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The Five-Factor Model, Five-Factor Theory, and Interpersonal Psychology



The five-factor model (FFM) is a taxonomy of traits; five-factor theory (FFT) is a theory of personality based on research with the FFM. Both are useful in understanding interpersonal psychology. Traits traditionally considered interpersonal fall in the plane defined by FFM extraversion and agreeableness, but all five factors have interpersonal consequences. FFT offers an account of the operation of traits in interaction with the environment; in interpersonal interactions, people serve as reciprocal environments to each other. Adult attachment, like many other topics in interpersonal psychology, may be profitably viewed from the perspective of FFT.
The Five-Factor Model, Five-Factor Theory, and Interpersonal Psychology
Paul T. Costa, Jr.
Robert R. McCrae
National Institute on Aging, NIH, DHHS
This research was supported entirely by the Intramural Research Program of the National
Institute on Aging, NIH. Paul T. Costa, Jr., and Robert R. McCrae receive royalties from the
NEO-PI-R. Address correspondence to Paul T. Costa, Jr., NIH Biomedical Research Center, 251
Bayview Blvd., Suite 100, Room 04B333, Baltimore, MD 21224. Email:
FFM and FFT 2
The Five-Factor Model (FFM; Digman, 1990; McCrae & John, 1992) is an account of the
structure of individual differences in personality; Five-Factor Theory (FFT; McCrae & Costa,
2008b) was designed to explain the development and functioning of the individual in the light of
findings from research conducted using the FFM. By contrast, interpersonal psychology has its
focus outside the individual, in interactions among people, especially dyads. One might imagine
that there is a relatively limited intersection of these intrapersonal and interpersonal perspectives
that could be exhaustively covered in the space of this small chapter, but in fact the two
approaches are so deeply intertwined that they are better seen as two different views of the same
topic. Human personality is invariably expressed in cultural, social, and interpersonal forms;
interpersonal and social behaviors always emanate from individual human beings with their own
personalities. Our goal here is to sketch the more important ways in which the two views
converge or complement each other. We begin with empirical correspondences at the level of
FFM traits; then present a theoretical framework—FFT—that can be applied to interpersonal
psychology; and finally discuss attachment as an illustration of how FFT might be used to
reinterpret topics of central important to interpersonal theory.
Perhaps the clearest and best-established link between these two research traditions
comes from the study of individual differences. Trait researchers spent many decades
enumerating important individual differences in enduring dispositions; eventually it became clear
that most traits are related to one or more of just five basic factors. These are now commonly
called Neuroticism or Emotional Instability, Extraversion, Openness to Experience,
Agreeableness versus Antagonism, and Conscientiousness. A good deal is now known about
these factors (McCrae & Costa, 2008a): They recur across cultures, are strongly heritable, can be
FFM and FFT 3
assessed by self-reports or the ratings of knowledgeable informants, and characterize individuals
for long periods during adulthood.
Half a century ago, Leary (1957) and others noted that people differed in their
characteristic interpersonal behaviors, and that the behaviors, and associated traits, showed a
circular order, the interpersonal circumplex (Kiesler, 1983; Wiggins & Broughton, 1985).
Behaviors, and people, were contrasted in terms of two dimensions, typically called Love or
Affiliation and Status or Dominance. In contrast to the simple structures generally sought by
factor analysts, interpersonal theorists were equally concerned with the blends of these two
dimensions. Thus, a person high in both Affiliation and Dominance might be considered
sociable; one high in Affiliation and low in Dominance might be cooperative.
Wiggins (1979) extracted interpersonal trait adjectives from the dictionary and created a
measure called the Interpersonal Adjective Scales (IAS), later revised as the IAS-R (Wiggins,
Trapnell, & Phillips, 1988). In 1989, we showed that the IAS-R scales defined the same plane as
measures of the FFM trait factors Extraversion and Agreeableness (McCrae & Costa, 1989), as
measured by the NEO Personality Inventory. That instrument included facet scales for
Neuroticism, Extraversion, and Openness factors, but only global scales for Agreeableness and
Conscientiousness. A subsequent revision (Costa & McCrae, 1992) included facet scales for all
five factors.
Figure 1 shows the results of a joint factor analysis of self-reports on the IAS-R and
spouse ratings on the Revised NEO Personality Inventory (NEO-PI-R). Because the data were
from an ongoing longitudinal study, they were collected at different times: The IAS-R was
administered in 1985, spouse ratings on the original NEO-PI were obtained in 1986, and spouse
ratings on the new Agreeableness and Conscientiousness items were gathered in 1991. However,
because personality traits are quite stable in adulthood, these different times of administration
FFM and FFT 4
probably had little effect on the structure (Costa & McCrae, 1985). Figure 1 replicates earlier
findings with regard to Extraversion facets, which occupy the upper right quadrant. It shows
further that facets of Agreeableness are arrayed in the lower right quadrant, moving clockwise
from Altruism to Modesty. These new data on facets of Agreeableness make perfect sense: IAS-
R Warm-Agreeable is closest to the Altruism and Tender-Mindedness facets of Agreeableness;
IAS-R Unassuming-Ingenuous is closest to Modesty and Straightforwardness.
