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Projecting Taiwan: Taiwan's Public Diplomacy Outreach
Abstract
Because of its diplomatic isolation, Taiwan has used, and continues to use, public diplomacy as a vital medium for presenting its values and utility in the international community while bypassing issues of recognition.This article examines Taiwan's public diplomacy and soft power projection. Itanalyzes Taiwan's public diplomacy outreach and evaluates its public diplomacy strategies and tactics by focusing on Taiwan's ability to present its utility, relevance, and values to the international community. It assesses Taiwan's public diplomacy institutions and tools, and the instruments employed to implement public diplomacy outreach. Furthermore, it examines Taiwanese soft power and the elements that enhance its "power of influence." The author categorizes Taiwan as a "middle power" and compares its public diplomacy efforts to those of similar middle power states, especially in relationto the public diplomacy strategy of niche diplomacy.
... Rockower states that gastrodiplomation is "the (Wilson, 2015) best way to win hearts and minds is through the stomach." According to Rockower, the formal use of gastrodiplomation can be an official government program used to introduce the country's specialties as the goal of a country's diplomacy (Rockower P. S., 2011). ...
... Gastronomy has the meaning of food or the science that studies food management. Carrying out gastrodiplomacy in the practice of public diplomacy was first introduced by Paul Rockower (Rockower P. S., 2011). He also said gastrodiplomacy can be called a tool of public diplomacy. ...
... Gastrodiplomacy or culinary diplomacy is used by a country to help create cross-border understanding in improving public or community interactions as its goals. This is because food is something important for people's lives, food can also represent a tradition, history, and culture in a society in a country (Rockower P. S., 2011). ...
This paper aims to describe Indonesia's public diplomacy strategy through culinary. Culinary as an instrument of diplomacy. Public diplomacy is an effective instrument to become a communication and investment tool for a country. This study uses a qualitative method based on case studies. This study uses secondary data and literature review data collection techniques. The results found that Indonesia carried out gastrodiplomacy using Indomie which was produced by PT. Indofood Tbk. Gastrodiplomacy was carried out by Indonesia to Nigeria because it saw an opportunity for a financial crisis in that country. Thus, Indomie can become one of the staple foods used by Nigerian people to maintain the stability of human security in the country. And Indonesia's strategy through 3 C + I. Indonesia uses listening, and advocacy, cultural exchange methods to achieve the expected targets and marketing in Nigeria.
... Third, research from Rockower (2012) entitled 'Recipes for gastrodiplomacy' reveals that many middle powers have invested resources in culinary diplomacy to increase global awareness of their culture as a means to project soft power, including Taiwan. Rockower (2011) in another research entitled 'Taiwan's public diplomacy outreach' also explained that the Taiwanese government invested tens of millions of dollars to promote Taiwanese cuisine through programs such as international gourmet festivals, sending local chefs to international contests, and establishing Taiwanese restaurants. abroad, set up sampling stations at international airports, set up culinary think tanks, and peddled Taiwanese street food. ...
... As a result of Indonesia's hot climate, they believe that boba will be a best-selling thirst quencher. This statement is evidence of the premise of Rockower (2011), which emphasizes that the best way to win hearts and minds is through the stomach. ...
Food is an excellent means of creating an image and spreading influence. This study aims to explore Taiwanese street food as nostalgia and gastrodiplomacy in contemporary Indonesian society. This study uses a qualitative method with data collection through in-depth interviews and a literature study. The results showed that: first, food nostalgia tries to connect the past and the present. The feeling expressed by the Taiwanese diaspora on food will greatly depend on their previous lived experiences and homeland memories in the past, both personally and historically, with their present living circumstances in Indonesia. Second, gastrodiplomacy connects the relationship between the present and the future. The popularity of Taiwanese food in Indonesia is increasing, especially through boba and chicken Shilin consumption. This has a positive impact on building Taiwan's image. From food nostalgia and gastrodiplomacy, we can learn about the past, present, and future relationships between people and nations.
... In fact, according to one commentator: "Gastrodiplomacy is predicated on the notion that the easiest way to win hearts and minds is through the stomach." 38 In this instance, though, the British police had other ideas. They rapidly intervened: "telling volunteers from the French capital it would be illegal to offer food in the run-up to an election because it could corrupt the result". ...
... Foodscares! Performance Research,4,[31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41] 14 Halvorson PJ, Rudelius W (1977). Is there a free lunch? ...
This review addresses a number of questions around the relation between food and decision-making/social behaviour, including the following: Can food be used as a tool of political persuasion? What role, if any, does the food we eat have over the decisions we reach? Do we bond with those with whom we happen to share a meal? And is it ever ethical to accept a free lunch? Can the provision of food be used to enhance creativity/productivity? Ultimately, the case is made that what we eat plays a far more important role in cognition, decision-making, and impression formation than most people realize.
... Gastrodiplomacy allows states to use their national cuisine as a 'soft power' resource to increase the appeal and desirability of its culture, people, values and ideals. The fact that it familiarises people with a particular country and associates that country with particular tastes, textures and smells can be seen as useful for states that either do not have a good reputation or that are not particularly well known (Rockower, 2011). Additionally, national food, because of its symbolic but also vital nature, has the ability to not only bring people together and enhance cultural diplomacy but also MAC promote economic growth and trade while marketing the nation. ...
... This helps promote economic growth and Taiwanese economic diversification and the private sector; it also supports and strengthens the domestic tourist industry. The Taiwanese gastrodiplomacy campaign includes a number of specific elements, such as government investment in the international promotion of Taiwanese food -in 2013, for example, Taiwan was set to invest $34.2 million in promoting its cuisine; hosting international food festivals and cooking competitions as well as launching Taiwanese food festivals abroad; supporting Taiwanese restaurants and the training of Taiwanese chefs; establishing a 'culinary think tank' (Chapple-Sokol, 2013: 176); supporting Taiwanese culinary tours, for example the 'travelling night markets'; and creating networks of support to bring together the food and tourism industries (Chapple-Sokol, 2013;Rockower, 2011). ...
The previous chapter has examined the important role food plays at the nation-state level and the ways in which the state uses food in its attempts to control, modernise and homogenise the nation. It also showcased the close relationship between the state’s domestic political, social and economic policies and its intervention in the nation’s diet. However, the relationship between food and nationalism and its importance to the nation-state extends far beyond the borders of the state. Food is not only used for domestic purposes and as an internal and banal symbol of the nation; it is also used internationally by the state in its diplomatic engagements and as a form of soft power, often referred to as gastrodiplomacy. In this regard, national food can be seen as exhibiting a duality; on the one hand, it can be used to indicate the attractiveness of the nation and increase its appeal, while, on the other hand, it can also be seen as a ‘contested medium of cultural politics that demarcates national boundaries and identities’ (DeSoucey, 2010: 433). This means that what is viewed as national food items or traditions can be used in branding and marketing the nation internationally, but this might also require state intervention and protection from foreign claims. In other words, national food is viewed by the state as a resource that can be utilised to accomplish a variety of aims but that also needs to be secured.
... Gastrodiplomacy allows states to use their national cuisine as a 'soft power' resource to increase the appeal and desirability of its culture, people, values and ideals. The fact that it familiarises people with a particular country and associates that country with particular tastes, textures and smells can be seen as useful for states that either do not have a good reputation or that are not particularly well known (Rockower, 2011). Additionally, national food, because of its symbolic but also vital nature, has the ability to not only bring people together and enhance cultural diplomacy but also MAC promote economic growth and trade while marketing the nation. ...
