that was ‘not super clean’but
‘more authentic.’Rather than visiting famous landmarks in China, participants enjoyed
going to everyday places and interacting locals. Jay described his experience on a study
abroad trip:
I played basketball at the Beijing Normal University, and I would talk to people on the court in
Chinese. They would tell us some stuff, and we made some pretty good friends. I felt like a
large part that changed me was because I was actually able to talk to the locals. I was able to
go out on my own, and see the day-to-day life. (2 trips)
Dawn also had an authentic experience when she spent time with local Chinese tutors:
One of the most rewarding things I did was that I went to an underground rock concert. My
friend’s tutor was really into rock concerts. They are underground, so it’s the things you don’t
really know about. I really valued the cultural experiences I had in China: the way they act,
things they eat, the games they play, the music that they listen to. (7 trips)
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In another scenario, Ethan was in China during the World Cup, and he enjoyed: ‘In the
alleys, people would have a small TV and watch the World Cup together. So we would
stand there with a bunch of guys, and beers. It’s like the same medium, but seeing it in a
different culture’(2 trips). Other memorable ‘backstage’experiences included going
inside the kitchen of a restaurant to make dumplings and renting ATVs from locals in Inner
Mongolia. Interestingly, all ‘backstage’experiences took place during travel study trips,
while trips to visit local relatives were quite different.
Family bubble
Many participants had relatives still living in China, who could have given them access
into the local culture and lifestyle (Uriely, 2010). However, those who went to visit relatives
were often trapped in a ‘family bubble’which prevented them from venturing outside.
Some participants went back to attend family events, so they stayed with their relatives
the whole time. As Helen described:
We didn’t get a lot of time to go sightseeing. We didn’t have a lot of exposure to the things
that I wanted to do. It was mostly whatever we had to do as a family. So a lot of the times I
would be sitting in a room, entertaining myself, or sitting at the dinner table, listening to
them talk. (3 trips)
Since their relatives were busy with event preparations, there was no one to show them
around. Moreover, the parents usually preferred to stay home and spend time with their
relatives. According to Daniel, ‘My parents have been there so many times that they don’t
really need to see the tourist attractions. So whenever we go there, it’s more like living
there with them for a little bit’(5 trips). Lane’s mom took her to Mainland China for quick
visits:
My mom only brings us back for a little bit to see our relatives, and then we just go back to
Hong Kong right away. Even in Canton, my mom never let me go out on the streets, so I
would always go to the same place, with my relatives, so I don’t see any cultural aspect at all.
(5 trips)
This ‘family bubble,’like the ‘tourist bubble,’prevents diaspora tourists from interacting
with locals. It may be argued that staying within the ‘family bubble’is more authentic in
the sense that one is living with the locals. However, these participants felt trapped, as
they didn’t get the chance to experience Chinese culture.
While Visiting Friends and Relatives (VFR) is considered a form of tourism, VFR tourists
are expected to engage in consumer activities outside of the homes of their hosts (Uriely,
2010). First-generation immigrants are more likely to purchase homeland goods and con-
tribute to the local economy than their children. For immigrant parents, spending time
with extended family is a critical component of the trip (Duval, 2004). The second genera-
tion, however, has a more ‘tourism’motive to venture outside and explore the destination.
The notion of ‘family bubble’points to a difference between first and second-generation
diaspora tourism. Although second-generation immigrants on VFR trips have fewer chan-
ces to engage in tourist behavior, they have the tourist mindset, while the motive of the
first generation is more VFR than tourism.
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Authenticity dilemma
In addition to authentic cultural experiences, participants pursued another form of racial
and ethnic authenticity. Minority groups have the need to express their racial/ethnic
authenticity (Warikoo, 2007). The border-crossing and bi-cultural lifestyle of immigrants
may result in an ‘authenticity dilemma’and lack of belonging (Tuan, 1999).
Although participants recognized their bi-culturality, the ‘American’part of their iden-
tity dominates, and they were less familiar with their Chinese-ness. Diaspora tourism
allowed them to get in touch with China and reinforce their bi-cultural identity. For exam-
ple, Josh described: ‘Standing on the Great Wall and just looking over, like this is my cul-
ture, my ethnicity’s background. I didn’t know anything about it since I was born here.