The orientation of the axes in Figure 1 is based on Wiggins’s model—Procrustes rotation
was used so that PA best approximates 90°, NO 45°, and so on. Other orientations are sometimes
advocated, and Tracy, Ryan, and Jaschik-Herman (2001) reported evidence that a clockwise
rotation of 22.5° from the Wiggins orientation yields a position in which the principle of
complementarity seems to work best. Note that such an orientation would make the axes of
Dominance and Love pass near the centroids of the Extraversion and Agreeableness facets,
respectively. One might then conclude that interpersonal behaviors tend to elicit complementary
behaviors that are similar with regard to Agreeableness and opposite with regard to Extraversion.
Figure 1 about here
More substantively, Figure 1 shows that interpersonal characteristics are largely
isomorphic with some facets of general personality traits. Because there is a six-year interval
between the IAS-R and NEO-PI-R data, the Figure testifies to the enduring nature of
interpersonal traits. Because this is a joint analysis of self-reports and spouse ratings, it
demonstrates that interpersonal traits are consensually valid. That is, at least among married
couples, interpersonal person perception is generally accurate.
FFM and FFT 5
Careful consideration of the Figure, however, points to another conclusion as well.
Although this might easily be deemed a diagram of the interpersonal plane (defined by the two
dimensions of Love and Dominance), it clearly contains traits that are not intrinsically
interpersonal. Three of the Extraversion facets—Excitement Seeking, Activity, and Positive
Emotions—are sometimes considered temperamental rather than interpersonal, because they
need not involve other people at all. The Agreeableness facet of Tender-Mindedness is only
indirectly interpersonal; it is fundamentally a dimension of personality-relevant attitudes. Human
nature, it seems, does not necessarily respect the neat conceptual categories we invent: Not all
traits in the interpersonal plane are interpersonal.
The converse is also true: Traits outside the interpersonal plane may also be
interpersonal, in the sense that they powerfully influence social interactions. Wiggins and
Trapnell (1996; see also Ansell & Pincus, 2004) attempted to link all five factors to the
interpersonal dimensions by broadening Dominance and Love to the more abstract metaconcepts
of Agency and Communion. Thus, for example, they considered the Vulnerability facet of
Neuroticism an example of (low) Agency, whereas the Angry Hostility facet was seen as
representing (low) Communion.
There are more direct ways to link the remaining FFM factors to interpersonal concerns.
Consider Openness to Experience. This is fundamentally an intrapsychic experiential dimension,
concerned with how individuals filter and process cognitive, emotional, and perceptual
information (McCrae & Costa, 1997). Open individuals value novelty and variety, generate
remote associates to ideas, become intensely absorbed in their activities, and tolerate—even
cultivate—ambiguity; whereas closed people are traditional, down-to-earth, and
compartmentalized in their thinking. These distinctive forms of handling experiential input have
pervasive influences on social interactions at almost all levels: People seek friends and spouses
FFM and FFT 6
who resemble them in their level of Openness and tend to work most effectively in like-minded
groups. Open people have more egalitarian family structures. Closed people provide more
practical social support and show greater in-group loyalty. Openness is an important determinant
of social attitudes, including prejudice and political affiliation. Open leaders facilitate
organizational change, and cultures whose members (on average) score higher on measures of
Openness are more progressive and innovative in social policies (McCrae, 1996; McCrae &
Sutin, 2009).
Conscientiousness—or its lack—also has major repercussions in the interpersonal sphere.
Imagine a roommate who borrows your belongings without asking, leaves clothes and trash on
the floor, makes but rarely keeps promises, and forgets to pay the rent. Such behaviors, though
not directed at you personally, are likely to affect your well-being and may well sour your
relationship with your roommate. It is hardly surprising that individuals uniformly prefer mates
high in Conscientiousness (Botwin, Buss, & Shackelford, 1997), or that low Conscientiousness
in men is a predictor of subsequent divorce (Kelly & Conley, 1987). It is curious that trust is
traditionally considered an interpersonal trait, but that trustworthiness is not.
Individuals high in Neuroticism are prone to experience a variety of distressing emotions,
including fear, anger, dejection, and shame; these affective responses often disturb interpersonal
functioning. This is seem most clearly in extreme cases, such as individuals diagnosed with
Borderline Personality Disorders, who typically score high on all facets of Neuroticism (Morey
et al., 2002). DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) notes that patients with this
disorder have intense but unstable relationships, in which their perceptions of others are
unrealistic and can shift dramatically. They are helplessly dependent on others, but can resort to
outbursts of temper if they feel slighted; it is hardly surprising that “broken marriages are
common” (p. 652).
