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51
Issue No.4
Uses of Domesticated Donkeys: Evidence from Old Kingdom
Tombs Scenes*
Sherine El-Menshawy**
:ص�خلم
Equus asinus
Equus africanus
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to examine the iconography
of donkeys in Old Kingdom scenes executed in private
tombs and how the ancient Egyptians utilized them
in their farming community. Three categories of
donkey usages can be specified: (1) Donkeys carrying
loads; (2) Donkeys threshing grain; and (3) Donkeys
carrying officials. The paper ends with a discussion
see:king to evaluate the relationship between people
and donkeys.
Introduction
The Egyptian term for a male donkey is aA,1 and
aAt for a female one.2 The hieroglyphic word is written
with a phonogram sign aA, a phallus, alluding to its
strength and sexuality,3 and a donkey.
Two main species of donkeys4 were known in
ancient Egypt, Equus asinus, which was probably
identified during the late Pre-dynastic and in early
Dynastic period. Bone remains of domesticated
Equus asinus were found at el-Omari,5 as one of the
first sites, and at other sites such as Maadi,6 Helwan,
and Abusir.7
Representations in Old Kingdom tombs8 indicate
the existence of Equus africanus, the African Wild
Ass, which lived wild in the desert.9 Examples of
hunting wild donkeys dates to the New Kingdom;
examples are shown on a painted box from the tomb
of Tutankhamun, now exhibited in Cairo Museum,10
on the Mitrahina stela of Amenhotep II,11 and on the
walls of the temple of Medinet Habu.12
1) First Category: Donkeys carrying Loads
Donkeys carrying weights and loads were
commonly represented in agriculture pursuits in Old
Kingdom tombs, in cemeteries both at the residence
and in the provinces: for instance in the tombs of Iy-
mry,13 Nfr-bAw-ptH,14 %nDm-ib,15 Ra-xa.f-anx,16 KA-m-nfrt,17
Sherine El-Menshawy
52 Abgadiyat 2009
to the number of donkeys, so that each drover is
responsible for one donkey,32 but sometimes each
drover is looking after two donkeys.33 They are
shown wearing short open kilts,34 clasping either
long sticks or short ones. A scene represents the
lead man holding two rhythm sticks.35 Some scenes
represent them barefooted, but other instances
depict them with sandals, more likely to protect
their feet from the donkeys’ hooves.36
A standard caption over the donkeys’ heads
reads: ‘driving back a hundred donkeys’.37 The text,
however, indicates that the donkeys’ tasks require
cycles of carrying and dropping their load.
This first phase is usually represented in a
separate register,38 but some scenes represent it
along the same register with the second phase.39
A remarkable scene pictures two donkeys meeting
each other: one is shown loaded and the other
unloaded, yet on its way to transport more
produce. The loaded donkey’s facial appearance
see:ms to be expressing its unhappy experience
from the heavy load it is carrying.40 The second
phase shows donkeys carrying corn sheaves and cut
grain bundles, attached to the backs of the donkeys
to be transferred to the threshing floor.41 Donkeys
may be male42 or female.43 They are illustrated
between one to five in number, shown laden with
sacks filled with grain or sheaves, fastened up at
the top.44 They are shown with an elaborate saddle-
cloth, rectangular in shape, composing a section of
fringed fabric, probably to fit the donkeys’ back.45
Its function is to offer safety for the carried product
besides protecting the animal’s bare skin, which is
not rough enough to bear the load friction on its
back.46
Baskets differ in shape and size.47 They include
a basket or leathern bag fixed firmly, by ropes and
bands, on the back of the donkey and around
its belly, more likely to prevent the load from
%Sm-nfr IV,18 and @tp-n-ptH19 at Giza; and in the tombs
of Nfr-irt.n.f,20 PHn-wi-kA,21 %xm-anx-ptH22 and AHt-Htp23
at Saqqara; and in the tombs of #w.ns24 at Zawyet
el-Amwat, Wr-ir.n.i25 at Sheikh Said, Ppy-anx-Hrj-ib26 at
Meir, and Ibi27 at Deir el- Gabrawi.
This category is best represented in the tomb of
Nfr-irt.n.f at Saqqara. It dates to the Fifth Dynasty,
and it comprises two phases:
Description
The scene in question occupies the whole east
wall; it shows the deceased and his wife standing
viewing agriculture activities depicted in seven
registers. The first phase is depicted in the fifth
register, apparently showing a group of donkeys
having transferred their loads and being driven
back heading to be loaded once again with sheaves
or grain sacks. The second phase is illustrated in
the sixth register, showing a loaded donkey with
an oval-shaped bag. Over the donkey’s back is a
sort of cloth or saddle. Behind the donkey stood
its drover, depicted hanging a linen band from the
front, while uplifting his right hand with a stick,
whereas his left hand is in the gesture of aiding the
donkey with its loads.
The donkey is employed28 in agriculture scenes;29
the work however comprises a sequence of stages to
accomplish its duties. A first phase depicts a scene
composing a group of men chasing their unloaded
donkeys towards their sheaves.30 An earlier account
of a complete scene of donkeys’ arrival comes from
a preserved relief in the tomb of Iy-mry31 at Giza. In
the middle register these donkeys are again depicted
in one queue, facing the opposite direction,
indicating carrying more loads. The number of
donkeys shown is usually from four to eight, and
the number of drovers varies from one scene to
another. When drovers are shown following their
donkeys in one queue, they see:m to be similar
Uses of Domesticated Donkeys: Evidence from Old Kingdom Tombs Scenes
53
Issue No.4
falling. Examples represent them oval48 in shape
but sometimes the rounded top is shown flat49
rather than circular. Other forms are rectangular,50
hexagonal51 and rhomboid.52 Additional pile of
sheaves is sometimes shown attached to the top,53
in other instances, the sheaf is absent where the bag
takes the shape of a pear.54 Janssen argued however
that the donkey would be capable of carrying loads
of approximately 50 kg partitioned into equal parts
on both sides.55
Donkey drovers are one,56 two57 or three58 in
number. They are shown naked59 or wearing either
plain short kilt60 or short open kilt,61 which vary in
length, believed to be an upturned one or placed
in different ways, enabling them to run freely after
their donkeys.62 Other instances show them having
a linen band hanging down around their necks,
suggested63 to be for cleaning dirt and sweat from
the body. Visual representations show them with
their natural hair, since workmen are not shown
bearing wigs;64 since they are exposed to the sun,
it would be too hot to wear them. Yet wearing
wigs, by donkey drovers, in agriculture theme is
introduced first at Saqqara and later at Giza.65 Also,
a possible example is shown in the chapel tomb of
Wr-ir-n.i at Sheikh Said.66
Sometimes, scenes show three drovers
accompanying one donkey,67 each shown in
different gestures.68 The first who, precedes the
donkey, is sometimes shown with his head turned
towards the donkey, while orienting the direction
in which the donkey moves. He is shown raising
one hand to grasp the load, presumably to prevent
it from falling. His duty might be also to stop the
donkey from moving when needed. The second
drover is shown moving beside the donkey.
