No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Crude existence: Environment and the politics of oil in Northern Angola
Abstract
After decades of civil war and instability, the African country of Angola is experiencing a spectacular economic boom thanks to its most valuable natural resource: oil. But oil extraction--both on- and offshore--is a toxic remedy for the country's economic ills, with devastating effects on both the environment and traditional livelihoods. Focusing on the everyday realities of people living in the extraction zones, Kristin Reed explores the exclusion, degradation, and violence that are the fruits of petrocapitalism in Angola.
... Starting in the late 1990s with the rise in internet-based information sharing regarding global corporate activities, there were new responses by resource extraction companies purporting to be concerned not just with economic profit, but also with social and environmental sustainability-what in the parlance of green development has come to be called "the triple bottom line" or "corporate social responsibility" (CSR). Recent anthropological analyses of corporate social responsibility (Rajak 2011;Reed 2009;Welker 2009), however, question the moral intent of these endeavors. Writing about Angolan oil extraction, Reed (2009: 175) argues that Chevron's philanthropic undertakings "are not random acts of kindness. . . . ...
... The phrase "working in the life market" highlights the complex ways that obtaining "wealth without work" (Reed 2009) play out in the PNG highlands. Social ties used to have value in Porgera in terms of the production and reproduction of society. ...
The Russian Far North has been populated by non-Native people since the 17th century. However it was not until the beginning of the 20th century when industrial quantities of rich mineral deposits were discovered that the area became the subject of comprehensive state programs of northern development, entailing massive population movements and the development of social and industrial infrastructures, based on state rationality for investing into northern regions. Yet with the collapse of the Soviet Union, other forces, such as market rationality, came to play a decisive role in the maintenance of this isolated region. Economic restructuring lead to the draining of the territory of its human capital with nearly 57% of the population moving away from the North, abandoning numerous communities. Using ethnographic case studies, this chapter explores the consequences of de-industrialization and economic disconnection being translated into social terms, such as patterns of abandonment, individual and communal life trajectories, as well as the introduction of new forms of labour organization (i.e., seasonal and shift labour) that renders the concept of community development obsolete.
... Nicholas Shaxson (2007), another ardent critic, dramatizes the 'curse' of oil on African countries, exposing in particular the corrupt trails of oil money leading back to financial centres in the west. Using Angola as an example, Kristin Reed (2009) highlights the 'destructive dynamics associated with oil extraction' for local fishing and farming communities (p. 2). ...
... As outlined below, consequences attributed to oil spills and gas flaring include the collapse of local fishing and farming, the loss of habitat and biodiversity, acid rain damage and health impacts of air, noise and light pollution (e.g. Reed 2009;Maass 2009;Opukri and Ibaba 2008;Aaron 2006;FMoE et al. 2006). Some of these impacts are also cross-border; for instance, downstream riverine communities in neighbouring countries also rely on the migratory fish from the Niger Delta. ...
Negative impacts of the oil industry are a major concern in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA),
threatening not only the health of local communities, but also the livelihoods they depend
on. The following study examines the impacts of the oil industry in sub-Saharan Africa and
current measures to mitigate these impacts. It offers possible solutions that could be put
forward by different stakeholders, including the EU and the European Parliament in
particular, to reduce the negative impacts and enhance the contribution of the oil sector to
sustainable development. The study focuses in particular on Nigeria and Angola, sub-
Saharan Africa’s largest oil producers, but is supplemented by insights from other SSA
countries.
Specifically, the study examines a range of impacts, including the environmental, health-
related and social effects of oil spills and gas flares; the employment opportunities offered
and the wider economic implications of the sector; to what extent the oil industry has
contributed to conflict in oil-producing regions, and the extent and consequences of oil
theft. It goes on to review current efforts to mitigate some of these impacts through
government regulations in oil-producing and importing countries, community
engagement, and international standards and initiatives. It also draws on experiences from
other natural resources sectors to assess what can be learned with regard to regulating
trade in resources from conflict areas or that are illegally sourced. The study concludes with
a set of recommendations focusing on regulatory measures, technology solutions,
partnership- building and European development assistance.