FFM and FFT 7
More generally, there are entire categories of problems in living that are classified as
interpersonal. Analyses of instruments that assess these problems (Horowitz, Alden, Wiggins, &
Pincus, 2000; Horowitz, Rosenberg, Baer, Ureño, & Villaseñor, 1988) typically show a general
factor that is associated with negative affectivity (Tracey, Rounds, & Gurtman, 1996) or
Neuroticism (Becker & Mohr, 2005); after controlling for this general factor, the familiar
circular arrangement of interpersonal traits is found. From the perspective of the FFM, we might
say that people high in Neuroticism are prone to interpersonal problems; the nature of the
predominant problems is a function of levels of Extraversion and Agreeableness. Thus,
dependency might be associated with high Agreeableness and high Neuroticism; jealousy with
low Agreeableness and high Neuroticism.
Some researchers have been so fascinated by the circular arrangement of traits in the
interpersonal circumplex and by the intriguing but elusive notion of complementary behaviors it
affords that they have neglected other traits that are also essential to a complete understanding of
interpersonal behaviors and relationships. The FFM offers a broader perspective that should be
helpful here.
The Personality System
Interpersonal psychology is as much about process as it is a about traits, whereas the
FFM is, in itself, only a structural model of traits. In his 1996 volume, Wiggins asked FFM
researchers to make explicit the theoretical basis of their understanding of traits, and we did so
by spelling out the metatheoretical assumptions behind trait psychology (including variability,
proactivity, rationality, and scientific knowability) and by outlining a theory of personality,
complete with definitions and postulates (McCrae & Costa, 1996). The metatheoretical
assumptions assert that human nature is variable (surely an axiom of differential psychology!);
FFM and FFT 8
that behavior is not merely reactive, but expresses the inner nature of the individual; that lay
persons have some insight into their own motives and behaviors (and those of others); and that
human personality is a proper object of scientific inquiry. These premises set trait psychology
apart from radical behaviorism, which sees humans as uniformly reactive to a history of
reinforcements; from psychoanalysis, which regards motives as hidden and behavior as
irrational; and from some forms of existential psychology, which grant man a freedom that defies
scientific understanding. It is noteworthy that interpersonal psychologists by and large adopt the
same metatheoretical premises (variability, proactivity, rationality, knowability) as trait
psychologists, although they might prefer to describe personality as interactive rather than
In fact, most modern forms of personality psychology share these basic tenets of trait
psychology. What sets FFT apart from other theories of personality is the particular set of
postulates it proposes. These in turn are not based primarily on the nature of the five factors, but
rather on findings that have emerged from research on the FFM. For example, the existence of
five factors says nothing about where these factors come from, but a large body of research
shows that they are in large part heritable (Bouchard & Loehlin, 2001). We have known for some
time that temperamental traits like Extraversion are heritable (Eaves & Eysenck, 1975), but it
was not until all five major trait dimensions were systematically studied (e.g., Riemann,
Angleitner, & Strelau, 1997) that we learned that essentially all personality traits are heritable.
We now know that the FFM structure itself is genetically based (Yamagata et al., 2006). Such
findings inspired FFT’s postulate 1b. Origin, which asserts that personality traits are endogenous
basic tendencies (McCrae & Costa, 2008b). Note that this postulate applies to the interpersonal
NEO-PI-R facets shown in Figure 1, which showed additive genetic influences in German and
Canadian samples (Jang, McCrae, Angleitner, Riemann, & Livesley, 1998).
FFM and FFT 9
The view that traits are endogenous rather than environmental in origin is also supported
by much other research on the FFM, including studies showing the limited influence of child-
rearing variables (McCrae & Costa, 1988), the presence of the same factors in widely different
cultures (McCrae, Terracciano, & 78 Members of the Personality Profiles of Cultures Project,
2005), and the appearance of similar factors in other primate species (King, Weiss, & Farmer,
2005). In FFT, endogenous means biologically based, but it does not necessarily mean genetic.
Antidepressant medications, for example, affect personality trait levels (Costa, Bagby, Herbst, &
McCrae, 2005), in ways that are consistent with FFT.
FFT is an attempt to synthesize many such lines of research, and it is summarized in
Figure 2 (a more elaborate version of this figure is presented in McCrae & Costa, 2008b).
Personality is here viewed as a system with inputs and outputs; FFTs most distinctive
contribution is the distinction between endogenous basic tendencies (including personality traits)
and characteristic adaptations, which are acquired skills, beliefs, habits, and so on. As suggested
above, traits are products of biology; they are not—according to FFT—influenced by the
environment. This accounts for their similarity across cultures, and for their relative
imperviousness to the course of life events (Terracciano, Costa, & McCrae, 2006).