Sometimes he is depicted naked, indicating a
young boy, and raising his hands in a gesture of
steadying the donkey’s heavy loads or perhaps
helping to balance the heavy weight in place on the
donkey’s back. The third drover, who is shown at
the back of the donkey, is illustrated putting one
hand on the load while his other hand is raised
with a stick probably to fast the donkey’s speed.69
Some interesting scenes show them holding their
sticks under their armpits.70 One scene shows two
drovers assisting one donkey; they are stretching
their arms out, pulling and pushing the load to be
rightly balanced on its back.71 It is not possible to
be sure, with these scenes, whether they accurately
represent the number of men driving a donkey on a
particular occasion, or rather provide an abbreviated
sequence of the range of actions needed to keep a
donkey at work.
An unusual scene72 represents a female figure
following a loaded donkey and its drover. She is
wearing a head band shown fastened at the back of
her head, carrying a sack over her head, supporting
it with her right hand and holding another bag
with her left hand. She is wearing a simple short
skirt, presumably to free her move, and is also
shown barefooted.
An interesting scene shows the transport of
gazelles on donkey-back;73 where a group of young
gazelles are shown caged in a small box on the
donkeys’ back. The donkey is followed by a drover,
named as the ‘Supervisor kA-priest Ftk-tA (?)’. He
is shown supporting the box with one hand and
driving the donkey by a stick with the other. Texts
labeling these agricultural scenes are straightforward
labels: for instance, from the tomb of Ppy-anx-Hrj-
ib74 above the right hand group, there is the label
‘lifting the barley, and above the left hand group is
written ‘lifting the emmer’. In the tomb of Nfr-bAw-
ptH75 the caption labels ‘carrying away with a herd
of donkeys’ and ‘causing to go slowly that which
comes behind’.
Sherine El-Menshawy
54 Abgadiyat 2009
2) Second Category: Donkeys threshing
grain
Threshing is the process where donkeys tread on
the stems of grain and walk over the grain, spread on
the threshing floor, using their round sharp hooves,
until most of the grain is separated.76 The term sp.t
indicates ‘threshing floor’, although, during the Old-
Kingdom the –t was often omitted.77
This type of scene appears, for instance, in the
tombs of %nDm-ib78, Ra-wr79, Ra-xa.f-anx80, %Sm-nfr IV,81
@tp-n-ptH82 and %nfrw-Htp83 in Giza; in the tombs of
Nfr-irt.n.f,84 PHn-wi-kA,85 %xm-anx-ptH,86 PtH-Htp I,87 AHt-
Htp,88 @tp-kA89 and anx-ma-Hr90 at Saqqara; and in the
tombs of #w.ns,91 Wr-ir.n.i92 and Ppy-anx-Hrj-ib.93
In a scene from the tomb of Nfr-irt.n.f the threshing
process is shown:
Description
Seven donkeys are shown treading grain
on a raised floor. They are moving in different
directions, most likely forming a circle. Amusingly
one of the donkeys is shown nibbling some grain
from the floor, while the other is shown uplifting
his head. The herd is supervised by a drover, who
is shown naked, while hanging a band of cloth
resting on his neck. He is raising up a long stick
with one hands, while his other hand is directing
one of the donkeys.
An interesting scene is executed in the tomb of
Ra-xa.f-anx:
Description
The relief illustrates a herd of donkeys shown
heading in different directions, and with no saddle-
cloth on their backs. There are three attendants or
drovers. One is shown standing at the back of the
herd, with a raised stick. The other male figure is
depicted naked at the front of the herd; he is shown
leaning backwards, and pulling one of the donkey’s
fore-legs. The drover standing in the middle, placed
at the centre of the floor, is shown outstretching his
two arms in a manner of organizing the threshing
process.
A depiction from the tomb of *ii94 at Saqqara,
shows the labourers unfastening the bags placed on
the ground, while the sheaves in them are scattered
next to the threshing floor in preparation for the
threshing phase.
Scenes always show a raised flat round area,
judging from pictures, on a level higher than that
of the floor. This suggests a circular area in which
the threshing process takes place, since a man is
standing in the centre of the floor.95 Donkeys96
were most likely driven around the floor in a circle
to crush the grain; they vary in number from
one scene to another, but presumably they are
sufficient in number to fulfill the duty. They are
always represented moving together; one is shown
attempting to run in an opposite direction, another
is depicted upraising its head possibly braying; a
further is figured pausing and lowering its head,
in a desire to nibble some cereal or grain.97 The
donkeys are not wearing a saddle-cloth on their
backs, since the nature of work required their sharp
pointed hooves and not their backs.
The drovers are usually two in number; one is
shown standing in front of the herd and the other
standing at its back. Sometimes a male figure is
shown in the middle, as if to watch out the work
carefully. Harpur identified this as a ‘new feature’.
98
All see:m to be keeping the donkeys in position on the
threshing floor to accomplish their task. Each man
is shown brandishing either a long or a short stick.
They are wearing short kilts, sometimes fastened with
ribbons (?) at its back or its side (?), and are shown
barefooted.
99
One example shows an apparently nude
figure.
100
The scene is generally labeled with a caption
that reads: ‘turn back with them’.