... Oneimportant natural resource, which has generated a lot of conflict, is oil. For example, Angola, which is the second biggest oil and gasproducing nation in sub-Saharan Africa after Nigeria, for 27 years, was plagued with political violence and civil unrest (Reed, 2009). According to Reed (2009), even though $30 billion was received in 2006 alone as total exports of its oil, 70% of her population live on less than $2 a day (Wigg and Kolstad, 2010). ...
... For example, Angola, which is the second biggest oil and gasproducing nation in sub-Saharan Africa after Nigeria, for 27 years, was plagued with political violence and civil unrest (Reed, 2009). According to Reed (2009), even though $30 billion was received in 2006 alone as total exports of its oil, 70% of her population live on less than $2 a day (Wigg and Kolstad, 2010). ...
The resource curse thesis has been a subject of debate for many decades particularly in low-income nations such as those of Africa, which are endowed with abundant resources but are poor by every indicator of human development. This study was designed to find out the perceptions of Nigerians living in Aberdeen, Scotland on how the oil industry in Nigeria has impacted on the lives of the citizenry and to examine how the Nigerian experience can offer useful lessons for Ghana's budding oil sector. Both qualitative and quantitative techniques were employed to carry out the study. The study reveals that despite the oil wealth of Nigeria, it does not reflect in the standards of living of the people. The respondents attributed the unmatched aspirations of the Nigeriansto the low level of development directly spearheaded by the oil sector mostly due to bad leadership and corruption. From the key findings of the study, it is recommended that Ghana could be a shining example if it puts in place strong legislative measures to manage the contracting of oil concessions and the utilisation of the proceeds, diversify her economy into other non-oil sectors like agriculture, vigorously engender Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) practices, and be transparent and accountable to her people in order to escape an oil curse.
... A third generation, fuelled by multiple environmental crises (climate change, the Anthropocene), epistemological turns (ontological turn, infrastructural turn, Science and Technology Studies, Actor-Network Theory, posthumanism) and energetic challenges (the post-carbon era, nuclear phase-out, renewable energy, decentralized systems), has emerged in the last decade or two with a renewed set of fi eld sites and theoretical frameworks (Strauss, Rupp and Love 2013;Love and Isenhour 2016;Smith and High 2017;Szeman and Boyer 2017;Günel 2018;High and Smith 2019). Although fossil fuels remain a fertile ground of scholarship (Ferguson 2005;Mason 2005;Wenzel 2006;Reed 2009;McNeish and Logan 2012;Huber 2013;Appel, Mason and Watts 2015;Barak 2015;Rogers 2015, Weszkalnys 2015LeMenager 2016), as well as electricity and the grid (Bakke 2016;Özden-Schilling 2016;Coleman 2017;Abram, Winthereik and Yarrow 2019), a growing set of literature looks at renewables from an anthropological perspective (Jacobson 2007;Henning 2008;Krauss 2010;Love and Garwood 2011;Cross 2013;Argenti and Knight 2015;Franquesa 2018;Boyer and Howe 2019;Watts 2019). A proliferation of new energy technologies, decentralized systems and alternative forms of consumption is conducive to analytical exploration, political critique and conceptual diversifi cation. ...
... Généralement, ces multinationales occidentales et asiatiques se livrent à des pratiques RSE parfois déconnectées des attentes locales. Rajak (2011b), Shever (2010), Reed (2009), Watts (2005 citent les initiatives RSE qui vont des programmes de développement local, en passant par les campagnes de sensibilisation des populations locales, les dons, aux bonnes relations avec les autorités. Ces initiatives rejoignent ainsi les registres des initiatives RSE observées dans les projets pétroliers au Tchad (cf. ...
