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Society & Natural Resources
An International Journal
ISSN: 0894-1920 (Print) 1521-0723 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/usnr20
Understanding Energy Practices: A Case for
Qualitative Research
Chelsea Schelly
To cite this article: Chelsea Schelly (2015): Understanding Energy Practices: A Case for
Qualitative Research, Society & Natural Resources
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941920.2015.1089613
Published online: 14 Dec 2015.
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SOCIETY & NATURAL RESOURCES
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941920.2015.1089613
Understanding Energy Practices: A Case for Qualitative
Research
Chelsea Schelly
Department of Social Sciences, Environmental and Energy Policy Program, Michigan Technological University,
Houghton, Michigan, USA
ABSTRACT
While researching the adoption of residential solar electric technology
through a comparative two-state case study, participating solar
electric technology adopters indicated some ways that policy—
namely, the structure of incentives provided via their state’s renew-
able portfolio standard (RPS), local rebate program incentives, and
the requirements for eligibility to receive economic incentives—
influenced their energy behaviors both prior to and after installing
solar electricity at home. Arguably, insight into the nuances of their
energy practices emerged as a function of research design involving a
qualitative interview process that allowed for unstudied and
unpredicted responses during the interview process. This note makes
a case for using qualitative research methods to understand energy
behaviors as a method for exploring energy practices, consistent with
an emergent emphasis on practice theory in studies of natural
resource consumption.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 30 January 2015
Accepted 17 August 2015
KEYWORDS
Energy behavior;
motivations for behavior;
practice theory; qualitative
research; solar technology
adoption
Residential energy consumption patterns have a large impact on the demand for environ-
mental resources (Dietz et al. 2009). Energy policies at the state level and federal level can
encourage changes in residential energy usage, and some states have policies that incentivize
solar electric (also known as photovoltaic or PV) technology adoption at the residential
scale. While the United States continues to lack a comprehensive national energy policy
(Lutzenhiser 2001), the majority of states now have renewable portfolio standards (RPSs),
policies that mandate a certain amount of electricity from renewable energy sources. RPSs
are intended to advance several goals simultaneously, including addressing the environmen-
tal consequences of burning fossil fuels, promoting environmentally benign sources of
electricity generation, advancing emerging renewable energy technology industries, and
promoting economic development (Carley 2009; Glenna and Thomas 2010; Wiser, Barbose,
and Holt 2011). Some states include specific policy mechanisms in RPSs intended to pro-
mote distributed energy technologies. In response to these policies, utility companies and
governments may financially incentivize renewable energy technology at the residential
scale through rebates offered at the time of installation or by paying customers for the excess
electricity through contracted grid interconnection and net-metering agreements. The most
lucrative grid interconnection agreements are feed-in tariffs, where customers are paid more
for the electricity they produce in excess of what they consume than they pay for electricity.
CONTACT Chelsea Schelly cschelly@mtu.edu Department of Social Sciences, Environmental and Energy Policy
Program, Michigan Technological University, 1400 Townsend Drive, Houghton, MI 49931, USA.
© 2016 Taylor & Francis
Downloaded by [Chelsea Schelly] at 06:31 15 December 2015
These policies aim to minimize the negative environmental impacts of energy use by
decreasing electricity demand and increasing renewable energy generation.
Qualitative interviews with residential PV adopters indicate that policies intended to
encourage PV technology adoption also encourage changes in energy practices, and in
some cases encourage homeowners to consume more electricity, not less, as would be
consistent with policies intended to encourage environmentally responsible energy
behaviors. This article reports on research conducted with residential PV technology
adopters that unexpectedly provided insight into how residential energy practices are
shaped by the structure of incentive programs meant to encourage the adoption of
PV systems. The findings presented here and specifically the research methodology
through which they emerged suggest that qualitative research methods provide an
unparalleled opportunity to examine the contours of social practice with regard to
energy behaviors.