101
Uses of Domesticated Donkeys: Evidence from Old Kingdom Tombs Scenes
55
Issue No.4
3) Third Category: Donkeys carrying
officials
Representations of men riding102 donkeys are rare;
however, three examples of officials riding donkeys
are known to me in Old Kingdom reliefs. These are
from the tombs of #w-wi-wr,103 Ny-anX-#nmw and
#nmw-Htp.104
Description
In the tomb of #w-wi-wr at Giza, on the
eastern wall of the chapel, the fourth register shows
an elaborate depiction of the tomb owner sitting
directly, inside a litter without a cushion, fastened
on a pair of donkeys’ backs by thick ropes. One of
these is shown nibbling a bit of grass. The tomb
owner is holding a piece of cloth or perhaps a
handkerchief (?) in his right hand, and leaning on
a staff in his left hand, a symbol of high status. He
is wearing a wig and a short pointed beard. Behind
him is a donkey drover, wearing a short kilt and
holding a stick in his right hand, while his left hand
is placed on his shoulder, in a sign of admiration.
The procession is followed by another drover who
is also holding a stick, but wearing a short kilt and
having a band of linen with two strips hanging
over his neck, and is wearing sandals. The text in
front of #w-wi-wr reads: ‘Acquaintance of the king,
#w-wi-wr’. The reason for this ride see:ms to be the
inspection of his cultivation activities.
105
A parallel
scene is shown in the tomb of ppy-anx-Hrj-ib, who
is shown seated on a carrying-chair placed on the
floor to watch and inspect the harvest process.
106
Another scene appears in the tomb of Ny-
anx-#nmw and #nmw-Htp. Here Ny-anX-#nmw107 is
portrayed kneeling in an open carrying chair, set
on the back of a pair of donkeys. He is holding the
chair arm with one hand, holding a long stick with
the other, and wearing a long wig. Above him is
a hieroglyphic text stating his titles, his name and
the reason of his trip. It reads: ‘Traveling to the
Beautiful West’, indicating that the possible reason
for the visit was to view his tomb in the Beautiful
West, in the necropolis.
‘To the right of the procession is the donkey
drover, wearing a short kilt and a band of linen,
hanging over his neck, depicted with sandals on
his feet. He is holding a long stick with one hand
and grass with the other. He is shown turning back
towards the two donkeys, and offering grass to
their mouths; one of the donkeys has decided to
nibble some. Another drover is shown following
the two donkeys. He is dressed the like as the first
drover, and also holding a stick in his hand. The
procession is followed by a male figure, shown
carrying a bag over his shoulder which might
contain the equipment needed for such a journey’.
The tomb-owner is either shown in a seated
position, with his knees up in a wooden chair
tied to the backs of two donkeys. Partridge108 has
argued that the rider has to balance himself above
the donkeys’ hips, which apparently see:ms to be
uncomfortable, but it is not possible to judge from
the scenes. However, the reliefs show no evidence
of padding to the chair that would make it a more
comfortable journey.
Pictorial and textual evidence is absent for the
riding of a donkey.109 Houlihan has argued that
“in contrast to their modern descendants, ancient
Egyptians apparently opted not to ride on the back
of the donkey”.110 Against this opinion, Janssen and
Janssen111 argue that reliefs on the walls of private
tombs cover religious contexts, besides a number of
domestic activities, and do not necessarily represent
daily life fully.
One would argue that the ancient Egyptian
villagers must have ridden the backs of the donkeys,
resembling their ancestors in modern Egypt; a
practice which is restricted to lower strata in the
Sherine El-Menshawy
56 Abgadiyat 2009
Egyptian hierarchy. For that reason it was not
shown on the walls of the tombs. Another opinion
is that the Ancient Egyptians also preferred going
on foot.
Discussion
Depiction of donkeys are absent in the Fourth
Dynasty, yet frequent in the Egyptian art of the
Fifth and Sixth Dynasties,112 utilizing both male
and female donkeys,113 in the three categories
discussed above, as well as ploughing; a rare activity
for the employment of donkeys.114 Yet Nibbi115
has noted that ‘Louise Klebs116 draws attention to a
passage in Papyrus Lansing117 which speaks rather
affectionately of the feminine ass which pulls the
plough at the required time’.
The iconography of the Egyptian donkey
shows it fairly large in size, with long ears, normally
grey in color, and with dark stripes along its back
and across the shoulders.118 The advantage of the
donkey as a domesticated animal is that it is easy to
keep; they also can simply live on small quantities
of regular forage, and are long-lived, sometimes
reaching their fortieth year, and they reproduce
well, providing new generations at minimum cost to
their owners. However, one of their disadvantages
is their low speed.119
Measuring the relationship between people
and donkeys
The environment which surrounded the Egyptians
imposed a high level of contact with animals. Strouhal
expressed this association: ‘It see:ms more likely that
among the agricultural community the orderly cycle
of seasonal work, added to the contact with the
animal world.’120 Tomb scenes indicate contrasting
relationship from care to cruelty. Such care is executed
in a scene from the tomb of BAqt at Beni Hassan,121
representing a procession of male and female donkeys
moving with their young foals, and following a driver
who is shown carrying a foal gently on his shoulder,
while at the rear of the procession a small male figure,
is shown with upraised hands holding a stick. The
question which rises is the nature of the contradiction
between these two behaviors towards the animal
simultaneously depicted at the same scene. Would
the first action allude to love of donkeys whereas
the second performance is regarded as superiority or
brutality towards the donkeys?