... This helps promote economic growth and Taiwanese economic diversification and the private sector; it also supports and strengthens the domestic tourist industry. The Taiwanese gastrodiplomacy campaign includes a number of specific elements, such as government investment in the international promotion of Taiwanese food -in 2013, for example, Taiwan was set to invest $34.2 million in promoting its cuisine; hosting international food festivals and cooking competitions as well as launching Taiwanese food festivals abroad; supporting Taiwanese restaurants and the training of Taiwanese chefs; establishing a 'culinary think tank' (Chapple-Sokol, 2013: 176); supporting Taiwanese culinary tours, for example the 'travelling night markets'; and creating networks of support to bring together the food and tourism industries (Chapple-Sokol, 2013;Rockower, 2011). ...
Exploring a much neglected area, the relationship between food and nationalism, this book examines a number of case studies at various levels of political analysis to show how useful the food and nationalism axis can be in the study of politics.
... According to Rockower, gastro diplomacy is "the act of winning hearts and minds through stomachs", which can be interpreted as governments carrying out diplomacy by utilizing their country's native food. Through gastro diplomacy, tourists can still taste the local cuisine of the country they want to visit through a sense of taste (Rockower, 2011). Food is a powerful diplomatic tool, not only as a substitute for hard power for "middle power" countries that do not have global hard power assets but also as a complement to hard power superpowers and as legitimacy for sub-national powers. ...
Tulisan ini mencoba membahas bagaimana Korea Selatan menggunakan pendekatannya untuk memajukan kepentingan nasional, khususnya dalam meningkatkan ekonominya melalui industri makanan halal, dengan menggunakan metodologi kualitatif dan studi pustaka berbasis dokumen. Penulis mendasarkan penelitian ini pada teori gastrodiplomasi dan konsep industri Halal. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa ketika wabah Covid-19 melanda, Korea Selatan melakukan beberapa upaya untuk melindungi kepentingan nasionalnya dengan meningkatkan pengiriman produk Halal ke Indonesia. Bahwa produk Halal menimbulkan tantangan bagi hubungan diplomatik kedua negara. Salah satu langkah Korea Selatan dalam menghadapi hal ini adalah mempromosikan makanan halal di Indonesia melalui kerja sama dengan penyedia sertifikasi Halal dan K-Food Fair, telah diadakan sebelum wabah Covid-19. Kesimpulan ini signifikan karena, diplomasi memungkinkan Indonesia dan Korea Selatan untuk memperluas ekonomi mereka sambil menjaga hubungan yang positif.
... Yiyecekler, bir ülkenin kültürel kimliğinin temel bir parçasıdır ve uluslararası ilişkilerde giderek daha fazla önem kazanmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, gastro-diplomasi gibi kültürel diplomasi biçimleri, bir ülkenin kültürel mirasını uluslararası alanda tanıtmak ve marka bilincini artırmak için etkili bir strateji olarak görülmektedir (Rockower, 2011;Pujayanti, 2017). Dolayısıyla, yiyecekler bir ülkenin küresel itibarını artırmak için güçlü bir araç olarak kabul edilmektedir (Nair, 2021). ...
Spor Bilimleri Alanında Akademik Araştırma ve Değerlendirmeler IV başlıklı bu kitap, spor bilimleri alanındaki akademik çalışmaları kapsamlı ve disiplinlerarası bir yaklaşımla bir araya getiren bir koleksiyondur. Kitap, spor bilimlerinin çeşitli yönlerine dair en son araştırmaları ve güncel gelişmeleri içermektedir. Her bölüm, alanında uzman kişiler tarafından titizlikle hazırlanmış olup, spor fizyolojisi, biyomekanik, psikoloji ve spor yönetimi gibi çeşitli konulara dair derinlemesine bilgiler sunmaktadır. Dahil edilen çalışmalar, teori ve pratik arasındaki boşluğu doldurmayı hedefleyerek literatüre değerli katkılarda bulunmakta ve spor bilimleri anlayışımızı ileriye taşımaktadır. Bu kitap aracılığıyla, sadece son gelişmeleri vurgulamakla kalmayıp, aynı zamanda spor bilimleri alanındaki ortaya çıkan zorlukları da ele alan zengin bir bilgi mozaiği sunmayı amaçlıyoruz. Bu koleksiyon, spor bilimlerinin dinamik ve gelişen manzarasını keşfetmek isteyen akademisyenler, araştırmacılar, uygulayıcılar ve öğrenciler için hazırlanmıştır.
... Landasan awal terciptanya gastrodiplomasi adalah terdapat suatu kalimat "the best way to win hearts and mind is through the stomach" (Rockower P. S., 2011). Gastrodiplomasi merupakan salah satu strategi yang muncul sebagai bentuk alternatif dalam diplomasi dan gastrodiplomasi merupakan salah satu bentuk diplomasi budaya melalui makanan yang menjadi sumber sarana untuk meningkatkan branding pada suatu negara Walaupun terdapat berbagai cara untuk suatu negara dalam menentukan serta memberikan visualisasi identitasnya, akan tetapi bila di ingat kembali makanan merupakan salah satu bentuk diplomasi yang begitu nyata dan juga diperlukan untuk keberlangsungan hidup manusia (Joseph S. Nye, 2004). ...
Strategi gastrodiplomasi kopi yang dilakukan Indonesia merupakan salah satu bentuk untuk meningkatkan nation branding Indonesia kepada khalayak Asing. Memiliki predikat sebagai salah satu produsen kopi terbesar di dunia, seharusnya menjadikan Indonesia lebih leluasa dalam menerapkan strategi gastrodiplomasi kopi. Selain itu terdapat beberapa faktor yang dapat dioptimalkan oleh Indonesia dalam menerapkan strategi gastrodiplomasi ini seperti market intellegence, segmenting, targeting dan positioning. Keempat elemen tersebut berkontribusi dalam langkah Indonesia untuk mempromosikan produk kopinya secara internasional dan dapat menjadi langkah awal bagi Indonesia Untuk menunjukan soft power melalui gastrodiplomasi.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui upaya-upaya strategi gastrodiplomasi yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia melalui Specialty Coffee Association of American (SCAA) Expo 2021. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan konsep gastrodiplomasi yang dikemukakan oleh Rockower sebagai kerangka konseptualnya. Data yang digunakan pada penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui beberapa teknik pengumpulan data, seperti wawancara, tinjauan literatur, dan online-based research. Setelah melalui proses analisis dan validitas data, hasil yang didapat dalam penelitian menunjukan bahwa strategi gastrodiplomasi kopi dalam event SCAA Expo 2021 yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia dengan cara memperkenalkan komoditas kopi Indonesia di tingkat internasional, peran aktor dalam praktik gastrodiplomasi kopi Indonesia, penerapan gastrodiplomasi kopi Indonesia melalui event SCAA Expo 2021, dan tindak lanjut para aktor setelah event SCAA Expo 2021
... Söz konusu eğilimin temelinde yemeğin tüm duyulara hitap etmesi yatmaktadır (Aksoy ve Çekiç, 2018). Rockower (2011), bu yargıyı kalpleri ve zihinleri kazanmanın en kolay yolunun mideden geçtiğini ifade ederek desteklemekte ve yeme içme unsurlarının uluslararası ilişkilerdeki düzenleyici, geleneksel engelleri yıkıcı, toplumsal algıları şekillendirici ve diplomatik ilişkileri düzenleyici rollerine dikkat çekmektedir (Aksoy ve Çekiç, 2018). ...