Figure 2 about here
This most certainly does not mean that the environment does not matter; it is crucial for
the development of characteristic adaptations. A person may be born with the disposition to be
talkative, but the language he or she speaks is determined solely by the environment. Indeed,
culture and the social environment are central in the formation of a whole host of phenomena of
central importance to psychologists, including knowledge, skills, beliefs, tastes, values,
FFM and FFT 10
prejudices, habits, routines, roles, relationships, and the self-concept. All of these are also shaped
by personality traits, which is why these adaptations are characteristic of the person. Note that
according to FFT, personality traits do not have a direct influence on behavior; there is no arrow
in Figure 2 from personality traits to behavior. Traits are only expressed indirectly, through the
operation of acquired characteristic adaptations.
The personality system in Figure 2 can be interpreted as operating on two time scales. In
the moment, specific behaviors and experiences arise as a joint function of characteristic
adaptations and the immediate environmental situation: One’s choice of dinner at a restaurant
reflects both one’s food preferences (and one’s habits of thrift) and the offerings on the menu.
Over a lifetime, accumulated behaviors and experiences constitute the objective biography,
“every significant thing that a man [or woman] felt and thought and said and did from the start to
the finish of his [or her] life” (Murray & Kluckhohn, 1953, p. 30). On this time scale,
characteristic adaptations themselves are a joint function of personality traits and the social
environment. Becoming a physician (a role that is likely central to one’s self-concept), for
example, may result from intellectual and altruistic interests and a degree of self-discipline and
achievement striving that all reflect personality traits such as Openness and Conscientiousness;
but it also depends on one’s educational opportunities, financial resources, and the support of
one’s family and spouse.
From the perspective of interpersonal psychology, the major shortcoming of Figure 2 is
that it says very little about interactions between people. From Sullivan (1953) to Wiggins
(2003), interpersonal theorists have focused their attention outside the person and onto
relationships between people. Carson (1969) went so far as to define personality as “nothing
more (or less) than the patterned regularities that may be observed in an individual’s relations
with other persons” (p. 26; cited in Wiggins, 2003). Clearly, FFT takes a broader view of
FFM and FFT 11
personality, but it is one that can accommodate interpersonal concerns.
Consider the diagram in Figure 3. Here the personality systems of two people (P1 and P2)
are shown together; for P2 the usual arrangement from Figure 2 has been inverted to bring it
face-to-face with P1. These two systems mesh though the identification of P1’s output
(Behavior1) with P2’s input (Environment2), and vice-versa. These two people can be seen as
conducting a conversation, in which each makes a statement in turn in response to the other’s
communication. It is in such a model that the principle of complementarity is supposed to
operate: An assertive behavior on the part of P1 should be answered by a submissive behavior
from P2, which in turn should stimulate further assertive behaviors from P1.
Figure 3 about here
Studies of complementarity show that this simple and elegant pattern is often violated.
Strong and colleagues (1988) used a confederate in a dyad to initiate behaviors and coded the
response of the subject. They found many significant effects, often in the overall direction of
complementarity, but noted that “a specific interpersonal behavior does not impel a specific
response from the other.” FFT offers one explanation for that finding: Behavior is not simply a
function of the environment (that is, the behavior of the other); it is also shaped by preexisting
characteristic adaptations that reflect enduring personality traits. Individuals high in E3:
Assertiveness and low in A4: Compliance are not likely to adopt the role of submissive followers
simply because they are paired with an assertive partner. Traits outside the interpersonal
circumplex can also affect the interpretation and evaluation of others’ behaviors in complex
ways. For example, Bollmer, Harris, Milich, and Georgesen (2003) examined responses of
experimental subjects to teasing by a confederate. Subjects who were closed to experience were
FFM and FFT 12
put off by this behavior, apparently because it violated their norm expectations; open subjects
took it in stride (McCrae & Sutin, 2009).
The principle of complementarity is also thought to operate on a longer time scale, in
terms of reciprocal roles that individuals develop (Tracey, Ryan, & Jaschik-Herman, 2001). That
version acknowledges the important of person factors in shaping behavior, and because roles and
relationships are characteristic adaptations, it is more consistent with FFT. Surely
complementary role theory does explain much human behavior. Army privates learn to take
orders from sergeants; coworkers may become fast friends or bitter enemies; spouses may
negotiate an enduring division of household labor. Behavioral responses are then more
But even that model fails to take into account the fact that characteristic adaptations are
shaped in part by personality traits, which are themselves largely immune to influence from the
environment. Some privates receive dishonorable discharges because they can never adjust to
taking orders. Some workers avoid emotional involvement with their fellow employees. Some
household chores never get done, despite repeated negotiations. Traits, like truth, will out.
The Origins of Interpersonal Orientations and Attachments
If interpersonal relationships do not exhaust the personality sphere, they clearly occupy a
very important place in it. We may be devoted to completing tasks, or to discovering truths, or to
avoiding dangers, but usually the significance of the task lies in its importance to others; the
thrill of discovery is tied to its public announcement; the dangers we shun and the protection we
seek are usually social in nature. People whose lives are not continually grounded in social
interaction and evaluation (even if only in the imagination, as when visionaries write for
generations yet unborn) are considered pathological; they may suffer a form of autism.