Practice theory scholarship focuses on how individuals engage with the material world
through a shared set of socially defined practices, relatively stable and unthinking patterns
of behavior that are shaped by the confines and limitations present in the built environ-
ment, governing policies, and social norms (Reckwitz 2002; Spaargaren 2003; Shove
2004; Warde 2005; Schelly 2014). This perspective is becoming increasingly popular
for explaining consumption (Røpke 2009) and even specifically energy consumption
(Gram-Hanssen 2011; Shove 2012). Practice theory encourages researchers to conceptua-
lize social practices as the core unit of social research (Spaargaren 2011) and to recognize
the role of policies in shaping practice. As other practice scholars have noted, qualitative
research methods are fundamental for understanding practice (Spaargaren and Oosterveer
2009).
In this specific case of examining how policies shaped motivations for adopting residen-
tial PV technology, a qualitative methodology allowed respondents to provide unexpected
information regarding how policies shaped energy practices both before and after installing
a PV system. There are several approaches to understanding the relationship between
values, policy, and environmental behaviors (Shwom and Lorenzen 2012), but qualitative
research methods based on practice theory offer distinct advantages. Instead of focusing
purely on individualist, precalculated motivation (Shove 2010), using a practice approach
to qualitatively examine patterns in energy behaviors provides unique insight into how
policies shape energy practices (Spaargaren and Oosterveer 2009). Qualitative research
exploring behaviors and explanations for behaviors provides a distinct advantage for
examining the impacts of policy on practice. Qualitative research methods are an important
tool for using practice theory to understanding natural resource intensive practices,
particularly energy behaviors, and provide unparalleled insight for understanding how
policies shape practice.
Case Selection and Research Methods
This research project involved interviewing 96 homeowners (48 in two states) about their
motivations, specifically, the role of economic policies incentivizing adoption and their per-
sonal environmental values, in shaping the decision to adopt PV technology. Homeowners
were also asked about their energy-related household behaviors and other resource-related
residential practices. The two states were chosen because they are similar economically and
2 C. SCHELLY
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politically
1
but vary in the types of incentives offered for residential PV adoption. Colorado
offers large up-front rebates, often covering (when combined with the 30%federal tax
credit) more than 50%of residential PV installation cost. Wisconsin, in contrast, offers
smaller up-front incentives, but the state’s largest utility companies offered a feed-in tariff
paying customers two to two and one-half times retail rates for excess electricity fed back
to the grid, meaning that customers could receive monthly checks for excess electricity gen-
eration. Colorado utility companies pay customers wholesale rates for excess generation,
much lower than the retail rates that customers must pay for electricity. In Colorado, home-
owners can receive rebates for a system sized at the lesser of either 10 kW or 120%of annual
usage. In contrast, Wisconsin allows rebates for systems up to 20 kW. Emphasizing policy
diversity in the selection of the case studies helped specifically address the research question
regarding how policies impact motivation to adopt (Becker 1998; Small 2009).
Homeowners were recruited via installation companies and utility companies (which
were contacted and asked to pass on an e-mail to their clients), through letters mailed
to past solar home tour participants, and through snowball sampling. Sampling focused
on maximizing geographic diversity across each state. Interviews largely took place in
respondents’ homes, and lasted between 1 and 3 hours. Interviews were transcribed and
coded in order to understand motivations for adoption and to examine energy practices;
the relationship between specific policies mechanisms and household energy practice
was an unexpected theme that emerged through the coding process. (For more information
about participants and data analysis, see Schelly [2014]).
Research Findings
In Colorado, all 48 homeowners said that they identified as environmentalists or were moti-
vated to install based on environmental concerns. Nevertheless, they talked about how the
policies in their state discouraged them from installing a system that could generate more
electricity than they use and how policies even encouraged them to use more electricity both
before and after installing—the exact opposite behavior of what you might expect from
someone who identifies as environmentally oriented and is willing to invest in PV tech-
nology. Homeowners talked about deliberately using more power the year before installing
so that they could install larger systems and more power after installation to avoid being
paid back at wholesale rates when paying the much higher retail rates for electricity
consumed. Homeowners talked about how policies actually encouraged them to use more
electricity both before and after PV installation.