... One of the goals of this campaign is to prove that Taiwanese food is different from Chinese because it is lighter, less greasy, and healthier (Strugar, 2015). Rockower (2011) added that Taiwanese cuisine tries to introduce a more Western version of Chinese food. ...
p> Bubble Tea is one of the typical drinks of Taiwan, which has become known since the 1980s in Taichung, Taiwan. Bubble Tea is prevalent in various circles of society. With the recognition of Bubble Tea, the government of Taiwan took advantage of this opportunity to build a positive image amidst its conflict with China regarding the One China Policy.The Taiwanese government developed Bubble Tea as a national brand through gastrodiplomacy to introduce its signature drink to the world. A qualitative approach will be chosen in this study based on literature review withexploratory and descriptive approach. The author will use the concepts of gastrodiplomacy and nation branding. Also, this paper aims to prove how the Taiwanese government uses Bubble Tea not only as a typical Taiwanese drink but also as a symbol in the anti-China movement. The results of this study examine the Taiwanese government's efforts to utilize Bubble Tea as a disparities between China and Taiwan culture that can differentiate Taiwan from China.
</p
... Gastrodiplomacy mainly consists of two typologies of campaigns taking place abroad: those aiming at multiplying and certifying national restaurants-the choice made by Thailand, Taiwan, Japan, and both Koreas-and the organization of food events-as in the case of France's and Italy's annual celebrations taking place in numerous foreign cities [90][91][92][93][94]. ...
This paper features as its starting point the observation that unprecedented migration flows have made cultural diversity a common feature of most cities across the world. Among the many components of such diversity, gastronomy will be presented as both a primary employment niche for migrants and a valuable resource for many municipalities’ intercultural turn aimed at enhancing social cohesion, local economic development, international cooperation, and branding. The paper will then discuss the relationship between diaspora cuisines and their countries of origin in the framework of the expanding field of gastrodiplomacy. Thus, the paper will present the increasingly evident distance between most countries’ authenticity discourse on national cuisine and the reality of their food scene. Finally, the approaches of cities and nations to gastronomic diversity will be compared, examining the possibilities for overcoming this dualism as the benefits of intercultural approaches become increasingly apparent.
... Diplomasi kuliner sederhananya adalah satu bentuk diplomasi budaya dengan penggunaan item kuliner sebagai ciri khas sebuah negara. Praktik diplomasi publik melalui makanan atau kuliner dibangun diatas asumsi yang pertamakali diungkapkan oleh Paul Rockower dengan konsep "gastrodiplomasi" yakni, "The best way to win hearts and mind is through the stomach" (Rockower, 2011). ...
Gastrodiplomacy is present as an innovation of diplomacy practice through culinary that spreaded to various countries. As part of public diplomacy, it is considered more effective than diplomacy in general, so many countries now focus on strengthening gastrodiplomacy, including Indonesia. Indonesia which has variety of culinary as part of the culture also develop culinary as part of diplomacy. Enhancement of gastrodiplomacy is not only done overseas but also in the country, through the formal and informal sector conducted by state and non-state actors. Enhancement of gastrodiplomacy can be done through culinary festivals in the country like Ubud Food Festival (UFF). UFF is not only a culinary festival but also an event of preservation and promotion of Indonesian culinary heritage that can contribute to Indonesia’s tourism sector and economic growth. In UFF, non state actors play an important role in strengthening the Indonesian culinary. So in this paper, the authors analyze the role of non-state actors in the implementation of Indonesia's gastrodiplomacy program through the Ubud Food Festival. The research objectives are to know the non-state actors who play role in gastrodiplomacy Indonesia through UFF and analyze its role. The method used in conducting this research is descriptive qualitative research method. In this research, there are some non-state actors who play role in gastrodiplomacy such as non government, business or commerce group, civil society or citizen personal involvement, and mass media or information media. All of these non-state actors have actively played their roles and interrelated roles in enhancing Indonesia's culinary development through UFF. Through UFF, the internationalization of Indonesian culinary will be easier to do. Keywords: Public Diplomacy, Gastrodiplomacy, Non-State Actors, Ubud Food Festival
... Diplomasi menggunakan makanan atau disebut juga gastrodiplomasi adalah salah satu teknik berdiplomasi yang ada saat ini. Istilah ini pertama kali diperkenalkan oleh Paul S. Rockower, gastronom lulusan University of Southern California, Rockower menyatakan bahwa gastrodiplomasi adalah cara terbaik untuk memenangkan hati dan pikiran melalui perut (Rockower, 2011). ...
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui strategi gastrodiplomasi yang dilakukan oleh Korea Selatan dalam mendukung kepentingan nasional negara-nya yaitu dalam hal meningkatkan kunjungan wisatawan asing ke Korea Selatan melalui konsep gastrodiplomacy dan soft power. Jenis penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian adalah data sekunder. Adapun teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi pustaka dan dokumentasi melalui jurnal, dokumen resmi yang diperoleh melalui situs-situs resmi dari organisasi ataupun situs resmi pemerintahan, serta artikel dari portal berita internasional. Teknik analisis data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teknik analisis menurut Miles & Huberman dengan tiga tahapan yaitu reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa makanan dapat menjadi media diplomasi publik yang mampu membantu pencapaian kepentingan nasional Korea Selatan yaitu meningkatkan kunjungan wisatawan asing ke Korea Selatan. Berdasarkan data kunjungan wisatawan asing ke Korea Selatan mengalami kenaikan tiap tahunnya. Motivasi untuk berkunjung ke Korea pun 32,3 persen jauh lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan kunjungan bisnis senilai 15,2 persen, belajar bahasa Korea senilai 9,1 persen, dan mengunjungi lokasi drama Korea senilai 5,6 persen.
... Office gastrodiplomacy refers to how food shapes and influences our social relations within organizations, usually in positive ways. While the term 'gastrodiplomacy' had already been popularized in international relations (Rockower, 2011), recent developments saw the need to adopt a somewhat similar terminology but applied in different contexts. As defined by the foremost scholar in the field, Dr. Charles Spence, gastrodiplomacy is the 'use of food to convey a specific message to others' (Spence, 2016). ...
Office gastrodiplomacy refers to how food shapes and influences our social relations within organizations, usually in positive ways. Although already a pervasive practice, it is only recently that this concept has received wide attention from industry practitioners and researchers in the behavioral sciences. This emerging topic traces its origins to socio-anthropological studies applied to modern work environments like office settings. To expound scholarship in this field, particularly in the local parlance, this study aims to present novel findings on how organizational support, in aspects involving staff development, resources, and emotional support, affects attitude towards office gastrodiplomacy. A total of 327 respondents participated in a one-shot survey administered from September to December 2019 at the 25 offices of a public organization in the Philippines. Employing a descriptive-relational design, descriptive findings revealed that employees indicated being ‘fairly supported’ by their offices, while a higher proportion of respondents stated that they generally have a ‘favorable attitude’ towards office gastrodiplomacy. Relational statistics, however, generated a ‘not significant relationship’ between the two variables as a whole and across the three components. The researchers argue that it is likely that such a finding is a result of how the respondents only received organizational support in ‘fair’ terms. As such, results may somewhat differ if a ‘high’ favorable attitude to office gastrodiplomacy is complemented with ‘high’ organizational support. It is then proposed that a similar design may be replicated among employees in private organizations who may offer a different perspective, especially as regards aspects of organizational support.