FFM and FFT 13
Clinicians have always had a particular interest in patterns of interpersonal relationships,
because disturbances in relationships are among the chief features of mental disorders, and
among the major reasons individuals consult therapists. Psychodynamic theorists have frequently
noted that patients repeat the same dysfunctional interpersonal patterns across a succession of
relationships, never seeming to learn from past experience. The psychoanalytic notion of
transference is based on the idea that significant interpersonal patterns are unconsciously
transferred to the therapist. Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969) assumes that basic patterns of
relating to others are established early in life and played out again (often inappropriately) in adult
Voluminous research on adult attachment styles shows that people can be meaningfully
characterized by the ways in which they relate to significant others (Shaver & Mikulincer, 2005),
and this might seem to pose a challenge to FFT. At least in it simplest form, attachment theory
suggests that early environmental influences, rather than biologically based traits, ultimately
shape adults’ social, especially intimate, interactions.
Is this true, and is it inconsistent with FFT? If there were strong evidence for enduring
influences of infant or child attachment experiences on adult behavior, FFT might accommodate
it by classifying attachment style as an early-formed characteristic adaptation. After all, at an
early age most children have acquired a regional speech accent that they usually retain
throughout their life. This is clearly a characteristic adaptation, and the same might be true of
attachment styles: They might function like interpersonal accents that are early acquired and long
A strong case for this interpretation might be made if adult attachment were relatively
isolated from other aspects of personality. Suppose we found an individual who was generally
well-adjusted, optimistic, and well able to handle stress at work, but who was chronically
FFM and FFT 14
insecure in intimate relationships. We might diagnose this as a case of anxious attachment style,
perhaps attributable to early life experience, in an individual temperamentally low in
Neuroticism. More generally, if attachment style were a purely environmentally-determined
characteristic adaptation—as regional accent presumably is—FFT would predict that it would be
uncorrelated with personality traits. The literature, however, is clear on this point: Adult
attachment is rather strongly related to (though not entirely explained by) general personality
traits (Shaver & Brennan, 1992). In particular, anxious attachment is consistently related to trait
measures of Neuroticism (Noftle & Shaver, 2006).
The classic psychodynamic interpretation of this correlation would be that early life
experience affects general personality traits—a view explicitly disputed by FFT, which allows no
arrow of influence from experience to traits. Experimental studies manipulating attachment
experiences in infants and children would be most revealing, but surely unethical. Longitudinal
studies linking experiences assessed in childhood with adult personality would be the best
feasible design, but (considering the importance of childhood experience in the history of
personality theory) there are astoundingly few such studies (e.g., Kagan & Moss, 1962; see
McCrae & Costa, 1994). Results from these few studies are meager and mixed. For example,
Harrington (1993) examined associations of observed and self-reported poisonous pedagogy (PP;
Miller, 1983) in mothers and fathers of 4- to 5-year-olds and related it to rated personality when
the children were 18 and 23. He found predicted associations of poorer adult adjustment with
observed maternal PP, but not with observed paternal PP or self-reported PP from either parent.
Harris (1998) later argued that studies showing associations between parenting styles and adult
personality may be due to shared genes: Neurotic mothers have maladjusted children not because
they are poor parents, but because they pass along the genes for Neuroticism. That interpretation
is bolstered by evidence from adoption studies that parental personality is essentially unrelated to
FFM and FFT 15
adopted children’s adult personality: Bouchard and Loehlin (2001) summarized the correlations
as –.03 to .08.
If parenting does not causally influence personality traits, why are personality and
attachment style linked in adults? FFT would suggest two possibilities. First, the child’s (P1)
personality might influence the parent’s (P2) behavior, and thereby the child’s own learned
attachment style (via the path in Figure 3: Personality Traits1 Characteristic Adaptations1
Behavior1/Environment2 Behavior2/Environment1 Characteristic Adaptations1). In this
scenario, a child with a difficult temperament might elicit awkward parenting that would teach
the child that intimate relationships are dangerous. Second, FFT might suggest that adult
personality traits are an independent contributor to adult attachment style. Both innate
dispositions and early learning might be reflected in the way adults react in intimate
The first of these explanations may well describe what happens in childhood, but as an
account of adult associations, it depends on the further assumptions that both personality traits
and attachment styles are very stable from childhood to adulthood. Those assumptions are
questionable. Although traits in children as young as 3 show some associations with adult
personality, the correlations are very small (Caspi & Silva, 1995), consistent with a large
literature showing that personality stability increases with age (Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000).
Despite the importance of early experience in attachment theory, meta-analytic data show only
modest associations of attachment between age 1 and age 19, weighted r = .27, total N = 218
(Fraley, 2002). Adult attachment styles are better predicted by adult personality traits than by
infant attachment.