Cette étude ethnographique a pour but de faire une analyse critique des dynamismes engendrés par les projets extractifs dans les zones productrices, à l’aune du concept de la responsabilité sociale de l’entreprise (RSE) analysé comme pratique de dés/enchevêtrement. D’un côté, les pratiques contemporaines de responsabilité sociale des entreprises peuvent être considérées comme une forme d’enchevêtrement mettant en œuvre des projets dans les communautés d’accueil pour initier un développement durable. D’un autre côté, les mêmes pratiques RSE peuvent être considérées comme une forme de désenchevêtrement qui sert uniquement à maximiser les profits des compagnies pétrolières. Une analyse critique nous a révélé que l’exploitation pétrolière est marquée d’enjeux de pouvoir autour du partage des bénéfices du pétrole entre les groupes stratégiques que sont, entre autres, les multinationales, les institutions internationales, l’État, la société civile et les communautés locales. Ces dernières ayant des ressources institutionnelles, humaines et informationnelles limitées, elles sont identifiées comme le maillon faible du système de la chaîne de valeur de production extractive. Marginalisation, résistance et domination des communautés locales sont des dynamiques observées dans le complexe pétrolier des projets de Doba, ceux du Bassin de Bongor, ainsi que dans les projets de Badila et Mangara au Tchad. Les initiatives RSE sont le reflet des interactions entre les multinationales et les communautés locales dans ces contrées pétrolifères au sud du Tchad.
... The Portuguese did little to develop the education sector in Angola (De Andrade 2010;Péclard 2012), and at independence few Angolans even had access to basic education beyond occasional mission schools (Katsakioris 2019(Katsakioris , 2020. Post-independence, the civil war was fought largely on ideological lines that often masked the desire to control natural resources and the wealth associated with their extraction (Reed 2009;Cleveland 2015). Two opposing groups claimed leadership at independence, which came suddenly and unexpectedly in 1975. ...
This article explores the place of ideology and what I call analytic allegiances in the nascent higher education domain in Angola. Based on ethnographic research, it considers the postWar emergence of the sector and its implications for global higher education. Focusing primarily on two institutions, one state, one private, it probes how contesting cold war ideologies continue to manifest through the pedagogic, curricula, and campus-based decisions of higher education leaders in the country. It develops Jonathan Jansen's notion of "politi-cal symbolism" to give attention to individual faculty member's personal scholarly trajecto-ries that result in analytic allegiances within domains of friendship and influence. It argues that exposure to political and social systems and symbols at formative times of individual faculty's biographies radically inform the ways in which the emergent sector is being approached and molded today. It demonstrates how the existence of pluralistic knowledge traditions maintained through analytic allegiance and political symbolism have equipped Angola well for the transformative processes required in contemporary higher education.
... Some identified positive impacts including increased job opportunities and thus higher income (O'Faircheallaigh, 2013;Mawejje, 2019) and increased access to local public goods such as roads, health centres and schools constructed by the oil producers as their corporate social responsibilities (CSR) (Byakagaba, Mugagga and Nnakayima, 2019;Mawejje, 2019). Negative consequences, however, have been more frequently identified than positive consequences, including negative effects on bio-diversity such as fisheries (Baumuller et al., 2011;Karl, 2007;Reed, 2009) game areas (Karl, 2007) and grazing areas critical to pastoralists (Byakagaba, Mugagga and Nnakayima, 2019); environmental degradation and water and air pollution due to oil spills and gas flaring (Karl, 2007;Opukri and Ibaba, 2008;Idemudia, 2009;Abii and Nwosu, 2009;Pegg andZabbey, 2013:Mkutu et al., 2019); displacement from livelihoods (Clarke, 2009;Opukri and Ibaba, 2008;Agade, 2017); negative social impacts resulting from rapid immigration (Karl, 2007); and tensions over benefit distribution which may result in social dislocation and conflict (Ackah-Baidoo, 2013;Arellano-Yanguas, 2011;Pegg, 2006;Kojucharov, 2007;Lo, 2010;Cash, 2012). ...
This study examines the impacts of economic, social and environmental consequences of oil extraction on public opinion in an economically and politically marginalised community in northern Kenya. We conduct a conjoint experiment on a sample of 801 respondents in urban and semi-urban locations in Turkana county and find that our respondents strongly support the oil extraction overall. Although priming about the environmental and social costs decreases local residents’ support for oil extraction, the decrease is so small that the community's perception of oil extraction remains positive. However, the support is significantly higher among the respondents living in the neighbourhoods distant from oil wells in operation relative to those who live close to oil sites. In addition the responses to economic benefits of oil extraction also vary by respondents’ distance from oil wells. Contrary to the existing literature, we do not find evidence for strong resentment toward oil extraction in Turkana county.