... Bunun temelinde yemeğin tüm duyulara hitap etmesi yatmaktadır. Kalpleri ve zihinleri kazanmanın en kolay yolunun mideden geçtiğini ifade eden Rockower (2011), yemeğin uluslararası ilişkileri düzenleyici, geleneksel engelleri yıkıcı, toplumsal algıları yönlendirici ve diplomatik ilişkileri düzenleyici rolüne dikkat çekmektedir. Fransız diplomat François de Callières 1716 yılında yazdığı "Prenslerle Müzakere Etme Üzerine" adlı kitabında iyi yeme ve içmenin arkadaşlıkların kurulmasına, tanıdıklığın yaratılmasına ve sırların ifşasına zemin hazırladığını; bir büyükelçinin masasının iyi bir tablo çizmek ve bürokratları etkilemek için daima zengin ve düzenli olması gerektiğini belirtir (Chapple-Sokol, 2013) . ...
Yemek, etrafında birçok sosyal pratiği şekillendiren güçlü bir iletişim aracıdır. Uluslararası ilişkilerde düzenleyici ve belirleyici bir misyona sahip olan bu araç, 21. yüzyılda kamu diplomasisinin en önemli argümanlarından biri olarak kabul edilmektedir. Özellikle gelişmekte olan ülkeler, uluslararası platformda imajlarını güçlendirmek, itibarlarını arttırmak, ulusal markalarını oluşturmak, turizm gelirlerini yükseltmek ve mevcut önyargıları kırmak maksadıyla yemeğin yumuşak gücünü ön plana çıkarmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, mutfağın uluslararası ilişkilerde yumuşak güç olarak kullanımı, ilgili literatür taranarak ortaya konulmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, öncelikle yumuşak güç ve gastro-diplomasi kavramları irdelenmektedir. Ardından dünyadaki gastro-diplomasi faaliyetleri ülkeler bazında ele alınarak, Türkiye'nin sahip olduğu gastronomi temelli yumuşak güç pratikleri üzerine bir değerlendirme yapılmaktadır.
... Efisiensi dari praktik gastrodiplomasi sangat berdampak nyata. Dasar premisnya adalah "the best way to win heart and mind is through the stomach" (Rockower & Paul, 2011 (Ongkowijoyo & Hikam, 2015). ...
The practice of soft diplomacy in international relations has various types, one of which is public and cultural diplomacy. In public and cultural diplomacy there is Gastrodiplomacy. Gastrodplomacy is a form of diplomacy commonly carried out by non-state diplomacy actors through the special food of a Country. One of the non-state actors who carried out this gastrodiplomacy is Kebab Turki Baba Rafi. Kebab Turki Baba Rafi is one of the largest kebab food franchise companies in the world that founded since 2005. Currently, Turkish Kebab Baba Rafi has around 1300 outlets spread across various countries in the world.. Indirectly, Kebab Turki Baba Rafi has become a non-state gastrodiplomacy actor between Turkey and Indonesia and even other countries. Kebab Turki Baba Rafi's relations with the Indonesian and Turkish governments have been supported by the Law on Cooperation, Investment, Economy, and Trade by the Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Indonesia.
... This act of sharing food allows peers to build harmonious relationships with each other (Chapman & Goodwin, 2001). Paul Rockower, a scholar of public diplomacy, popularized the term gastrodiplomacy, which he defines as 'winning the hearts and minds through stomachs' (Rockower, 2011). Though a relatively new term, gastrodiplomacy already appeared in the February issue of the magazine The Economist in 2002 by an unknown author (Anon, 2019). ...
In urban landscapes, understanding the diversity of roadside vegetation
is essential for better planning and designing of sustainable cities.
The city of Cebu, located in central Visayas Philippines, is considered
an urban tree biodiversity hotspot due to threats from continuous
infrastructure development, road widening, and anthropogenic activities.
To provide an update on tree diversity, as well as to determine the
ecological status of the remaining trees thriving in Cebu City’s urban
corridors, a floristic inventory and tree distribution survey (i.e. five
national streets /roads) were conducted. Following a standard protocol
for urban tree inventory, a tree distribution map was created using
GIS, and information on urban corridors’ name, BDH of each tree, wire
conflict, and tree condition were provided. Data showed 2,203 trees
(45 genera and 27 families) were listed from these roadsides, with the
proportion of alien trees higher (84.75%) than native trees (15.25%).
Among these trees, 12.94% were in excellent tree condition, with narra
(Pterocarpus indicus) and Manila palm (Adonidia merrillii) as the most
abundant native tree, and mahogany (S. macrophylla) as the most
exotic species. The distribution of trees by DBH classes along the
five national roads showed that most trees belonged to the range of
≥ 70 cm, suggesting that mature trees dominated five urban corridors.
In terms of tree protection and management, most trees in Cebu City
were recommended for silvicultural treatment to salvage mother trees
from further damage. Baseline data gathered in this study may serve as guide for urban planners for a responsible and sustainable urban tree
conservation and management.
... This act of sharing food allows peers to build harmonious relationships with each other (Chapman & Goodwin, 2001). Paul Rockower, a scholar of public diplomacy, popularized the term gastrodiplomacy, which he defines as 'winning the hearts and minds through stomachs' (Rockower, 2011). Though a relatively new term, gastrodiplomacy already appeared in the February issue of the magazine The Economist in 2002 by an unknown author (Anon, 2019). ...
The meaning of food is redefined. Human development witnessed the politicization of food and how key messages were relayed through the food we share or what we simply call ”gastrodiplomacy.” This study was conducted to determine the socio-demographic factors that affect attitude towards office gastrodiplomacy among employees of a local government unit in the Philippines. This is a descriptive-relational study that employed a one-shot survey among 327 respondents. Data were collected using a two-part questionnaire that included questions on: a) socio-demographic characteristics consisting of age, sex, educational attainment, length of service, monthly income, and nature of job position; and the b) researcher made instrument on attitude towards office gastrodiplomacy. It was found out that respondents had a generally ‘high positive attitude’ towards office gastrodiplomacy, although only age and length of service were significantly related. The findings of this study provide a breakthrough on research on office gastrodiplomacy in the Philippines, where such practice is prevalent yet understudied or has
not been tackled at all as of writing.
... Bunun temelinde yemeğin tüm duyulara hitap etmesi yatmaktadır. Kalpleri ve zihinleri kazanmanın en kolay yolunun mideden geçtiğini ifade eden Rockower (2011), yemeğin uluslararası ilişkileri düzenleyici, geleneksel engelleri yıkıcı, toplumsal algıları yönlendirici ve diplomatik ilişkileri düzenleyici rolüne dikkat çekmektedir. Fransız diplomat François de Callières 1716 yılında yazdığı "Prenslerle Müzakere Etme Üzerine" adlı kitabında iyi yeme ve içmenin arkadaşlıkların kurulmasına, tanıdıklığın yaratılmasına ve sırların ifşasına zemin hazırladığını; bir büyükelçinin masasının iyi bir tablo çizmek ve bürokratları etkilemek için daima zengin ve düzenli olması gerektiğini belirtir (Chapple-Sokol, 2013) . ...