Both trait and psychodynamic approaches have long influenced interpersonal psychology,
FFM and FFT 16
and both are well-represented in contemporary research. Our intention in discussing attachment
theory was not to minimize its importance: Conceptually, it has captured the imagination of a
generation of personality researchers (Shaver & Mikulincer, 2005), and empirically, measures of
adult attachment have been shown to predict relationship quality above and beyond the
contribution of general personality traits (Noftle & Shaver, 2006). Instead, we hoped to show
that FFT provides a theoretical framework within which it is possible, and perhaps useful, to
reformulate the concepts of attachment in intimate relationships. Other topics in interpersonal
psychology, such as person perception, personality disorders (McCrae, Löckenhoff, & Costa,
2005), and psychotherapy (Harkness & McNulty, 2002) may also benefit from the FFT
perspective. There is no doubt that the Five-Factor Model has proven useful in integrating
empirical trait research (John, Naumann, & Soto, 2008); it remains to be seen whether Five-
Factor Theory will be equally useful in integrating the theoretical concepts of personality and
interpersonal theory.
FFM and FFT 17
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Figure 1. Joint factor analysis of self-reported IAS-R scales (squares) with spouse-rated
NEO-PI-R Extraversion and Agreeableness facets (ovals), N = 71. Factors have been rotated
toward Wiggins’s circumplex orientation. Extraversion facets are in italics. PA = Dominant-
Assured. BC = Arrogant-Calculating. DE = Cold-hearted. FG = Aloof-Introverted. HI =
Unassured-Submissive. JK = Unassuming-Ingenuous. LM = Warm-Agreeable. NO =
Excitement Seeking
Positive Emotions
FFM and FFT 25
Figure 2. A simplified representation of the personality system. Arrows indicate the
direction of postulated causal influences. Adapted from McCrae & Costa, 2008b.
Biology Behavior
Personality Characteristic Environment
Traits Adaptations
... Considering all caretakers were free from any psychiatric illnesses during data collection, the possible explanation for this result could be likely personality determinants. The five-factor model of personality is currently accepted as a viable explanation of normal adult personality functioning (14). One of these factors, neuroticism, is said to be related to stress and coping (15) and may be related to substance use (16). ...
... One of these factors, neuroticism, is said to be related to stress and coping (15) and may be related to substance use (16). Neuroticism involves negative states such as anxiety, depression, hostility, self-consciousness, impulsiveness, and vulnerability (14). Therefore, persons high in neuroticism generally use maladaptive coping strategies. ...
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Introduction: Thalassemia is a chronic childhood disease that could result in psychological distress not only to the patients but also to their caretakers. Caretakers utilize different coping strategies to reduce stress and maintain a good quality of life. Objective: The study aims to measure the level of psychological distress among caretakers of transfusion-dependent thalassemia patients and identify coping strategies used by them, as well as examine factors related to both outcome measures. Methods: Sixty-eight (N = 68) caretakers of children with transfusion-dependent thalassemia agreed to participate in the study when they were approached during their visits to one of three major hospitals in Kelantan, Malaysia, for the children's medical treatment. They completed the Malay validated Depression Anxiety and Stress Scale 21 (DASS 21) and Brief-COPE self-report, in addition to a brief study proforma. Results: The majority of the participants reported feeling psychologically well, with no related scores in depression, anxiety, and stress sub-scales. The mean score for anxiety and stress sub-scales were 3.54 (SD = 3.54) and 4.25 (SD = 3.26) respectively. The median score for the depression sub-scale was 2.00 (IQR 4.00). The three mostly utilized coping strategies were religion, acceptance, and positive reframing. Those with depressed and anxious moods were found to engage more in negative coping strategies including substance abuse, denial, and behavioral disengagement. Being female, of younger age, employed, with higher educational level, and income status was found to significantly influence the adoption of positive reframing as a coping strategy. Conclusion: Psychological distress such as elevated anxiety and depression was found among a small portion of caretakers who have children with thalassemia whose treatment required blood transfusion. They were noted to apply more maladaptive coping strategies compared to their psychologically well counterparts.
... The value of teamwork and sportsmanship could lead to high agreeableness. Costa and McCrae (2011) have stated that neuroticism is the person's sensitivity to mental stress. However, neuroticism is also a factor in how sensitive a person is to potential threats and harm. ...
... Item number 29 got the highest mean of 3.61, and it reads: "Can be moody" while item number 9 got the lowest mean of 2.59 and reads: "Is relaxed, handless stress well." Costa and McCrae (2011) have stated that neuroticism is the person's sensitivity to mental stress. However, neuroticism is also a factor in how sensitive a person is to potential threats and harm. ...