... Cada um dos capítulos mergulha profundamente em aspectos da vida cotidiana de Angola, sublinhando simultaneamente similaridades e diferenças com outras experiências do mundo e enfatizando um sentido particular. O primeiro capítulo aborda os aromas e, em particular, os perfumes e os ares-condicionados como Reed, 2009;Wiig e Kolstad, 2011); o que acontecerá com as dinâmicas de mudanças do petróleo no século XXI ainda permanece obscuro, mas não há dúvidas de que o país sentirá os efeitos de qualquer mudança. ...
Da água ao vinho” explora como Angola mudou desde o fim da guerra civil em 2002. Seu foco está na classe média – definida como aqueles com uma casa, um carro e uma educação – e seu consumo, aspirações e esperanças para suas famílias. Parte-se da pergunta “o que está funcionando em Angola?” em vez de “o que está errado?” e faz uma escolha deliberada e política de dar atenção à beleza e à felicidade na vida cotidiana em um país que teve uma história incomumente conturbada. Cada capítulo enfoca um dos cinco sentidos, com a introdução e a conclusão provocando uma reflexão sobre propriocepção (ou cinestesia) e curiosidade. Várias mídias são empregadas – poesia, receitas, fotos, quadrinhos e outros experimentos textuais – para envolver os leitores e seus sentidos. Escrito para um público amplo, este texto é um excelente complemento para o estudo da África, do mundo lusófono, do desenvolvimento internacional, da etnografia sensorial e da escrita etnográfica.
... Beyond this, such environmental degrading activities had also caused damages to the daily means of livelihoods of the local communities. The consequence of all these activities has often resulted to collapse of local fishing and farming, 1 the loss of habitat and biodiversity, acid rain damage pollutions raging from air, noise and light (Reed, 2009;Opukri and Ibaba, 2008;FMoE et al., 2006Obot et al., 2006. This has consequently stirred the grievances of the locals, forming themselves into various militant groups in the Niger Delta region, 2 blowing up oil pipelines at consistent rates. ...
This paper contends that, natural resources hardly instigate terrorism but via the environmental channel. To this end, this study scrutinizes the environmental impact of natural resources on terrorism over the period straddling 1980 through 2012 for a panel of 49 African economies. The count nature of terrorism data suggests the use of a negative binomial regression as a choice estimator, in which the following findings are established. First, the unconditional impact of total natural resources per capita on terrorism is negative and consistently significant across the model specifications. Second, the unconditional influence of environment (measured with carbon emissions) on terrorism is positive across the specifications. Third, the marginal effect of interactions between total natural resources per capita and environment is steadily negative for both domestic and unclear terrorism but positive for transnational terrorism. Four, the magnifying impacts of other confounders such as the lagged value of terrorism, surface areas, physical integrity rights and population are in tandem with expected priors. What is more, the empirical findings regarding the negative impact of total natural resources per capita however, diverge for the natural resource rents-a measure of natural resource dependence. Thus, maintaining a credible, sustainable and inclusive governance of natural resources constitute a formidable bulwark to fighting terrorism.
... Although the theory is by no means equally applicable everywhereas demonstrated by highly developed mineral-rich countries such as Canada, Australia or Norwaythe overall pattern is readily observable across much of the Global South. Oil-rich states such as Angola, Gabon, or Nigeria in many ways epitomise the problem (Reed, 1987;Monday Kouango, 2002;Okonta and Douglas, 2003;Reed, 2009). In such 'spigot states' the wealth derived from large flows of extracted petroleum was used mainly to prop up dictatorial regimes and line the pockets of their supporters rather than to improve the lives of ordinary people, as Mangarella shows in his article (this volume). ...