Going back there I felt more of a connection there’(5 trips). Similarly, Cindy explained: ‘I
know that I’m not China-Chinese, but I still feel more Chinese, culture wise, because now I
know more of my background. So I’m American-Chinese, but definitely the Chinese part
of that’(2 trips). Diaspora tourism also helped them understand the meaning of being Chi-
nese-American. As stated by Frank:
During the college applications, you would check what ethnicity you are. I would check
I’m Chinese-American or Asian-American. But once you go to the place yourself, you
actually get a meaning of who you are, versus just that label or that category that you’re
given. Like you can see yourself as Chinese-American, and you can say it with pride.
(1 trip)
Family history
Understanding the past
For participants who traveled with their family, seeing China with their parents made sto-
ries come true: ‘It’s kind of like their stories made sense. Something tangible, the places.
They would say that: ‘oh this is where we blah blah blah,’and you can see that there’sa
pond, there’s the field, the actual place’(by Sam, 3 trips). Having left China many years
ago, participants’parents would tell their children about the way things used to be. Mel-
ody’s mom talked about the roads and cities, and felt nostalgic about the differences: ‘We
used to ride our bikes from our village all the way to the city, and now people don’t ride
their bikes anymore. It’s so different now’(3 trips). Some participants joined group tours,
so they did not visit their parents’original hometown. Nevertheless, their parents could
still be reminiscent of the past:
They would compare places, to how their life was when they were growing up. They grew up
in a smaller community where maybe their neighbor would be selling some kind of food, so
they could go and buy food from them every single day. I guess they were reminded of that
at the night markets. (by May, 2 trips)
The core of heritage tourism lies not in the physical attributes of the site, but in the tou-
rists’perception of the site as a part of their personal heritage (Poria, Butler, & Airey, 2003).
Regardless of where they visited, first-generation immigrants could find ways to associate
the site to their past and create a personal heritage connection, even if they did not return
to their hometown.
Traveling with their parents also helped participants understand their parents’current
status as immigrants and still ‘outsiders’in the USA. Cindy described how her father
became very confident and ‘in control’once they arrived in China. Her father, who did
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not talk much at home, suddenly seemed to know everything and told many stories
about China:
That’s when I really saw that he was a foreigner here. Because I never really saw, in my head,
acknowledge them as immigrants. Even though I know, it didn’t connect. But when they are
in their ‘home’and they acted differently, then I could see that this [China] is their home, and
this here [the U.S.] is not their home. They don’t belong here, they belong there. That was
apparent, for sure. (2 trips)
Those who did not visit their parents’previous home also expressed the desire to see
where their parents came from. According to Matt: ‘I want to sort of re-live the experience
of my parents. They would tell me stories, but I want to see for myself what type of place
it was. I’ve seen pictures, but it’s not the same as going there’(1 trip). Seeing their parents
at ‘home’help participants understand the past and see their parents in a new light.
Glimpse of alternate universe
Participants not only perceived China as their parents’place, but also saw China as an
‘alternate universe’of the way their life could have been. According to Sam:
Being back home, you realize that this is where your parents came from, where you came
from, and where you would be now if your parents didn’t immigrate to the U.S., so you get
the backstory. And you feel that you were given a chance of a lifetime to have a good life in
the U.S. (3 trips)
Tony’s cousins also told him how lucky he was to be in the USA, which made him
realize: ‘I could easily have been born there if my parents hadn’t come here. So my life
could have been totally different if I was there. Being there makes me think about that’
(2 trips).
Seeing the lifestyle in China made many participants appreciate their current life. Com-
paring themselves to the younger generation in China, they were surprised by the highly
competitive environment: ‘I heard that the students there are more hard-working,
because there’s so much more competition. If they want to succeed, they have to do well
in school, to meet that high score’(by Mia, 1 trip). Alex also explained:
You have to be much more self-determined to succeed in order to make it in China. That’s
why I feel very blessed and very lucky to grow up here. I feel like I have more privileges, and
also spoiled too, in a way, not really appreciating what I have here until I went to China. So I’m
definitely more grateful for that, more driven towards success. (3 trips)
After learning about the past and ‘alternate universe’in China, participants became
more motivated and passionate about life.
Sense of ‘home’
Geographic boundary of ‘home.’
When asked to choose between China and the USA, all participants chose the latter as
their home: ‘I would say the U.S. is my home, but China is where my ancestors are
from’(by April, 3 trips). Sam considered the USA his ‘legal home’and reserved the term
‘homeland’for China: ‘Homeland I want to say China, although I’mbornintheU.S.
Legally, my home is the U.S. I feel there is more of an attachment to say ‘homeland.’