Conference Paper
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Games play a key role in the optimum development of an individual in any indigenous community. However, due to the advent of technologies, modernization, and influence of western sports, indigenous games are at the brink of extinction. The ethnographic study investigates the game Tikwi Banug at Sinuda, Kitaotao, Bukidnon. Specifically, it sought to determine the nature and background of the game, identify the components of physical fitness manifested in the game and find out the importance of the game in the context of the Matigsalug-Manobo indigenous community. The results revealed that “Tikwi Banug” is a bird imitation game depicting the “Banug” or Serpent Eagle catching the chicks. It portrays the characteristics of a predatory bird and the protective and caring characteristics of a mother hen for its chicks. In addition, the game manifests different components of physical fitness such as health-related and skill-related. Moreover, the “Tikwi Banug” game is an agent of harmonizing the community, an important portion of Matigaslug-Manobo community to live satisfactorily and happily with others. Thus, the game is beneficial for an individual's physical, social, emotional, and psychological well-being.
... Personality experts agree that most of the human psychological nature can be explained using the five following factors: openness to experience, conscientiousness, agreeableness, extraversion, and neuroticism or emotional instability (4). Studies showed that these five factors are inheritable, found in many cultural settings, and can be effectively assessed (5). ...
... Openness to experience is a fundamental aspect of our character and constitutes one of the Big Five personality traits (e.g., Costa & McCrae, 2011). Open persons are more receptive to novelty and tend to be psychologically healthier than persons low on this trait. ...
This chapter discusses how persons might cope more wisely with adversity through the conceptual lens of the H.E.R.O.E model of wisdom. The five interrelated components of wisdom are identified and research supporting the link between each component, as measured by the Self-Assessed Wisdom Scale (SAWS; Webster JD, The Cambridge handbook of wisdom. Cambridge University Press, 2019) and adaptive coping is described. A description of how wisdom might develop over time, and ways in which wisdom might be enhanced or taught are also briefly discussed. Finally, examples of empirical research demonstrating a link between the SAWS and adaptive coping are illustrated.KeywordsAdversityWisdomCoping
... Neuroticism means seeing the world as threatening and disturbing, being more anxious, sensitive to stress, easily frustrated, and insecure in relationships [60]. The trait of openness to new experiences is sometimes associated with intelligence [61] and manifests in valuing creativity, diversity, and change [62]. The agreeableness trait is described as having empathy and compassion when asked for help [63] and the ability to suppress emotions of negative valence [54]. ...
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Background: This study intended to explore the role of personality traits and basic psychological needs in law enforcement officers' ability to recognize emotions: anger, joy, sadness, fear, surprise, disgust, and neutral. It was significant to analyze law enforcement officers' emotion recognition and the contributing factors, as this field has been under-researched despite increased excessive force use by officers in many countries. Methods: This study applied the Big Five-2 (BFI-2), the Basic Psychological Needs Satisfaction and Frustration Scale (BPNSFS), and the Karolinska Directed Emotional Faces set of stimuli (KDEF). The data was gathered using an online questionnaire provided directly to law enforcement agencies. A total of 154 law enforcement officers participated in the study, 50.65% were females, and 49.35% were males. The mean age was 41.2 (age range = 22-61). In order to analyze the data, SEM and multiple linear regression methods were used. Results: This study analyzed variables of motion recognition, personality traits, and needs satisfaction and confirmed that law enforcement officers' personality traits play a significant role in emotion recognition. Respondents' agreeableness significantly predicted increased overall emotion recognition; conscientiousness predicted increased anger recognition; joy recognition was significantly predicted by extraversion, neuroticism, and agreeableness. This study also confirmed that law enforcement officers' basic psychological needs satisfaction/frustration play a significant role in emotion recognition. Respondents' relatedness satisfaction significantly predicted increased overall emotion recognition, fear recognition, joy recognition, and sadness recognition. Relatedness frustration significantly predicted decreased anger recognition, surprise recognition, and neutral face recognition. Furthermore, this study confirmed links between law enforcement officers' personality traits, satisfaction/frustration of basic psychological needs, and emotion recognition, χ2 = 57.924; df = 41; p = 0.042; TLI = 0.929; CFI = 0.956; RMSEA = 0.042 [0.009-0.065]. Discussion: The findings suggested that agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion, and neuroticism play an essential role in satisfaction and frustration of relatedness needs, which, subsequently, link to emotion recognition. Due to the relatively small sample size, the issues of validity/reliability of some instruments, and other limitations, the results of this study should preferably be regarded with concern.
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Background: The current study examines the relationship between the Big Five personality traits (Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness and Neuroticism) and Procrastination (Active and/or Passive) among the undergraduate students of International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). Sample: The participants of this study are 101 covering undergraduate students of IIUM that includes 20 male and 81 female, age ranging from 19 to 28 years old. (M = 22.81, SD = 1.7) who participated in this study. The research design of this study is Cross sectional survey design and participants were chosen by Convenient Random Sampling. Methods: Personality traits were measured using Big Five Inventory (BFI) and procrastination was measured using “Tuckman Procrastination Scale” and “Active Procrastination Scale”. Findings: Karl Pearson’s correlation indicates that this study supports some of the hypotheses. This study found significant relationship between different personality traits and passive procrastination and different dimensions of active procrastination. From the result of this study, it can be observed that conscientiousness has a relationship with both passive and active procrastination. Agreeableness positively correlated with only active procrastination. Neuroticism negatively correlated with both type of procrastination whereas extraversion positively correlated with passive procrastination and active procrastination.