Yemek, etrafında birçok sosyal pratiği şekillendiren güçlü bir iletişim aracıdır. Uluslararası ilişkilerde düzenleyici ve belirleyici bir misyona sahip olan bu araç, 21. yüzyılda kamu diplomasisinin en önemli argümanlarından biri olarak kabul edilmektedir. Özellikle gelişmekte olan ülkeler, uluslararası platformda imajlarını güçlendirmek, itibarlarını arttırmak, ulusal markalarını oluşturmak, turizm gelirlerini yükseltmek ve mevcut önyargıları kırmak maksadıyla yemeğin yumuşak gücünü ön plana çıkarmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, mutfağın uluslararası ilişkilerde yumuşak güç olarak kullanımı, ilgili literatür taranarak ortaya konulmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, öncelikle yumuşak güç ve gastro-diplomasi kavramları irdelenmektedir. Ardından dünyadaki gastro-diplomasi faaliyetleri ülkeler bazında ele alınarak, Türkiye'nin sahip olduğu gastronomi temelli yumuşak güç pratikleri üzerine bir değerlendirme yapılmaktadır.
... Rockower (2011) categorizes Taiwan as a 'middle power' , which are 'states with considerable capabilities and moderate influence within the system'(Cooper et al., 1993).5 In October 1988, IECDF, under the guidance of Ministry of Economic Affairs, was officially established as a main aid institution in Taiwan. ...
Since the 1950s, Taiwan and China have utilized foreign aid as an instrument of foreign policy. After Taiwan's forced withdrawal from the United Nations in 1971, diplomatic and aid-giving competition with China became more intense. As a result, Taiwan's and China's struggles to gain supporters have been reflected in foreign aid strategies. Taiwan's bid for the UN and the WHO, and the issue of diplomatic recognition empirically demonstrate the utilization of aid to obtain diplomatic support from recipient countries, and, frequently, any decisions are heavily influenced by the competition it experiences with China. Theoretically, this highlights an important relational framework for analyzing foreign aid decisions – particularly the management of foreign relations of small states or middle powers simultaneously influenced by greater powers and aid recipient states.
Using data from ICDF and related reports, we observe geographically concentrated patterns in the distribution of Taiwan's aid recipients from 1988 to 1997 – mostly in Latin America and Southeast Asia. In contrast to China's foreign aid which emphasizes infrastructural development, the spirit of Taiwan's economic development aid programs often took the form of technical cooperation. However, a high percentage of aid went to countries with diplomatic ties to Taiwan. With civil society development and increased international activities of Taiwanese NGOs in humanitarian relief and development projects after 2000, we find a new emerging set of geographical aid distribution patterns that expand beyond countries that recognize Taiwan. In addition, while the process of incorporating civil society into foreign aid work was initiated by the ICDF the following decade, Taiwanese NGOs have increasingly demonstrated autonomous international agendas, funding, and direction, as well as the formation of civil society alliances that work on common international development issues.
... The country aimed at quadrupling the number of Korean restaurants in the world, making Korean food into one of the top five favorite ethnic cuisines, expanding the Korean food industry worldwide, and establishing Korean culinary courses in the world's top culinary schools. Rockower (2011) observed that the Taiwanese government invested $34.2 million to promote Taiwanese cuisine through programs such as international gourmet festivals, sending local chefs to international contests, establishing Taiwanese restaurants abroad, setting up sampling stations at international airports, and establishing a culinary think tank. He noted that the Malaysian government set up Malaysian night markets in London, New York City, and Los Angeles. ...
From the perspective of strategic communication planning, this research maps and
compares the gastrodiplomacy campaigns by Japan, Malaysia, Peru, South Korea,
Taiwan, and Thailand. Analysis reveals that message appeals of the campaigns include
mysticism, exoticism, naturalness, and healthiness. Campaign strategies range from
membership relations in marketing products to the use of opinion leaders and coalition
building. The research also documents several innovative campaign tactics.
... 38 Likewise, Taiwan's Council for Cultural Affairs is creating its own Taiwan Academies to teach Chinese and promote local culture. 39 The first will open in the United States, but more are planned in Asia, and Taiwan is preparing to spend more than US$140 million on this initiative between 2011 and 2015. 40 With similar aims in mind, the Japan Foundation has been reformed, refocused, and resupplied with new funds. ...
Throughout Asia, states are competing to build and leverage soft power using public diplomacy. This article examines these investments, whether they pay dividends, and why they are being made. A mix of qualitative and quantitative analysis shows little, if any, positive correlation between public diplomacy by Asian states and foreign public opinion. We therefore ask why states invest in public diplomacy when it does not seem to work. We argue that different motives are at play: The struggle for soft power is driven by both a logic of consequences and logic of appropriateness. Lastly, we suggest how this struggle might aggravate rather than ameliorate tensions in the region.
A partir de la interrogante ¿en qué medida la comunidad valenciana ha aprovechado el vino de Alicante para promover su imagen internacional, su prestigio, sus exportaciones y su propuesta turística?, desarrollamos un estudio del concepto de enodiplomacia desde la opinión de los productores alicantinos, la Denominación de Origen Protegida (DOP) vinos de Alicante, docentes e investigadores del grado en Gastronomía de la Universidad de Alicante, divulgadores expertos y el análisis de diversas campañas sobre los vinos de Alicante. Se constatan diferencias entre las percepciones de estos actores en cuanto a los esfuerzos de promoción del vino alicantino, de defensa del territorio y su desarrollo sostenible; mismo modo, se identifican figuras que podrían considerarse embajadoras del vino en general, y de la “terreta” en particular. Se infiere la necesidad de ordenar un concepto como enodiplomacia desde diferentes aristas: gastronomía, turismo, ruralidad, producto y marca país.
This chapter examines the effects of great power politics on the development of contemporary diplomatic practice. It discusses the concept of ‘great power’; focuses on the elements of national power; and examines the power, spatial, and status dimensions of great powerhood. It then proceeds with the identification of today’s great powers and suggests that despite the power differential among them, China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States are today’s great powers. The chapter next explores the role the great powers play in the management of contemporary international order and argues that diplomacy is one of the main instruments available to great powers to achieve their national security and foreign policy objectives. After discussing the main functions of diplomacy in relation to great power management, it identifies the effects of great power politics on contemporary diplomacy and discusses the types of diplomatic practice employed by contemporary great powers in their effort to achieve their strategic objectives, such as public diplomacy, economic or commercial diplomacy, science diplomacy, cyber-diplomacy, coercive diplomacy, environmental diplomacy, and disaster or emergency diplomacy.
To achieve their national security and foreign policy objectives, states utilize a variety of means. Public diplomacy constitutes one of those means. Traditional dimensions of public diplomacy have usually included the cultivation by governments of public opinion in other countries; the interaction of private groups and interests in one country with another; the reporting of foreign affairs and its impact on policy; communication among those involved in public diplomacy, such as diplomats and foreign correspondents; and the process of intercultural communications. However, changes in the nature and structure of international relations have caused changes in the practice of public diplomacy. Consequently, public policy practitioners use a variety of instruments and methods ranging from personal contact and media interviews to the Internet and educational exchanges. This essay discusses the emergence, significance, and workings of new types of public diplomacy, such as cultural diplomacy, culinary diplomacy or gastro-diplomacy, Twitter diplomacy, and science diplomacy.
Together with “Chapter Five: National Food in the International Context I—Gastrodiplomacy” and “Chapter Six: National Food in the International Context II—Gastronationalism and Populism” the current chapter investigates the duality of national food: on the one hand, it can be used to indicate the attractiveness of the nation and increase its appeal, while, on the other hand, it can also be seen as a ‘contested medium of cultural politics that demarcates national boundaries and identities’ (DeSoucey, ‘Gastronationalism: Food Traditions and Authenticity Politics in the European Union’, American Sociological Review, 75, 2010: 433). This means that what is viewed as national food items or traditions can be used in branding and marketing the nation internationally but might also require state intervention and protection from foreign claims. This chapter focuses on the growing use of gastrodiplomacy by a wide range of states and investigates the relationship between the national and the transnational in the promotion of the New Nordic Cuisine.