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But I live in the U.S., and it’smyhome’(3 trips). Some participants explained that the
USA was clearly their home because they could identify with a specificplace.According
to Jack:
I grew up in Berkeley, and my dad grew up in Berkeley, so that was like his home. The house
he grew up in was only like 15 minutes away from where we live now. So I do consider Berke-
ley as my home. (10 trips)
In China, however, participants were not particularly attached to one locale. Matt, of
Teo-Chew ancestry, explained, ‘I think I identify myself as Chinese. My family was from
Teo-Chew, so I should have more connection with that region, because of my family, ver-
sus like the whole country itself. But I can’t really say’(1 trip). Some participants could not
even pinpoint where their parents were from. Oxfeld and Long (2004) argued that ‘a
homeland has meaning even when people are ambivalent about it rather than identifying
with a particular place’(p. 5). Without the experience of living in the homeland, perhaps
second-generation immigrants identified more with the abstract notion of a country
rather than a specific‘home’place.
Participants were asked if they felt obligated to visit China. Most did not consider China
an obligation and emphasized that they ‘really wanted to go,’while some felt they should
visit China because they were Chinese-American: ‘I did think it’s weird that I’ve never vis-
ited China up until my college life, so I’m very glad I did’(by May, 2 trips). With regard to
their future travel plans, however, many participants chose Europe, as they had already
seen China. A few participants expressed a strong desire to visit China again and again,
and nowhere else: ‘I feel like I’m not interested in other parts of the world, because I don’t
have an INTEREST in them, an invested kind of interest. Europe is beautiful, but I would
rather go to China’(by Jeremy, 3 trips). Frank also explained why China was unique worthy
of repeat visits: ‘I want to learn more about who I am and my identity, so I can’t get that in
Europe. China is just that direct source to offer that experience that I cannot get from any
other part of the world’(1 trip). Moreover, those who showed a higher degree of loyalty
towards China indicated that they would prefer to explore new regions in China, which
suggested that their attachment to China went beyond their parents’hometown. As
stated by Mia, ‘there’s so much in China that I have not see yet!’(1 trip).
‘Home’as household or community
Although most participants did not visit their parents’original home, certain aspects of
China gave them a sense of familiarity and reminded them of their home in the USA.
Some participants grew up being the only Chinese family in town, and visiting China
made them realize what they thought was unique to their home existed in another part
of the world. According to Frank:
Before I went, the Chinese culture would be like inside my household. But because I have a lot
of Caucasian friends, when I go to their house it’s really different. Now when I went to China, it
was like what was once in the house, now it’s everywhere. Just a sense of reassurance and
familiarity that your culture is being practiced. (1 trip)
Jay, who was half-Chinese on his mother’s side, did not distinguish whether his house-
hold practices were American or Chinese, and it was studying abroad in China that made
him realize:
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I didn’t necessarily realize we’re Chinese until I saw it was heavily practiced in other places.
Once I studied abroad, it shed light on so many things that I’ve learned in my whole 18 years
of being in the U.S. A lot of the things my mom would teach me, that I just kind of associate
with American culture, really weren’t. (2 trips)
Diaspora tourism helped participants identify the Chinese elements of their life, and
they were able to see their ‘home’in China because of the Chinese culture they grew up
with.
For participants who lived in Chinese ethnic enclaves, China also reminded them of
home. Cindy grew up in San Gabriel, a suburb of Los Angeles populated by people of Chi-
nese ancestry. She felt that her university was less ‘Chinese’by comparison, but when she
visited China: ‘It did remind me a lot of my hometown, because there’re Chinese people
everywhere. That’s what my home is like!’(2 trips). She saw San Gabriel as a bridge
between China and the USA, and China as the origin of San Gabriel: ‘It’s almost like you
took a pinch of China and sprinkled it in the United States, that’s San Gabriel. So there’s
like a taste of it everywhere, but then I get to see what it really was in China.’Cindy’s
description illustrated the local specificity of transnationalism (Zhou & Tseng, 2001). Trans-
national practices often become localized within ethnic communities in the host society.
As such, participants felt a sense of belonging in China because it reminded them of their
home/hometowns in the USA.