Resource extraction has historically caused dramatic environmental changes across the globe. Although mining and oil drilling have transformed landscapes and polluted the air and water wherever they have taken place, knowledge of how these environmental transformations have been experienced and lived in different parts of the world remains fragmentary. This special issue seeks to provide new insights into the environmental histories of resource extraction, particularly in the Global South, where extractive industries have intensified markedly since 1950. Inspired by recent environmental history scholarship, we link together analyses of imperialism, capitalism, and environmental inequality in African, Asian, and Latin American localities of resource extraction. Furthermore, drawing on the analytical framework of political ecology, we examine why protests against extractive industries did or did not occur in specific sites. Given the increasing global demand for resources and pressing current-day questions about how to live in the Anthropocene, it is timely to scrutinise production practices, pollution, and protest in global history.
... Reed 2009, Rogers 2015, Wenzel 2006, Weszkalnys 2015, as well as electricity and the grid (Özden-Schilling 2016, Bakke 2016, Coleman 2017 Winthereik & Yarrow 2019), a growing set of literature looks at renewables from an anthropological perspective (Boyer and Howe 2019, Cross 2013, Henning 2008, Jacobson 2007, Krauss 2010, Love and Garwood 2011, Argenti & Knight 2015, Franquesa 2018, Watts 2019. A proliferation of new energy technologies, decentralized systems and alternative forms of consumption is conducive to analytical exploration, political critique and conceptual diversification. ...
A political anthropology of energy starts from the position that energetic infrastructures are pivots for socio-political inquiry. They facilitate the contours of the state and local communities, both in their material existence and in their projection of imaginaries into the future and into a global environment. Not only is energy at the core of many economic interests, geopolitical struggles and international relations, but energy technologies are also central to modernist ideologies and neoliberal narratives. A political anthropology approach is one that can begin to unpack such tightly knitted socio-material and socio-technical forms, tracing the links between material forms, concepts and ideologies, elaborating the forms of power that are thereby enabled or inhibited. Ethnographies of Power compiles topical case studies and analysis of contemporary entanglements of energy materialities and political power. Based on original contributions with a strong ethnographic sensibility, this volume revisits some of the classic anthropological
... These seismic surveys involve a temporary disturbance of the people who live on this land, as security measures prohibit them from working their farms or fishing during the surveying. Many studies have shown how communities suffer from oil exploration through the destruction of their environment, which is usually the basis for their economic activities, especially farming and fishing (Breglia, 2013;Reed, 2009;Sawyer, 2004). However, responses by the state are mostly characterised by a desire to ease oil exploration activities at all costs. ...
In the exploration phase of Uganda’s oil project, controversy arose regarding the drilling of wells on the grounds of important shrines of spirits of the adjacent Lake Albert. While the oil companies and the state looked at the market value of the land, the claimants emphasised its cultural heritage value, building a link to an international heritage discussion. This article argues that, while they have been barred from political influence on the oil project, cultural institutions such as the Bunyoro Kingdom and the claimants in the village near the controversial well used cultural heritage as a vantage point to get their voices heard and to gain negotiating power in the project. The article shows how widening of the definition of cultural heritage – which means dropping a bias for built infrastructure – has put culture alongside politics, economics, and the environment as an important factor to consider in extractive projects.
... Ruben's choice, Bruno's compromise and Hipólito's sacrifice all reveal different dimensions of everyday life in a country which, for arguably the first time in centuries, found itself neither at war nor under foreign rule. Though hardly the first country in history to experience massive generational differences, Angolans had to contend not only with the changes of late capitalism in a petro-state economy, 35 but also with the complexities of veterans whose lives had been largely shaped by civil war, now raising children in an era of peace. 36 With this in mind, it is unsurprising that the scouts have proven both durable and successful in Angola's post-war landscape. ...