У статті розглянуто кулінарну дипломатію як інструмент міжнародної взаємодії та її роль у світовій політиці. Проаналізовано різні підходи до трактування поняття «кулінарна дипломатія», узагальнено визначення кулінарної дипломатії як інструменту покращення взаємодії й співпраці між державами, а також міжкультурного взаєморозуміння між народа- ми. З’ясовано, що кулінарна дипломатія сьогодні пом’якшує стосунки, допомагає розв’язати конфлікти, знайти порозуміння між державами і є частиною ініціатив м’якої сили багатьох держав. Проаналізовано співвідношення термінів «кулінарна дипломатія» й «гастродипломатія», які дуже часто ототожнюються. Визначено, що це різні поняття, оскільки кулінарна дипломатія виступає як інструмент дипломатичного протоко- лу під час офіційних контактів між високими посадовими особами та дипломатами різних держав, а гастродипломатія є інструментом публіч- ної дипломатії й має на меті підвищити культурну видимість (передусім держав із середнім рівнем розвитку), створюючи позитивний імідж свого національного бренду. Охарактеризовано нову концепцію кулінарної дипломатії «Sam Chapple Sokol», запропоновану американським дослідником їжі С. Чаппл-Соколом, яка ґрунтується на трьох стовпах. Перший передбачає формальну взаємодію між високими посадовими особами й дипломатами публічно або за зачи- неними дверима та представлений приватною кулінарною дипломатією або «Track I Culinary Diplomacy»; другий передбачає взаємодію уряду з громадськістю інших країн і представлений гастродипломатією; третій передбачає взаємодію між громадськістю різних країн та представлений громадською кулінарною дипломатією. Вона включає будь-який проєкт чи ідею, котрі здебільшого залучають недержавних акторів без явної мети сприяння зовнішнім відносинам нації. Наведено приклади реалізації різних підвидів кулінарної дипломатії сьогодні у світі, показано вплив кулінарної дипломатії на міжнародну взаємодію. Охарактеризовано різноманітні проєкти кулінарної дипломатії України.
Laser micromachining is basically known as one of the major important technique which is basically used for the mass production of the microfluidic devices. One of the foremost challenges for the widespread of the laser micromachining is basically the control and optimization of the process parameters and the design of the substrate materials. Laser beam machining plays one of the major roles of importance in the field of the micro system technology and the main purpose is basically to show the process parameters of the laser Fiber Fusion which basically impact the final feature of the work piece. The micro channels array were basically process using different set of scanning speeds, pulse intensities and pulse frequencies which basically resulted that PF, PI and SS are the main factors in the terms of depth and width of the channel which are basically important for the manufacturing in the industry. Keywords:Scanning Speed (SS), Pulse Frequency (PF), Pulse Intensity (PI), Micro-channels or Pin Fin, Material Removal Rate (MRR) and Surface Roughness (SR). I. INTRODUCTION In the present era one of the technology one of the most emerging technology is the microchannel fabrication for micro fluidic devices which basically require effective functional performance in the terms of the heat transfer, material transport and separation of the particles. One of the other demands of the miniature microchannel feature is basically PEM fuel cell, VLSI micro heat sink in the electronic product and the blood diagnosis devices which are basically used in that kind of field where there are some effective material transport, transfer of heat and separation of the particles are preferred. Fabrication of the micro fluidic channels are increasing day by day which is further leading to the development of the micromachining which is one of the main technology to maintain the requirements. Micromachining basically states "micrometre" and basically states the range of 1 μ m and 999 μ m. In the recent years laser beam micromachining is known to be one of the most important non contactable processing tools in the counterfeit of the micro components. There are application of the lasers which have different advantages which are basically like ability of narrow cut, minimum heat affected zone, accuracy, smooth and flat edges, distortion of work piece and basically tangled profiles and making much fast adaption to the changes in the case of manufacturing.The laser based basically focus on wide range of research. In the case of the laser induced micromachining, laser beam is basically concentrated by lens system which is basically being illuminated by work surface, in which a small portion is basically removed by melting and vaporization and this process is basically known as ablation. Absorption of the laser energy is one of the main reasons of the ablation of the metals and it basically includes absorption of photos by electros and transmission of energy to the lattice. There are basically two phenomena which basically states regarding the process of ablation which is photochemical ablation and photo thermal ablation. Photochemical ablation basically refers to that kind of ablation which includes the process of the absorption of the photons which lead directly to the bond breaking of the material without the involvement of any heat. In the case of photo thermal ablation, in this process basically includes the conversion of the energy into heat and after that decomposition happens while heating the vaporized materials. The power density basically promotes the rate of vaporization and high vaporization rate basically leads to shockwave which can reach pressure more that of 50 bars. The high pressure which is basically created during the melting and the superheating of liquid at the end of the laser pulse ejects the material at high speed. The different factors which control laser machining are basically working environment, depth of focus, laser power, dielectric medium, pulse reputation rate, pulse width, beam shape, focal length of lens, laser wavelength. The output factors are material removal rate (MRR), machining geometry, surface quality, characteristics of metallurgical and mechanical properties. There are different kinds of investigations which have been carried out of the machining of the glass matrix which comprises of the SiC fibres in the borosilicate glass matrix. It has been further reported that the quality of the material which basically depends on the pulse energy rather than pulse duration. One of the major effects of the cutting parameters on the cut quality is basically the ultra-low carbon thin sheets which are basically studied keeping in mind the heat affected zone as the output parameter. It is basically stated that HAZ increases with the increase in the laser power and lowers down with increase in the speed of scanning and gas pressure. Some of the researchers like Hanadi et. al. (2008), Rajaram et. al. (2003) stated that power basically play major role of importance on the kerf width while feed role plays minor role of the experiments conducted on 4130 steel using CO2 laser. Increase in the feed rarte and decrease in the power basically lead to the decrease in kerf width and HAZ. One of the things is that the increase in the feed rate basically increases surface roughness and situation frequency. The comparison of the CO2 laser
Scholarship on paradiplomacy, or sub-national diplomacy, has often focused on economics, trade, cooperation and politics. The deepening of strategic competition between the People’s Republic of China and the United States has raised the stakes for sub-national diplomacy. While US-PRC strategic competition occurs primarily at the national level, the subnational level plays an important role in terms of creating opportunities for influence and advancing the strategic interests. In this article recent paradiplomacy in the Indo-Pacific is examined, as is the is the intersection of paradiplomacy with strategic competition.
The term ‘gastrodiplomacy’ can be described as the use of food and cuisine as tools of fabricating multicultural understanding, with the hopes of raising the nation’s profile on the world stage while developing and improving its bilateral and multilateral relationships. As a fragment of Public Diplomacy, this concept of pleasing the global palate while enhancing the image of a country has been in use since the early 2000s. It is a growing field which has been delivering promising results towards building successful bilateral and multilateral relationships between countries while becoming top tourism destinations. As a country with a unique culinary fare, gastrodiplomacy is a concept that Sri Lanka can embed into its tourism strategy, especially considering the unexpected drop of the tourism economy that Sri Lanka has been experiencing due to the tragic Easter Sunday attacks. Sri Lanka has been attempting to build a cuisine-centric national brand for some time now with food festivals and food exhibitions aligned with the new restaurants opening at a rapid pace and a number of other initiatives, but it has not been a strategic one. Throughout this research, the author has been able to explore the theoretical distinctions of gastrodiplomacy while evaluating the strategies and tactics of building it into the context of Sri Lanka as a method of strengthening international relationships of the country.