For instance, scenes show a repetitive motif
which occurred in different categories in donkey
illustrations.122 They represent what is probably a
punishment of a reluctant donkey by one123 or two
drovers. One example represents the donkey moving
to the opposite direction of the loaded donkeys in
the same register, while one of the drovers is shown
standing in front, tugging the donkey’s right foreleg
and pulling his ears. The other driver is shown
goading the animal’s rear with a short stick held in one
hand, while pulling his tail with the other.124 Murray
suggested that this behavior towards the animal is
‘with the intention either of making it stand still or of
throwing it’.125 A drover’s cry accompanies the scene
it reads: ‘Hurry back to thy things’.126
A negative personal attitude towards the donkey is
portrayed in the tomb of Iti at Gebelein, dating to the
First Intermediate Period. The scene represents the
donkey carrying a sack fastened to its back, probably
to be transported to granaries. It is followed by a driver
who holding a stick over his shoulder. Significant is
a depiction of a red sore wound at the donkey’s hind
part, apparently in consequence of being beaten.127
Similar behavior is evident from a text, dated to the
Nineteenth Dynasty, from Deir el Medina,128where a
man is addressing his colleague (?). The text reads:
‘What means your telling me in speaking falsely about
the donkeys, “They have become of no use to you,”
and your telling [me], “The she-ass is ill owing to the
shabuti,” when I asked you if its illness commenced
Uses of Domesticated Donkeys: Evidence from Old Kingdom Tombs Scenes
57
Issue No.4
during the decade (a ten-day period)? Now look here,
you shall bring it back loaded up [for] all your people.’
The text alludes to donkey’s mistreatment, recording
its sickness from being beaten by a shabuti,129 which
Wente130 interpreted as a ‘wooden implement that
has caused the donkey some discomfort’, and also
transporting many people.131
Another threshing scene from the tomb of anx-ma-
Hr shows seven donkeys trampling over a threshing
floor; one of the donkeys is shown eating, with cereals
in his mouth, while two drovers are administering
sticks to them. The text reads: ‘I will persuade you to
turn there in’.132
On the other hand, a positive relationship is
shown in reliefs representing herds of donkeys in a
number of agricultural scenes, with their breeding133
foals who appear in different representations.134 They
are not carrying any loads or involved in any work,
but simply accompanying their herd,135 as if they are
receiving training to perform equivalent work in the
future. It also indicates their care in treating foals. A
threshing scene shows a donkey raising his foreleg
facing his drover, the text reads; ‘Descend with them,
comrade’.136 The caption composes an indication to
sort of companionship. Also placing a sort of cloth or
a rug on the donkey’s back is another sort of care in
treating the donkeys.137
A textual record from Deir el Medina,138 dating
to the Twentieth Dynasty, is addressed to the scribe
of the necropolis: ‘select the good one [meaning the
donkey] and treat it well [with] proper treatment’,
indicating possessors care towards donkeys.
Finally, why did the ancient Egyptians use sticks
in driving donkeys? Physiologically, donkeys see:m to
be stubborn and single minded,139 and perhaps sticks
are the appropriate means to direct and encourage
donkeys to continue with their jobs, since they had to
perform hard long-term work. Waving sticks might
play a symbolic role to scare the donkeys rather than
applying actual beating, yet as a result of the personal
aggressiveness of some drovers’, some of these donkeys
were wounded. However, cruelty was not the basis
in dealing with donkeys, for the ancient Egyptians
usually cared for donkeys and understood the need for
such animals,140 since their first domesticated them.
Notes:
* I am thankful to Dr. C. Eyre, Professor at Liverpool
University, for his suggestions and comments on this
paper. My gratitude is towards Mr. Ahmed Mansour,
Head of Ancient Egyptian Language Unit, Calligraphy
Center, Bibliotheca Alexandrina. I am also indebted
to my colleagues at Alexandria, Qatar & Helwan
Universities. I value the benefit of the repeated
discussions with Dr. Khaled Daoud (Oxford and Qatar
Universities).
** ‘To the donkey who has been always working in ultimate
silence, who carried the wealth of Egypt on its burden
patiently, from the dawn of the Ancient Egyptian
civilization till now, I dedicate this work’. The Author.
1 Wb. I, 165, 6-11; R. O. Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary
of Middle Egyptian (Oxford, 1962) 38; Sethe, Aeg. Les.
79 ,9; Urk. IV, 325, 5; E. Brunner-Traut, ‘Esel’, LÄ II
28-30.
2 Wb. I, 165, 12; Faulkner, Concise Dictionary, 38; Urk.
IV, 1735, 18.
3 M.C. Betrò, Hieroglyphics the Writings of Ancient Egypt
(USA, 1996), 94.
4 For species of the donkey in ancient world see: D.J.
Brewer, D.B. Redford and S. Redford, Domestic Plants
and Animals: The Egyptian Origins (Warminster, 1994),
98-100; cf. J. Clutton-Brock, Domesticated Animals
from Early Times (London, 1981), 91-6; A. Nibbi,
‘Some remarks on ass and horse in Ancient Egypt and
the absence of the mule’, ZÄS 106 (1979), 148-150.
Cf. Ph. Germonde, An Egyptian Bestiary: Animals in
Life and Religion in the Land of the Pharaohs (London,
2001), 62.
5 B. Midant-Reynes, The Prehistory of Egypt, From the
First Egyptians to the First Pharaohs (Oxford, 1992),
124, 215; B.G. Trigger, B.J. Kemp, D. O’Connor and
A.B. Lloyd, Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge,
1983), 17, 19.
6 Cf. S. Bökönyi, ‘The animal remains of Maadi, Egypt: a
preliminary report’, in: M. Liverani, A. Palmieri and R.
Peroni (eds), Studi di Paletnologia in onore di Salvatore
Sherine El-Menshawy
58 Abgadiyat 2009
M. Puglisi (Rome, 1985), 495-9; A. Gautier, ‘fauna,
domesticated’, in: K.A. Baud and S.B. Shubert (eds),
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (London,
1999), 301; I. Shaw and P. Nicholson, British Museum
Dictionary of Ancient Egypt (London, 1995), 166.
7 P.F. Houlihan, The Animal World of the Pharaohs
(London, 1996), 29; cf. Libyan palette in Cairo Museum
JE 27434= CG 14238, Saleh and Sourouzian, Egyptian
Museum Cairo, fig. 7a; W.J. Darby, P. Ghalioungui and
L. Grivetti, Food: The Gift of Osiris, I (London, 1977),
235. The introduction of the horse during the Second
Intermediate Period probably decreased the donkey’s
utilization whereas evidence of the camel dating to
the pre-dynastic and first Dynasty comes from camel
bone remains discovered at Helwan by Zaki Saad, now
preserved at the agriculture museum; its usage was in
the Greco-Roman period which presumably limited
the donkey’s role. See: Partridge, Transport in Ancient
Egypt (London, 1996), 98; J. Janssen and J. Janssen,
Egyptian Household Animals (Aylesbury, 1984), 38-48;
E. Strouhal, Life of the Ancient Egyptians (Liverpool,
1997), 113.