This paper presents an analysis of contemporary citizenship in one group of Angolan boy scouts in 2014. It uses Shiera El-Malik's notion of 'crevice moments'¹ to explore specific instances of dialogue and action which reveal opening and possibility within a largely closed state that have thus far not been reflected in existing scholarly literature. The paper further considers the reasons for scouting's popularity in post-war Angola, arguing that its military structure, religious basis, and focus on 'adventure' and social interactions have made it a highly desirable space for young people in a context where few opportunities exist for leisure activities. Finally, scouting enables a reconstitution of military and ideological symbols including uniforms, the socialist ideological construction of 'the new man,' and 'nature' in a way that, as one scout leader put it, is 'fit for peace'. In this process, past, present and future are reconstituted by a movement that itself is formed and transformed in contradiction and colonial echo.
... Pacheco (2014: 94) goes further to say that the development strategy implemented by the government is restricted to "islands that leave the majority of the population excluded." As for the oil-producing regions of Cabinda and Zaire, Reed (2009) documents how the majority of inhabitants are not only excluded from the profits but are also suffering from the environmental externalities of on-shore and off-shore oil extraction. ...
Angola is a resource-rich country, which experienced a major urban concentration of the population owing to a long civil war followed by an oil-related economic boom. The majority of the population, however, remains without access to basic services such as potable water, sanitation or electricity. Despite the economic and social exclusion of the majority of the citizens, how does its oil wealth translate into the energy consumption patterns of poor urban households in the capital city of one of its oil-rich provinces? Research conducted in around 300 households of Mbanza Kongo city of Zaire province—whose livelihoods relied on odd jobs and/or peri-urban agriculture—showed that contrary to much received wisdom most of the poor urbanites do not use either fuelwood or charcoal as their main source of energy, and thus do not contribute to deforestation or forest degradation. Unexpectedly, a major impetus for deforestation is house construction. Attention must be paid to diverse drivers of deforestation and greenhouse gas emissions. The major expansion of urban areas is an important factor; here we mapped one World Heritage city in Angola through remote sensing.
... It further constructs ASM sites as the space of violence linked to minerals and sexual violence. Little work has been done looking at the perpetration of (sexual) violence associated with formal mining sites despite a rich literature that critically examines the violence associated with state and corporate extraction of other high-valued resources such as oil (e.g., see Reed 2009 for a discussion of this in the context of oil in Angola). This further attaches the exercise of violence to armed (conflict) actors such as rebel groups and the military acting on their own directive and fails to consider (sexual) violence enacted by other actors associated with the extraction of minerals in the DRC such as corporate, government and state agents, and foreign NGO's (including humanitarian staff and peacekeeping units). ...
In the last decade, the rapes (of women) in, and the metaphoric raping (of natural resources) of, the Democratic Republic of Congo have received unprecedented attention from media, donors, and advocacy groups. Beginning in the early 2000s, these two narratives (the involvement of armed groups and state forces in illegal resource exploitation and the widespread prevalence of sexual violence in eastern DRC) merged to form a direct cause-consequence relationship, in which rape is framed as a tool for accessing mineral wealth. Through an analysis of media articles and reports of human rights organizations, this study traces the making of this rape-resources narrative, juxtaposing it with wider academic debates and critical scholarship. The narrative effectively focuses attention on a narrow set of actors and spaces in Congo’s conflicts, highlighting each of those actors/spaces in particular ways while obscuring the role of others. Because of this, key dynamics are missing from the narrative, such as historical context, gendered conflict dynamics, and armed group/civilian activity and mobilization, which are critical to understanding the scale and scope of violence in the region more broadly and the perpetration of instances of rape more specifically. The unraveling of the rape-resources narrative reveals its toxicity in limiting effective interventions and in closing down alternative narratives.
... Field research carried out by Baumuller et al. (2011) andReed (2009) in Cabinda Angola underlines the negative impacts of the oil industry on local fisheries. Ghana's 'oil city' (Sekondi-Takoradi) and fishing communities close to the Jubilee Field, where oil production began in December 2010, have been experiencing negative impacts as a result of oil sector (Ovadia and Graham, Forthcoming). ...