Kegiatan sosialisasi dan praktik kuliner Sunda bertujuan untuk mengenalkan budaya Sunda kepada warga asing karena semakin banyak warga asing yang ingin belajar budaya Sunda. Pengenalan kuliner Sunda merupakan jalan untuk mengetahui budaya Sunda lebih jauh. Secara tidak langsung budaya Sunda akan terus berkembang dan terjaga kelestariannya baik itu oleh warga negara asing maupun masyarakat Sunda itu sendiri. Selain itu, kegiatan pengabdian ini juga dapat memajukan produk lokal kedaerahan atau budaya lokal Indonesia sendiri. Tidak mudah memperkenalkan budaya Sunda ini kepada warga asing yang kemampuan bahasa Indonesianya masih terbatas, karena itu pengenalan budaya Sunda tersebut dikemas melalui pengenalan dan praktik kuliner sehingga lebih bersifat interaktif. Diharapkan warga negara asing akan semakin mengenal kuliner Sunda dan dapat memperkenalnya ke pentas internasional, minimal ke negara mereka sendiri.
This collection of essays comprises a groundbreaking volume, as it is the first to propose a critical, comparative framework for the study of modern foodways both inside and outside of Asia, through the crucial lens of culinary nationalism. With “culinary nationalism” defined as a process in flux, diametrically opposed to the limited concept of national cuisine, the contributors call for explicit critical comparisons of cases of culinary nationalism within regions, in order to recognize regional patterns of modern culinary development. In essence, the formation of modern cuisine is revealed to be a process that takes place around the world, in different forms and periods, and is not exclusive to current Eurocentric models. Instead, the essays set out a fresh agenda for thinking about future food studies scholarship through the comparative consideration of key themes: gender, cooking, and consumption; the cultivation of taste and authority; the reinterpretation of culinary traditions; inter/national cuisines; hunger, violence, nation; and Asia as culinary imaginary.
With fourteen original contributions from a range of established food studies scholars, including Katarzyna J. Cwiertka, Eric C. Rath, James Farrer, Jean Duruz, and Daniel E. Bender, and a foreword and afterword from Krishnendu Ray and James L. Watson, respectively, this volume is a vital contribution to the study of food in Asia. The interdisciplinary, and broadly comparative, scope of the chapters ranges across historical and contemporary culinary geographies of East, South and Southeast Asia, drawing from history, sociology, anthropology, geography, economics, literary studies, and film and cultural studies.
This paper analyses how Taiwan exercises “soft power” and uses public diplomacy to engage with the international community, and to compensate for the absence of formal diplomatic relations with major powers. The research suggests that Taiwan's strategies of international engagement are constrained by its external and internal political environments. The international system (structure) has locked Taiwan into a set of challenging arrangements over which it has little control or influence, while Taiwan's public diplomacy architecture and the activities organised and undertaken by its government agencies in Taibei and its representatives abroad (agency) reveal, at best, a misunderstanding of how Taiwan's soft power might be exercised more effectively. The strategic thematic choices of legitimacy (invoking Taiwan's international status) versus credibility (which in soft power terms offers the most benefit), and the decision to privilege cultural over political themes in international communications, all have profound effects on the success of Taiwan's soft power.
In 1972 the Japanese government ended its diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China. And yet it did not. In the aftermath of that decision, colonial legacy ties between Taiwan and Japan were drawn upon to create a new form of relationship, with ties that were official in all but name. Taiwanese cities and counties were also encouraged to develop formal ties with their Japanese counterparts. These sub-national ties are a critical – but little researched – component of the enduring bilateral relationship between these two countries. This article – based on extensive fieldwork in both countries – is an initial effort in understanding how these ties have developed and function, and how they support bilateral relations between Taiwan and Japan. Drawing on additional fieldwork in China, this article also considers what formal limitations exist on the para-diplomatic relations between these countries.
Summary The concept of ‘culinary diplomacy’ is defined as the use of food and cuisine as an instrument to create cross-cultural understanding in the hopes of improving interactions and cooperation. Its origins are rooted in ancient history, while a modernized version emerged alongside French diplomatic tradition in the early nineteenth century, beginning with the iconic French chef Antonin Carême. The theory underlying the concept is multifaceted, with foundations in the schools of public and cultural diplomacy, non-verbal communication, nation-branding, and in the conflict resolution theory of the contact hypothesis. Culinary diplomacy campaigns worldwide have been undertaken, from the national governmental promotions of multiple South-East Asian countries, to the White House’s outreach to promote healthy eating, to grassroots efforts by cooks to reduce violent conflict. The summit of culinary diplomacy is the Club des Chefs des Chefs, a group of the chefs of heads of state, whose goal it is to unite people with a good meal. There is work to be done in the field, but there are big potential gains, up to and including world peace.
As one of the 23 nation-states continuing to diplomatically recognise the Republic of China (Taiwan) and not the People's Republic of China (PRC), El Salvador presents an interesting and little-known case study of public diplomacy's increasing contribution to the China dispute. With the provision of specific detail on the activities of Taiwan and the PRC in El Salvador and its neighbours, this article addresses the changing motives of public diplomacy brought about by the agreement of a Diplomatic Truce in 2008. In doing so, the article advances the understanding of public diplomacy by discussing its influence when formal diplomatic ties are under curfew and, as such, makes a contribution to the study of the relationship between public diplomacy and foreign policy.
This article looks at Ciji (Tzu Chi), a Taiwanese Buddhist charity which has been active in China since 1991. Ciji’s presence in China is all the more remarkable in view of outbreaks of crises in relations across the Taiwan Strait as well as the religious nature of the organization. The article first addresses the issue of Taiwan’s soft power in its relations with China and suggests the possibility that Ciji’s activities in Taiwan have shown China the benefits of a liberal policy towards religion in that charitable activities carried out by religious organizations complement the government’s social policies. The second section chronicles Ciji’s presence in China since 1991 and shows that local governments have their own reasons for welcoming Ciji’s volunteers. The third section compares and contrasts state approaches in China and Taiwan with respect to the provision of social services by religious organizations and notes that even if local governments in China are learning about the benefits of a more open policy in their dealings with Ciji, the central government has not adopted the liberal approach of the Taiwanese government in the regulation of religion.
In recent years, Taiwan and China have increased their economic ties and abandoned the military logic that dominated their relations for decades. As Taipei drifts further into Beijing's sphere of influence, the United States must decide whether to continue arming Taiwan as a bulwark against a rising China or step back to allow the Taiwanese people to determine their own future.
As a result of normalization of Sino-Japanese relations in 1972, Japan cut off its diplomatic ties with the Republic of China (Taiwan). What followed was nearly two decades of diplomatic tepidity between Tokyo and Taipei. Since the 1990s, however, Japan and Taiwan have been rapidly approaching each other again. This commingling process, which has elevated their relations to an "unofficial-in-name-only" status, is the result of three mutually reinforcing factors: re-imagination of colonial ties, sharing of a democratic identity, and the permeating of popular culture.