8 In the tomb of Ny-mAat-ra, in the lower register,
an amazing variety of animals who are engaged in
copulation, where two of these are un captioned
copulating wild asses see: A.M. Roth, Giza Mastabas,
vol. 6; A Cemetery of Palace Attendants (Boston, 2001),
132, pls. 95-7, 189. Cf. S. Ikram, ‘Animal mating motifs
in Egyptian funerary representations’, GM 124 (1991),
51-68. For the curses (late New Kingdom) which refer
to copulation with a donkey- the sexual disorder of the
donkey see: S. Morschauser, Threat-Formulae in Ancient
Egypt (Baltimore, 1991), 110-12, 133, 135.
9 R. Partridge, Transport in Ancient Egypt, 95; Houlihan,
Animal World, 29.
10 JdE 61467, M. Saleh and H. Sourouzian, Official
Catalogue. The Egyptian Museum Cairo (Mainz, 1987),
fig. 186.
11 A.M. Badawy, ‘Die neue historische Stele Amenophis’
II’, ASAE 42 (1943), 12, pl. I.
12 PM II2, 516 (185); Oriental Institute, University of
Chicago, Medinet Habu, II, 1932, pls. 116, 130.
13 Time of Neuserre or later, PM III2, 173 (10); LD II,
51; K. Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G6000 (Boston,
1994), 46-50, fig. 39, pls. 23-25.
14
Mid to end of the Fifth Dynasty, PM III2, 169 (1-2);
LD II, 56 a; Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G6000, fig 9.
15
Time of Unis (Wenis), PM III2, 88 (3); LD II, 73 (left);
E. Brovarski, ‘The Sendjemib Complex at Giza’ I, in:
L’Égyptologie en 1979. Axes prioritaires de recherches. Tomes
1 et 2 (1982), 139-42, figs. 112-113, pls. 114 a-b.
16 Fifth Dynasty or later, PM III2, 207 (2);
LD
II, 9.
17 Fifth Dynasty-Sixth Dynasty, PM III2, 209 (2);
LD
Erganz xxxii [lower]; A. M. Badawy, The Tombs of Iteti,
Sekhem‘ankh-Ptah and Kaemnofret at Giza (California,
1976), fig 30, pl. 34.
18 Fifth Dynasty or Sixth Dynasty, PM III2, 223-6;
LD
II, 80 [c, right]; Junker, Giza, XI, fig 75, pls. XX, XXI.
19 Early Sixth Dynasty, PM III2, 95 (3); LD II, 71 a; H.
Altenmüller, ‘Das Grab des Hetepniptah (G 2430) auf
dem Westfriedhof von Giza’, SAK 9 (1981), fig 3; A.
Badawy, The Tomb of Nyhetep-Ptah at Giza and the Tomb
of Ankhma’hor at Saqqara (California, 1978), pl. 8.
20 Most likely date time of Neferirkara-Kakai, PM III2,
584 (8), east of the step pyramid of Saqqara; B. van de
Walle, La chapelle funéraire de Neferirtenef (Bruxelles,
1978), 58-60, pl.12; B. van de Walle, ‘le mastaba de
Neferirtenef’, BSFE 69 (1974), 12.
21
Mid Fifth Dynasty or later, PM III2, 491 (3); LD II, 47.
22 Mid Fifth Dynasty or later, PM III2, 454 (2); W.K.
Simpson, The Offering Chapel of Sekhem-ankh-Ptah in
the Museum of Fine Arts (Boston,1976), 10-16, fig 7, pl.
D, IX-XVI.
23 Fifth Dynasty or early Sixth Dynasty, PM III2, 635
(3); C. Ziegler, Le Mastaba d’Akhethetep. Une chapelle
funéraire de l’Ancien Empire (Paris, 1993), 126, 129.
24 PM V, 235; LD II, 106 b, 107.
25 PM IV, 188-9; N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of
Sheikh Said (London, 1901), pl. XVI.
26 PM IV, 254-5; A.M. Blackman, The Rock Tombs of
Meir IV (London, 1914-53), pl. XIV right.
27 PM IV, 243-4; Davies, The Rock Tombs of Deir el
Gebrawi I, pl. XII.
28 They were also used in trade routes for transporting
products as seashells and galena from Sinai and the
Red Sea. See: Midant-Reynes, The Prehistory of Egypt,
124. The ancient Egyptians utilized donkeys for long-
distance journeys to Sinai, Eastern desert and Oasis.
E. Strouhal, Life of the Ancient Egyptians, 113. An
inscription from Sinai mentions the use of 500 donkeys
in an expedition where they might have carried water
and supplies. See: Houlihan, Animal World, 32. In
the autobiography of Harkhuf recorded on his tomb
no. 8 at Aswan, in one of his voyages he mentioned a
caravan consisting of 300 donkeys in which they were
loaded with goods back to Egypt. For publication see:
Urk. I, 120-131; for translation see: M. Lichtheim,
Uses of Domesticated Donkeys: Evidence from Old Kingdom Tombs Scenes
59
Issue No.4
Ancient Egyptian Literature, A Book of Readings I: The
Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom (Berkeley, 1973),
23, 26. The discovery of donkey skeletons at Maadi
suggest their use in transporting products to Palestinian
sites as Wadi Ghazzeh (site H) and Tel el Erani, and
back to Egypt where Palestinian goods have been found
at Maadi. See: Shaw and Nicholson, British Museum
Dictionary, 166. Also, their duties extended in mining
operations conveying gold and minerals from the mines.
In quarries in Western desert, north-west of Toshka, a
record of 1000 donkeys were engaged. See: Trigger et
al., Ancient Egypt: A Social History, 123. An example of a
letter No. 141. O. Gardiner 86, dating to the Ramesside
Period, mentions 2,870 donkeys among the estate
of Amun in the Delta; agricultural estates had great
number of donkeys employed in such duties, see: E.
Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt (U.S.A, 1990), 118-9.
An interesting letter dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty
from Deir el Medina no. 204. O. DM 303, states the
contact between the draftsman and his supervisor; the
Place of Truth scribe, he addresses him the text reads: ‘If
there is work, bring the donkey! And if there is fodder,
bring the ox!’, indicating the hard charge the donkey
has to accomplish. Cf. translation after Wente, Letters
from Ancient Egypt, 149. For a donkey hire contracts
at Deir el Medina see: J. J. Janssen, ‘BAkw from work
to produce’, SAK 20 (1993), 61-94 -most recent article
on these by P. Grandet, ‘Les ânes de Sennéfer (O.Ifao
10044)’, BIFAO 103 (2003), 257-65. See: also Janssen,
Donkeys at Deir el Medina (Leiden, 2005). Numerous
donkeys joined the campaigns carrying provision and
equipment required by the army. Evidence comes from
reliefs depicting the camps of Ramesses II wars cf.
PM II2, 433 (3,2). Medicinally, medical prescriptions
ingredients included male donkey urine, testicle (Ber.,
124), skull, ear, dung (Eb., LXV, 460), blood (Eb.,
LXIII, 425), fat (Eb., XLVII, 249), liver (Eb., LXVI,
463), hoof (Eb., LXV, LXVI, 460, 468) and tooth
(Eb., LXVI, 470). See: Houlihan, Animal World, 32.
Evidence of eating the donkey meat is so far obscure.
See: Darby, The Gift of Osiris I, 235.
29 Scenes of agriculture process illustrate a sequence
of closely six connected activities. For summary of
agriculture stages, see: Y. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian
Tombs of the Old Kingdom Studies in Orientation and
Scene Content (London, 1987), 158.
30 Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 166.
31
LD II, 51; Cf. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 208.
32 In the tomb of KA-m-nfrt scene represent four men
chasing four donkeys see:: L.D. Erganz xxxii [lower]; in
The tomb of Iy-mry. The relief shows five men chasing
five donkeys see:: LD II, 51; in the tomb of Wr-ir.n.i
the scene shows six men running after six donkeys see:
Davies, Sheikh Said, pl. XVI.
33 Tomb of #w.ns shows three drovers following six
donkeys see:: LD II, 106 b, 107.
34 LD II, 51.
35 Tomb of %xm-kA [G 1029] at Giza see: W.K. Simpson,
Mastabas of the Western Cemetery I (Boston, 1980), 1.
36 Cf. the chapel of Nfr-irt.n.f see: van de Walle, Neferirtenef,
pl. 12; tomb of Wr-ir.n.i see:: Davies, Sheikh Said, pl.
XVI; tomb of #w-ns see: LD II, 106 b, 107. Harpur
stated that Old Kingdom minor figures seldom wore
sandals except of the three previous cases. See:: Harpur,
Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 171 FN 125.
37 Davies, Sheikh Said, pl. XVI; Simpson argued that
the term sHAt means ‘donkey pack (?)’. See: Simpson,
Mastabas, 2. For instance in the tomb of AXty-Http the
text informs us that 2500 donkeys are been driven back
see: N. de G. Davies, The Mastaba of Ptahhetep and
Akhethetep at Saqqareh (London, 1900), 13,
38 LD II, 51; Badawy, Iteti, fig. 30 a.
39
LD II, 106b, 107; cf. tomb of Wr-ir.n.i see:: Davies, Sheikh
Said, pl. XVI tomb of #w-ns see:: LD II, 106 b, 107.
40 See: tomb of pHn-wi-kAi; LD II, 47.
41 Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 158.
42 van de Walle, Neferirtenef, pl. 12.
43 Female donkeys are followed by young foals cf. LD II,
106b, 107.
44
Fixing bundles of sheaves into sacks is a preceding stage
to donkeys’ carrying loads. Cf. tomb of MrrwkA W.
Wreszinski, Atlas zur altägyptischen Kulturgeschichte
III (Leipzig, 1936), pl. 45-7.
45 Cf. van de Walle, Neferirtenef, pl. 12; LD II, 47;
M.A. Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I (London, 1905),
pl. XI; LD II, 106 b, 107; Janssen and Janssen,
Egyptian Household Animals, 36.
46 Nibbi suggested that such saddle was made of wood to
be able to carry heavy cargo. See: A. Nibbi, ‘The %*&
sign’, JEA 64 (1978), 56-64.
47 Cf. J. Vandier, Manuel d’Archéologie Égyptienne VI
(Paris, 1978), fig 63.
48 Cf. van de Walle, Neferirtenef, pl. 12; Blackman, Meir
IV, pl. XIV;
49 Cf. LD II, 56 a.
50 Davies, Mastaba of Ptahhetep and Akhethetep at Saqqareh,
pl. VII.
Sherine El-Menshawy
60 Abgadiyat 2009
51 Wreszinski, Atlas III, 49-50.
52 Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. XI.
53 van de Walle, Neferirtenef, pl. 12.
54 Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. XI; cf. discussion of
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 212-13; for
suggestions of other sack forms see: Vandier, Manuel
d’Archéologie Égyptienne VI, 129.
55 van de Walle, Neferirtenef, pl. 12; LD II, 106 b, 107;
also see: Janssen and Janssen, Egyptian Household
Animals, 36; Partridge, Transport in Ancient Egypt, 96;
Nibbi mentioned that ‘The British Army Manuel lays
down the maximum weight that can be carried by an ass
as 100 pounds, or approximately 50 kilograms, divided
in to two parts, for a load on each side’. See: Nibbi, ZÄS
106 (1979), 155 and FN (54).
56 van de Walle, Neferirtenef, pl. 12.
57
LD
II, 51.
58
LD
II, 106 b, 107.
59 Badawy, Iteti, fig. 30 a.
60 LD II, 51; Vogelsang-Eastwood defines a kilt as ‘a wrap
around garment worn by men, which covers part of all
the lower half of the body’. See: G. Vogelsang-Eastwood,
Pharaonic Egyptian Clothing (Leiden, 1993), 53-4.
61 Murray, Saqqara Mastabas, pl. XI.
62 Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 170-1.