Discussion
This study examined the diaspora tourism experience of second-generation Chinese-
Americans. Data from the short questionnaire provided basic tripographic information on
diaspora tourism, including number of trips, length of stay, purpose, and group size. The
average trip frequency of second-generation Chinese-Americans in their 20s (mean D
3.68) was found to be higher than that of previous studies (e.g. CILS: 1.35 trips; IIMMLA:
1.95 trips) (Portes & Rumbaut, 2008; Rumbaut et al., 2008). Two reasons may account for
the higher number of diaspora tourism trips derived from the sample of this study. First,
this study employed purposive sampling, while CILS and IIMMLA included respondents
who have never visited China. Second, the data of CILS (Phase III) was collected from 2001
to 2003, and IIMMLA was conducted in 2004. Although this small-sample study cannot
yield a generalizable number for the average frequency of homeland trips, it is possible
that within the last 10 years, there is an increase in the frequency of Chinese diaspora
tourism, and the current generation of Chinese-Americans in their early 20s is more trans-
national than the previous cohort.
Within the study sample, participants’number of trips to China ranged from one to ten
trips. Given that past experience is an antecedent to place attachment (Backlund & Wil-
liams, 2003), how does trip frequency influence one’s feelings towards China? Based on
travel purpose, participants’diaspora tourism trips consisted of three types: sightseeing,
travel study, and VFR/family reunion. As such, number of trips did not necessarily reflect
the depth of their experience. Several participants visited China multiple times for family
purposes, but felt trapped inside the family bubble, while others only been to China once,
but went on a three-month travel study program. In terms of past experience, length of
stay was found to be a more important factor than number of trips. Participants who spent
a few months in China gradually felt more ‘at home’in China and had a more meaningful
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experience. Moreover, previous studies stressed the importance of activity involvement in
the formation of place attachment (Kyle et al., 2003). In the context of diaspora tourism,
activity involvement could be conceptualized as one’s level of involvement in the lifestyle
and culture of the homeland. According to McKercher (2002), tourists vary in their ability
to feel and appreciate the destination. Likewise, among study participants, the difference
in their language proficiency and familiarity with Chinese food/culture resulted in different
depths of experience. Although most participants indicated that they felt more Chinese or
closer to China after the trip, it is important to note that not all participants developed a
strong sense of homeland/destination loyalty towards China.
Traveling to the homeland gave second-generation Chinese a chance to learn more
about their heritage and identity (Iorio & Corsale, 2013; Long, 2004; Louie, 2000). Com-
pared to ‘classic’diaspora groups (Cohen, 1997), however, the experience of contempo-
rary voluntary migrants was also found to be different. For more historic diaspora groups,
their genealogical roots are more difficult to trace. Thus, their ties to the homeland are
symbolic, and their trips may focus more on collective history and identity. On the con-
trary, approximately 80% of the participants (21 out of 26) had relatives still living in China.
Therefore, visiting relatives is an important travel purpose and gave them access to per-
sonal history. They also took great interest in the life of contemporary Chinese youths as
an ‘alternate universe,’and sought local, backstage experiences rather than historic attrac-
tions and national monuments. Within the Chinese diaspora, the most recent wave of Chi-
nese immigrants in the USA is also distinct from previous populations. Early Chinese
migrants faced the choice between sojourn and settlement, and traveling back to the
homeland was a lifelong desire of ‘fallen leaves return to their roots’(Chinese proverb)
(Yang, 2013). Contemporary overseas Chinese, however, are perhaps less rooted but en
route. As border-crossing transmigrants, study participants were able to take multiple trips
to China, and did not demonstrate a strong desire to visit their ancestral home. In some
cases, first-generation parents also took their children on sightseeing tours rather than
returning to their family home. While the concept of diasporic return is not new, this study
suggests that contemporary diaspora tourism is evolving to be less diasporic and more
tourism.
Finally, the difference between first- and second-generation diaspora tourists should
be considered. Diaspora tourism allows first-generation immigrants to re-visit past
homes and re-connect with distant relatives (Oxfeld & Long, 2004). The second genera-
tion, however, tend to perceive their parents’homeland as a destination. It was found
that most participants’authentic experiences took place during travel study trips, with
their new Chinese friends and tutors, but not so much with their local relatives. In fact,
those who attended family gatherings often felt trapped inside the ‘family bubble,’
which prevented them from exploring the destination. Participants’Chinese profi-
ciency was another cause of their negative experiences. Language retention is a seri-
ous problem for second-generation immigrants, and often a constraint to their
transnational activities (Foner, 2002; Perlmann, 2002). Specifically, Chinese-Americans
experience more difficulty learning their parental language due to linguistic differen-
ces and non-phonetic writing system. The wide variety of Chinese dialects further
complicates diaspora tourism encounters. Language barrier is another reason why sec-
ond-generation immigrants may not perceive China as their own home or feel close to
their Chinese relatives.