In contrast, less than two-thirds of homeowners in Wisconsin said that they identified as
environmentalists or were motivated to install their PV system based on environmental
concern. Yet they talked about how the feed-in tariff policy encouraged them to conserve
energy even after installing so that they could increase the amount they received for excess
generation. The policy design in Wisconsin broadened the potential motivations for adop-
tion as well as encouraging future electricity conservation.
1
Wisconsin and Colorado are similar politically, with high concentrations of political liberalism in urban areas and contrast-
ingly high rates of conservatism in rural areas. According to U.S. Census data, median household income is lower in
Wisconsin ($51,598) than in Colorado ($56,456; national median income is $51,914). The poverty rate in Colorado is slightly
higher (12.2%) than in Wisconsin (11.6%), but both are below the national poverty rate (13.8%). Homeownership rate in
Colorado is 67.6%, with a median home value of $236,600; homeownership rate in Wisconsin is 69.5%with a median
home value of $169,000.
SOCIETY & NATURAL RESOURCES 3
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Wisconsin’s feed-in tariff encouraged homeowners to continue reducing their energy
usage after installing a PV system. In contrast, policy structures in the state of Colorado
encourage homeowners to use more electricity to increase the size of the system they
can install and to get the most, economically speaking, out of their systems (see Schelly
2014).
Conclusion: Using Qualitative Research to Study Energy Practices
Scholars working from the perspective of social practice theory (Reckwitz 2002; Warde
2005) contend that behaviors like energy consumption are best understood as constella-
tions of practices shaped and stabilized by external factors like the built environment, pol-
icy structures, and social norms. Based on this perspective, the specifics of each state’s
incentives for residential PV adoption operate as systems of provision to shape the social
practice of energy use (Spaargaren 2003). The specific design and implementation of RPS
policy in both Wisconsin and Colorado shaped the practices of individual homeowners,
nudging or limiting their behaviors in the context of the systems of provision offered to
them (Spaargaren 2003).
Here, the key finding is that these findings would not have emerged without talking to
homeowners directly using an open-ended qualitative methodology. While qualitative
methods are certainly not the only means of studying PV technology adoption (Schelly
2010), they are arguably the only way to get at the practices that individuals engage in
and the processes that they say explain their behaviors (Mills 1940). Sayre (2004) noted that
qualitative research tools help to examine behaviors that impact the environment specifi-
cally in the context of uncertainty. The research presented here suggests that researchers
may not know what they do not know unless they go and ask for the rich, contextualized
explanations of process that only qualitative research can provide, and that this may be an
important tool for assessing policies that are meant to impact environmentally consequen-
tial social practices.
This research project highlighted the importance of qualitative research for understand-
ing the impacts of energy policy on energy practice. While some have noted the methodo-
logical challenges of research based on practice theory (Halkier, Katz-Gerro, and Martens
2011), others have also recently demonstrated the strength of qualitative research for
understanding environmental practices (Naus et al. 2014; Wertheim-Heck, Vellema, and
Spaargaren 2014). Certainly, interviews are not the only tool for qualitative research; quali-
tative work may also involve direct observation, textual analysis, or asking participants to
keep logbooks of specific practices for analysis. Yet interviews allow individuals to describe
their behaviors and explain the contexts shaping their behaviors in ways that can improve
understandings of how policies shape practice. Specifically, in the realm of energy beha-
viors, qualitative research based on a practice framework may offer the most fruitful insight
into how policies impact environmentally consequential patterns of human engagement.
Funding
This research was funded in part by an Environmental Protection Agency Science to Achieve Results
(EPA-STAR) Fellowship (FP-91717101). Research support was also provided by the Robert F. & Jean
E. Holtz Center for Science and Technology Studies at the University of Wisconsin–Madison.
4 C. SCHELLY
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