63 Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 170-1.
64 Cf. Blackman, Meir IV, pl. XIV right see: also Harpur,
Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 171.
65 Cf. discussion of Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs,
171-2.
66 Davies, Sheikh Said, pl. XVI.
67 Vandier, Manuel d’Archéologie Égyptienne VI, 151-3.
68
Vandier, Manuel d’Archéologie Égyptienne VI, 136-7, 146-9.
69
LD
II, 106b, 107; Erganz xxiib cf. Harpur, Decoration
in Egyptian Tombs, 213.
70
LD
II, 106b, 107.
71 Blackman, Meir IV, pl. XIV right.
72 Evidence comes from the tomb of Axti-Htp [D 64] at
Saqqara see: Davies, Mastaba of Ptahhetep and Akhethetep
at Saqqareh, 13, pl. VII; Cf. Harpur, Decoration in
Egyptian Tombs, 220, FN 160.
73 A.M. Mossa und H. Altenmüller, Das Grab des
Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep (Mainz am Rhein,
1977), 104, fig. 13.
74 Blackman, Meir IV, 38-9, pl. XIV right.
75
LD
II, 56 a; Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G6000, 22,
fig 9.
76 Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 167; Partridge,
Transport in Ancient Egypt, 96; Janssen and Janssen,
Egyptian Household Animals, 36.
77 Wb. III, 434 (14); Faulkner, Concise Dictionary, 221.
Cf. Junker, Giza VI, 146.
78 PM III2, 88 (3);
LD
II, 73 (left); Brovarski, The
Senedjemib Complex, I, 139-142, figs 112-113, pls.
114a-b.
79 Late Fifth Dynasty PM III2, 162 (1); Junker, Giza III,
fig 48.
80 PM III2, 207 (2);
LD
II, 9.
81 PM III2, 225 (16)-(17); Junker, Giza XI, fig. 75, pls.
XX, XXI.
82 PM III2, 95 (3);
LD
II, 71a; Altenmüller, SAK 9 (1981),
fig. 3; Badawy, Nyhetep-Ptah, pl. 18.
83 Sixth Dynasty, PM III2, 96 (1); C. Fisher, The Minor
Cemetery at Giza (Philadelphia, 1924), fig. 132, pl. 53.
84 PM III2, 584 (8); van de Walle, Neferirtenef, 60-62,
pl.12; van de Walle, BSFE 69 (1974), 12.
85 PM III2, 491 (3);
LD
II, 47.
86 PM III2, 454 (2); Simpson, The Offering Chapel of
Sekhem-ankh-Ptah, 10-16, fig. 7, pl. D, IX-XVI.
87 Time of Djedkare-Isisi, PM III2, 597 (15); Murray,
Saqqara Mastabas, I, 15; Hassan, Mastabas of Ny-
anh-ppy and Others, 45-8, pls. XXXVII- XXXVII-
XXXVIII.
88 Time of Isesi- Unis, PM III2, 635 (3); Ziegler, Mastaba
d’Akhethetep, 135-137.
89 Fifth Dynasty or Sixth Dynasty, PM III2, 447 (4); G.T.
Martin, The Tomb of Hetepka and Other Reliefs and Inscriptions
from the sacred Animal Necropolis North Saqqara 1964-1973
(London, 1979), pl. 10 [7].
90
Sixth Dynasty, PM III2, 512-515; Wreszinski, Atlas III,
pl. 52; Badawy, Nyhetep-Ptah, 15-7, fig. 24, pls. 26-7; N.
Kanawati and A. Hassan, The Teti Cemetery II; The Tomb
of Ankhmahor (Warminster, 1997), 30-2, pl. 4, 37 a.
91 PM V, 235;
LD
II, 106 b, 107.
92 Davies, Sheikh Said, pl. XVI.
93 PM IV, 254-5; Blackman, Meir IV, pl. XIV right.
94 Wreszinski, Atlas III, 49-50; Cf. Harpur, Decoration in
Egyptian Tombs, 166.
95 See: also the tomb of ppy-anx-Hri-ib Blackman, Meir
IV, pl. XIV right.
Uses of Domesticated Donkeys: Evidence from Old Kingdom Tombs Scenes
61
Issue No.4
96 Scenes also show oxen helping in the threshing process
cf.
LD
II, 47, 71a, 106.
97
LD
II, 47; Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. XI; Davies,
Sheikh Said, pl XVI; Simpson, The Offering Chapel of
Sekhem-ankh-Ptah, pl. D, IX, XVI.
98 Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 210.
99
LD
II, 47; Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. XI; Davies,
Sheikh Said, pl XVI; Simpson, The Offering Chapel of
Sekhem-ankh-Ptah, pl. D, IX, XVI.
100
LD
II, 9.
101 For different phraseology see: for example van de
Walle, Neferirtenef, pl. 12; Blackman, Meir IV, pl. XIV;
Junker, Giza XI, fig. 75; Murray, Saqqara Mastabas
I, pl. XI;
LD
II, 47; Simpson, The Offering Chapel
of Sekhem-ankh-Ptah, fig. 7, pl. D, IX-XVI; Ziegler,
Mastaba d’Akhethetep, 148-9.
102
A graffiti found at Serabit al-Khadim in Sinai, dated
to the Twelfth Dynasty, shows Asiatic princes riding
on the donkeys’ backs. Cf. A.H. Gardiner, T.E. Peet
and J. Černy, The Inscriptions of Sinai I (London,
1955), pls. 37, 39, 44, 85. Also, an Asiatic prince is
portrayed riding a donkey depicted on a scarab, dated
to the Fifteenth Dynasty. Cf. Houlihan, Animal World,
31. For the matter of prestige’s, Urk. IV, 1236, 3-5 –
Gebel Barkal stela of Tuthmosis III, the defeated chiefs
are allowed to ride away on donkeys, because the king
has taken their horses from them. On the basis of a
text in O. Cairo 25543 lines 4-5, Janssen stated that
donkeys were employed in pulling chariots in rare
occasions. See: J. Janssen, The Commodity Prices from
the Ramesside Period (Leiden, 1975), 170; cf. argument
of Nibbi in ZÄS 106 (1979), FN (61). Textual evidence
dating to the New Kingdom alludes to chariots pulled
by donkeys. See: Brewer, et al., Domestic Plants and
Animals, 100.