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Conclusion
This study investigated the diaspora tourism experience of second-generation Chinese-
Americans and explored how their transnational status influences their travel experience.
Findings contribute to tourism literature in two ways. First, rather than examining the
experience of more ‘historic’diaspora groups, this study focused on the tourism experi-
ence of contemporary voluntary migrants. With increasing mobility around the globe,
their attachment to ‘homeland’was broader geographically, and their tourism experience
is less diasporic and more transnational. Second, this study found some differences in the
diaspora tourism experience of first and second-generation immigrants, and identified
some factors that may be the cause of negative experiences for second-generation dias-
pora tourists. Moreover, diaspora tourism differs from other forms of tourism. While most
people travel to see something different from home, diaspora tourists pay attention to
things that reminded them of home. Although participants did not necessarily have a lot
of past experience with the homeland, their effort to make or enhance their transnational
attachment was obvious, in their attempts to relate what they saw to their personal heri-
tage and justify some of their negative experiences.
Findings also contribute to transnationalism literature. King and Christou (2011) argued
that the notion of transnationalism can be rescaled. The transnational activities of
migrants are rooted in local spaces within the home and host societies, such as the village
community where one was raised or the urban neighborhood where one relocated. The
term ‘trans-locality’is used to describe such localized yet border-crossing external connec-
tions (Zhou & Tseng, 2001). Trans-locality in the host society can be observed in the partic-
ipants’comparison of China with their hometown community in the USA. In their ancestral
homeland, however, their transnational ties were not as localized. Perhaps due to their
second-generation status, they did not have so strong an attachment to a specific‘home’
place in China, and saw China more as a nation different from the USA. Transnational ties
tend to decrease from one generation to the next (Levitt & Waters, 2002). Findings sug-
gest that first and second-generation transnationalism may also differ in the degree of
‘translocality.’
This study has its limitations. First, focusing on second-generation immigrants
between the ages of 18 and 30, study results could not be generalized to other immi-
grant generations and age groups. Second, only those who had already visited their
homeland were interviewed, and the experiences of those without the means or
opportunities to travel were excluded. Third, the diaspora tourism destination exam-
ined in this study was China, one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. Its rapid
development influenced the way returning migrants feel about their homeland, which
might not be the case in other countries. Reflecting upon these limitations, some sug-
gestions are provided for future research. First, this study presented some first-genera-
tion diaspora tourism experiences when the children of immigrants recalled and
described their parents’actions. Future studies can attempt to conduct family inter-
views on both parent and child to understand the parents’perspective and their
expectations of family diaspora tourism trips. Second, given the regional and linguistic
diversity in China, future studies can examine diaspora tourism to specificregions,
which would allow for group comparisons, such as different generations, overseas Chi-
nese residing in different countries, and diaspora versus international tourists. Future
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research can also explore diaspora tourism not to the homeland but other places
related to one’s ethnic origin, such as the Chinatowns and Little Italy’saroundthe
world. Especially when the homeland no longer exists or is inaccessible due to political
issues, diaspora tourists may seek alternative destinations to fulfill their desire to
go ‘home.’
Note
1. Immigrant generational status has been labeled in different ways. In particular, the children of
immigrants could be regarded as the ‘second generation’of immigrants or the ‘first generation’
to be native born. Warner and Srole (1945) called the native-born children of immigrants as the
‘filial first’(F1) generation, and the grandchildren the ‘F2’generation. On the other hand, both
foreign-born immigrants and their native-born children are considered the immigrant-stock
population in the USA (Rumbaut, 2002). Since the 1990s, there has been a proliferation of stud-
ies on the native-born children of immigrants in the USA, and they are more commonly referred
to as second-generation immigrants (e.g. Portes, 1996; Waters, 1994).
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and
suggestions.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributors
Wei-Jue Huang is an assistant professor in the School of Hotel and Tourism Management at The
Hong Kong Polytechnic University. Her research interests include cultural and heritage tourism,
urban tourism, diaspora, and the leisure and travel behavior of diverse populations.
Gregory Ramshaw is an associate professor in the Department of Parks, Recreation, and Tourism
Management at Clemson University. His research interests include heritage sport tourism, heritage
studies, world heritage, and tourism development.
William C. Norman is a professor in the Department of Parks, Recreation, and Tourism Management
at Clemson University. His research interests include travel behavior and decision-making, tourism
marketing, sustainable tourism, and community tourism development.
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