Video Games technology has rapidly increased in the last decade with increasing number of users. Players information becomes very important to the researchers in order to measure the impact of these Video Games on the players behaviors. First Person Shooter (FPS) game is considered one of the most attractive game, which make it a realistic environment to measure the players behaviors, emotions and interests. In this paper, we developed a custom First Person Shooter game called “The Protector” in order to study the impact of Video Games on the players' personalities. The game was published in the Google Play Store in order to collect custom data from users in uncontrolled environments. The data was collected based on Five-Factor Model (FFM) for personality traits, which is considered one of the most well-known model in this field. Thousands of real user's data were collected using our published game. Then, different machine learning techniques have been used for the purpose of the personality classification and prediction. We used the classification task in order to automatically classify the possessing level of the players traits based on their data. We have used the prediction task in order to predict the player performance and behaviors in the future rounds. It is shown that the ANN algorithm provides the best accuracy of 98.6% over the other used algorithms in the classification task. While the SVR and KNNR provide the lowest error rate over the other used algorithms in the prediction task.
The mediated risk models of decision making under conditions of risk propose that individuals’ recent experiences of investments can lead to them making investment switching decisions that would be different to those based on their long term risk preferences. This study used the medoids clustering algorithm applied to a large, novel, dataset to identify four statistically significant patterns of switching behaviour based on the dimensions highlighted by this body of theory. Individual decision makers exhibit three consistent patterns or archetypes of risk-seeking (termed ‘assertive’), loss aversion (termed ‘anxious’) and risk aversion (termed ‘avoider’) behaviour over most time periods. Each consistent behaviour pattern is, however, susceptible to temporary deviations from ‘normal’ behaviour. Loss averse investors are on occasion drawn into both risk averse and risk seeking behaviour. Similarly, risk seeking investors are sometimes drawn into both loss averse and risk averse switching behaviour. This provides evidence to support the mediated perspective on risk-based decision-making behaviour and demonstrates the viability of this machine learning-based method for segmenting investors from a financial advice, marketing, and communications perspective.
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This review aims to establish if personality traits influence a viewer's choice of television shows. This study focuses on linking personality type as a factor that affects a person's viewing pattern and options, along with which personality trait under the big five model affects this choice/pattern positively and negatively. This mind-boggling growth has been herded by a considerable rise in the number of online Indian viewers. The terms Media/content choice and preferences will be used interchangeably with TV show choice and preferences for this review. The existing literature and material on media choices validate each personality trait's possible positive/negative effect on the viewing pattern. However, this study points out that, to fully understand the magnitude and intensity of this effect, socio-demographic variables have to be considered and analyzed along with psychological variables. This approach to media choice will help us understand the role of media psychology better and establish its significance in the media industry.
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Empirical and theoretical status of the five-factor model of personality traits Progress sometimes seems elusive in psychology, where old methods such as the Rorschach endure despite decades of criticism (Costa and McCrae, 2005), and where new research is often based on passing fads (Fiske and Leyens, 1997) rather than cumulative findings. It is remarkable, therefore, when clear progress is made, and there are few more dramatic examples than the rise to dominance of the Five-Factor Model (FFM) of personality traits in the past quarter century. Before that time, trait psychology had endured a Thirty Years’ War of competing trait models, with Guilford, Cattell, and Eysenck only the most illustrious of the combatants. The discovery of the FFM by Tupes and Christal (1961/1992) in the midst of that war was largely ignored, but its rediscovery 20 years later quickly led to a growing acceptance. Today it is the default model of ...
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Publisher Summary This chapter discusses the openness which cannot be understood as the culture that is acquired through education or good breeding, not as intellect or any other cognitive ability. Openness must be viewed in both structural and motivational terms. Openness is seen in the breadth, depth, and permeability of consciousness and in the recurrent need to enlarge and examine experience. Openness also suggests a passive or uncritical receptivity, which is clearly inappropriate. Open people actively seek out experience and are apt to be particularly reflective and thoughtful about the ideas they encounter. A structural account of openness may be necessary, but it does not seem to be sufficient. Open people are not the passive recipients of a barrage of experiences they are unable to screen out; they actively seek out new and varied experiences. Openness involves motivation, needs for variety cognition sentience, and understanding. The heritability of openness might be explained by the heritability of intelligence. Psychologists have spent more time and effort studying intelligence, than any other trait by adopting the term “Intellect.” Personality psychologists could claim this vast literature as their own. Openness could be construed as intelligence itself or as the reflection of intelligence in the personality sphere.