This work presents and critically evaluates attempts to theorize and conceptualize public diplomacy within several disciplines, including international relations, strategic studies, diplomatic studies, public relations, and communication. It also examines research methods used to investigate public diplomacy, including models, paradigms, case studies, and comparative analysis. The work identifies promising directions as well as weaknesses and gaps in existing knowledge and methodology and outlines a new research agenda. The presented analysis and examples suggest that only a systematic multidisciplinary effort and close collaboration between researchers and practitioners can lead to a coherent theory of public diplomacy.
Diplomatic recognition is generally seen as fundamental to the modern state system. The traditional views of recognition however focus almost exclusively on political or ideological rationales, ignoring other foundations on which other countries base establishing diplomatic recog-nition. Focusing on the Republic of China (Taiwan) suggests a more com-plicated view where economic self-interest on one side and national pride on the other may undermine traditional conceptions of recognition. Using the ROC-PRC diplomatic battle as a case study, this paper hopes to shed light on two questions: why, despite the PRC's rise as a global power, a country would continue to formally recognize the ROC and secondly what does the ROC receive in exchange for such high-cost en-deavors to maintain recognition. In this case mutual ideological rationales have greatly diminished while I contend that economic factors have pre-dominantly maintained this diplomatic battle. In addition, previous re-search often focuses on major world powers granting or withholding for-mal recognition to smaller states. In this situation, poor countries with typically little political influence are the major players, suggesting dif-ferent rationales behind recognition. Methodologically, this paper blends qualitative and quantitative analysis to uncover factors affecting recogni-TIMOTHY S. RICH is a doctoral student in political science at the Indiana University. His pre-vious research analyzed Taiwan's democratization and cross-Strait relations. His disserta-tion analyzes electoral reform in East Asia. In 2009, Timothy received a National Science Foundation grant to conduct research in Taiwan regarding recent electoral reforms. The author can be reached at <tsrich@indiana.edu>.
Gary Rawnsley is a lecturer in the School of Politics at the University of Nottingham (UK), and is Deputy Director of the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies. A specialist in election campaigning and political communication in Taiwan, he is currently completing a study of critical security and the media in Taiwan. This article discusses the relationship between propaganda and diplomacy, and focuses on the Republic of China as an example of an international actor with few formal diplomatic relations. It discusses the objectives and structure of propaganda, and considers the way that foreign news organisations report the ROC.
Taiwan is financially rich but diplomatically poor. It has one of the world's largest foreign exchange reserves. However, only thirty countries recognize it as a sovereign state. Can Taiwan use its economic strength to break out of its diplomatic isolation? One way to do this is to give economic assistance or foreign aid to developing countries. In view of the shortage of funds worldwide available to assist the ever-increasing number of countries requiring help, some recent developments in Taiwan's aid programme are beginning to attract renewed world attention. The establishment in 1988 of the International Economic Cooperation Development Fund marks a watershed in Taiwan's aid policy. This paper addresses the following questions: Why does Taiwan give aid? To whom does it give aid, and why? What is its aid mechanism? How do the quantity and quality of Taiwan's aid compare with other countries? What are the problems and prospects of Taiwan's aid diplomacy? All these questions open up a new area of research on Taiwan's external relations which involves a complicated mix of political, economic, development, and diplomatic issues. A common thread that runs through this paper is the linkage between Taiwan's foreign assistance and its political objective of gaining international recognition. The paper concludes that Taiwan's ability to increase its aid capacity will no doubt ensure that aid can remain a useful, if limited, diplomatic tool and a potentially important economic tool.
The search for status, or more correctly, the desire to maintain status, lies at the heart of the Republic of China on Taiwan's (ROC) foreign policy. This is particularly so vis-a ¤ -vis its official state-to-state relations. In this regard, the ROC has been constrained by a conscious policy by the People's Republic of China (PRC) to try and marginalize Taiwan on the international stage. Due to objective realities, Taiwan has had to become satisfied with maintaining official state relations with small states only. All, with the exception of the Vatican, are in the developing world, with a number in Africa. This paper examines Taiwanese foreign policy and its diplomatic initiatives, with particular reference to its use of 'dollar diplomacy' in its activities in Africa. The constraints and limitations of such policies are drawn out.
So far as Taiwan's foreign relations are concerned, in parallel to the state's diplomacy and state-blessed Track-II maneuvering, there has emerged a more natural and meaningful phenomenon: i.e. grassroots solidarity between Taiwanese activist NGOs and their foreign counterparts, as a result of the joint pursuit of common social justice goals. It is high time that voluntary transnational activism was studied for a more comprehensive understanding of Taiwan's foreign relations in the era of democratization and surging activism of transnational social movement campaigns. This paper discusses the internationalization of Taiwan's social movement NGOs: their background, motivations, activities, and roles in transnational politics. Special attention is paid to the fact that while Taiwanese NGO activities in the transnational NGO community by nature ignore and disregard the state's diplomatic interests, both the quality and quantity of such activities have been severely restricted by Taiwan's poor diplomatic status in the inter-state community. This is a unique paradox not studied in the mainstream discourse on transnational civil society.
Soft power, like so much else in relations between the People's Republic of China and Taiwan, is asymmetrical and freighted with implications for U.S. policy and U.S.-China relations. For China, soft power largely serves—or strives—to reduce alarm (or at least reaction) among other states concerned about China's new-found hard power or, perhaps more realistically, the hard power that China's economic rise can underwrite. Much of the value for Beijing of soft power is—and is likely to remain for quite some time—its potential contribution to reducing the likelihood that other states will react to China's rising hard power in ways that could threaten China's interests.
In recent years the concept of ‘soft power’, popularized by the work of Joseph Nye, has gained currency in both China and Taiwan. This paper explores how the Chinese and Taiwanese understand soft power and its sources, and how their understanding differs from Nye's formulation. It discusses why this foreign concept has become so salient in the Chinese and the Taiwanese discourse. It also examines the impact of this concept on the external policies of China and Taiwan. The paper concludes by pointing out the limitations of the concept of soft power.
There are two factors that have shaped Qatar's integration and place in the international system. The first revolves around the constraints and problems of small states while the second is Qatar's response — a strategy of branding the state for survival. This article discusses Qatar's situation as a micro-state and analyzes the nature and success of its response.
The development of Taiwan's agricultural sector contributed significantly to the country's transformation from virtual poverty after World War II to a modern industrial nation. Success resulted from the use of appropriate technologies, developed through an exceptionally close working relationship between government, research and development institutions, extension services and farmers in Taiwan. As part of their overseas development aid programme, the Republic of China on Taiwan has established Technical Missions in those developing countries where it receives political recognition. Among these is The Gambia, West Africa, where one focus of Taiwan's current Technical Mission is the development of women's market gardens. Although the gardens have proved successful, there is doubt as to whether their achievements will be sustained once Taiwan's Technical Mission in The Gambia has ended. Field research in Taiwan and in The Gambia, based largely on participatory techniques, has revealed that the low-tech methods introduced from Taiwan are appropriate for the Gambian environment. However, much depends on whether women participating in the schemes can commit sufficient time and energy to the gardens, as at present this is a limiting factor. The potential of the gardens may also be constrained by a lack of appropriate institutional infrastructure, particularly the scope for profitable disposal of garden produce. A major conclusion of the article is that successful transfer of appropriate technology to The Gambia is likely to be impeded by poorly developed coordination between groups that proved to be key ‘players’ in the development of agriculture in Taiwan: government, research and development institutions, extension services and producers.