103 PM III2, 255 (5); LD II, 43 (a); S. Hassan, Excavations
at Giza, I (Cairo, 1932), 244-246, fig 104; L. Klebs, Die
Reliefs des alten Reiches (2980-2475 v. Chr.) (Heidelberg,
1915), 29.
104 PM III2, 642 (11); Mossa und Altenmüller, Das Grab
des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep, pls. 42-3.
105 Cf. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, 55.
106 Blackman, Meir IV, 38, pl. XIV. Cf. A.M. Roth,
‘The practical economics of tomb-building in the Old
Kingdom: a visit to the necropolis in a carrying chair’,
in: D.P. Silverman (ed.) For His Ka. Essays Offered in
Memory of Klaus Baer (Chicago, 1994), 227-240.
107 Mossa und Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum
und Chnumhotep, 114, pl. 42. For #nmw-Htp seated
on a carrying chair over the back of two donkeys cf.
Mossa und Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum
und Chnumhotep, 115, pl. 43.
108 Partridge, Transport in Ancient Egypt, 97.
109 Gautier, in: Baud and Shubert (eds,), Encyclopedia,
301; Owing a great number of domesticated donkeys
is viewed as bearing high measure of status in society.
See: Partridge, Transport in Ancient Egypt, 96; they were
shown counted in tribute and booty scenes indicating
their value to the country cf. PM II2, 344 (10).
110 Houlihan, Animal World, 31; cf. Darby, The Gift of
Osiris, I, 235.
111 Janssen and Janssen, Egyptian Household Animals, 36;
also see: Partridge, Transport in Ancient Egypt, 97.
112 W.S. Smith, A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting
in the Old Kingdom (London, 1946), 172.
113 There was no difference between the price of both
genders. See:: Janssen Ramesside Period study of
donkey prices in Commodity Prices, 165-79; cf. Nibbi,
ZÄS 106 (1979), 154.
114 Ploughing is the process where animals, usually sheep,
would stamp over see:ds, using their hooves, to immerse
them on a soft land, to a reasonable profundity. See:
Brunner-Traut, LÄ II (1977), 27; Brewer, et al.,
Domestic Plants and Animals, 100.
115 Nibbi, ZÄS 106, 155.
116 Cf. Klebs, alten Reiches, 51; L. Klebs, Die Relief und
Malereiendes Mittleren Reiches (Heidelberg, 1922), 27.
117 A. Erman, Papyrus Lansing (Kobenhaven, 1925), 39.
118 Gautier, in: Baud and Shubert (eds,), Encyclopedia,
301.
119 Partridge, Transport in Ancient Egypt, 95; Janssen and
Janssen, Egyptian Household Animals, 36; Strouhal, Life
of the Ancient Egyptians, 113.
120 Strouhal, Life of the Ancient Egyptians, 117-8
121 Dating to the Twelfth Dynasty, see: J. Champollion,
Monuments de l’Egypte et de la Nubie (Paris, 1845), pl.
CCCXCI.
122 Cf. Junker, Giza XI, fig 75; Cf. Harpur, Decoration in
Egyptian Tombs, 207.
123 Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. XI; tomb of Ra-wr
Hassan, Excavations at Giza I, 33 fig 26.
124
LD
II, 47.
125 Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, 15.
126 Davies, Mastaba of Ptahhetep and Akhethetep at
Saqqareh, 14.
Sherine El-Menshawy
62 Abgadiyat 2009
127 Museo Egizio, Turin cf. Houlihan, Animal World, pl.
XIII.
128 168. O. Berlin 12398 translation after Wente, Letters
from Ancient Egypt, 137.
129 Parallel spelt words indicate ‘baton’ or ‘cudgel’.
130 Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 170 (3).
131 Cf. Brewer, et al., Domestic Plants and Animals, 100;
Janssen and Janssen, Egyptian Household Animals, 37.
For a possible example in a threshing context, dating to
the Old Kingdom, of beating donkeys see: inscription
in Fisher, Minor Cemetery at Giza, 100, pl. 53
132 Kanawati and Hassan, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara II,
pl. 77 (room I). In the story of the Eloquent Peasant,
the peasant’s donkeys were punished for eating grain
in the field by being made to thresh. See:: Lichtheim,
Ancient Egyptian Literature, 171.
133 For cattle-breeding scenes see: Weeks, Mastabas of
Cemetery G6000, 41, fig. 33, pls. 17-25; Junker, Giza
XI, fig. 93, pl. XXIV [b].
134 Foals are mentioned in contracts and illustrated in
animal processions. See: Janssen and Janssen, Egyptian
Household Animals, 36; Partridge, Transport in Ancient
Egypt, 96; Representations of young animals date to
the Fifth Dynasty see: Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian
Tombs, 210. There existence in large number suggests
a regular breeding system. See: Brewer, et al., Domestic
Plants and Animals, 100.
135 Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. XI;
LD
II,106b, 107.
136 Kanawati and Hassan, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara II,
pl. 77 (room I).
137 Nibbi, JEA 64, 57; Nibbi, ZÄS 106, 153.
138 169. P. Turin 1976 translation after Wente, Letters from
Ancient Egypt, 137-8.
139 Brewer, et al., Domestic Plants and Animals, 100.
140 The Ancient Egyptians knew the donkeys’ basic qualities,
practices, feeding, growth, illness and reproduction.
They kept them at Pens overnight away from wild
animals or thieves. Examples are derived from Old
Kingdom tomb scenes; for example on the walls of the
mastaba of MrrwkA five species of animals are shown
eating from troughs and lower registers represent hyenas
being fattening up. See: P. Duel et al., The Mastaba of
Mereuka II (Chicago, 1938), pl. 153. Also a wooden
model comes from the tomb of Mkt-raat Deir el Bahari
dated to the Eleventh Dynasty depict a pens where four
cattle are feeding from a manger, in which the front two
men force-feeding two cows. Cf. Strouhal, Life of the
Ancient Egyptians, 110.