The exploration and production of oil and gas continue to be vigorously pursued by African states and international corporations—both large and small. However, with unpredictable fluctuations in oil prices it becomes more difficult to exploit these resources in ways which accrue net benefits to both the state and its citizens. The oil and gas industry in Africa continues to grow and attract new investment, especially from China and India. Despite the lower price of oil, exploration and production activities continue to be carried out. At the same time, the possibilities for oil and gas to be a blessing narrow. Natural resource-based development has always been a difficult objective for any state. The question now may be whether embracing oil and gas is socially responsible: as renewable energy becomes more cost-effective and societies transition into a post-carbon world, the prospects for African states to make good use of carbon resources are waning. In exploring the closing window for petro-development in Africa, this paper uses a comparative cross-regional analysis of trends and developments to highlight how weak legal frameworks and a lack of institutional capacity pose major challenges for the continent's states in managing their natural resources.
... En el nivel micro, Reed (2009) y Appel (2011 han hecho hincapié en que, en ciertos contextos africanos, las operaciones petroleras que cuentan con la colaboración del gobierno mantienen enclaves de extracción, de modo que estas se encuentran separadas de los contextos locales. En estos casos, señalan, las comunidades locales difícilmente pueden alzar su voz sobre los impactos negativos de la industria. ...
El presente trabajo estudia la judicialización de los conflictos a través del análisis de la demanda constitucional de cumplimiento emprendida por un conjunto de comunidades nativas amazónicas afectadas por un derrame de petróleo en la quebrada de Cuninico (Loreto) contra el Estado peruano. La metodología empleada consistió en tres trabajos de campo en la comunidad afectada, la revisión de archivo y literatura especializada y la realización de entrevistas. Esta investigación se divide en cinco partes. En la primera parte, se presenta el estado del arte sobre la industria del petróleo y los derrames de petróleo, seguido por las contribuciones de los estudios sobre la justicia ambiental y judicialización de los conflictos. En la segunda sección, se presentan algunos apuntes sobre el estado de la industria petrolera en el Perú con énfasis en las características de los derrames de petróleo. En la tercera parte, se presenta el suceso del derrame de Cuninico y la respuesta estatal para atender la emergencia generada por el derrame de petróleo. En la cuarta sección, se analiza la demanda constitucional de cumplimiento y se analiza el estado actual del proceso judicial. Finalmente, se estudia las implicaciones del caso de esta demanda constitucional para las luchas de los Pueblos Indígenas de la Amazonía.
... Beyond the direct health damages resulting from extraction, environmental degradation and land displacement also jeopardize farming, fisheries and forestry, particularly affecting Indigenous livelihoods and lands. High levels of poverty and losses of livelihood associated with pollution that disproportionately affect the poorest fishers have been documented in oil-producing regions of Angola (Reed, 2009), although little detail is available. In the Andes, mining-related contamination and depletion of water has negatively affected agriculture and livestock raising. ...
A systematic and theoretically informed analysis of how extractive industries affect health outcomes and health inequities is overdue. Informed by the work of Saskia Sassen on "logics of extraction," we adopt an expansive definition of extractive industries to include (for example) large-scale foreign acquisitions of agricultural land for export production. To ground our analysis in concrete place-based evidence, we begin with a brief review of four case examples of major extractive activities. We then analyze the political economy of extractivism, focusing on the societal structures, processes, and relationships of power that drive and enable extraction. Next, we examine how this global order shapes and interacts with politics, institutions, and policies at the state/national level contextualizing extractive activity. Having provided necessary context, we posit a set of pathways that link the global political economy and national politics and institutional practices surrounding extraction to health outcomes and their distribution. These pathways involve both direct health effects, such as toxic work and environmental exposures and assassination of activists, and indirect effects, including sustained impoverishment, water insecurity, and stress-related ailments. We conclude with some reflections on the need for future research on the health and health equity implications of the global extractive order. URL: https://authors.elsevier.com/sd/article/S1353829217311966
... This includes the ‗making and unmaking' of laws and policies governing resource ownership and extraction. Examples include cases from Angola [52], Bolivia [41], Ecuador [73], Nigeria [54,91], where policies have been designed to disenfranchise land owners of property rights to subsurface resources [92] through nationalisation and appropriation of natural resource wealth. Despite not being an exclusive reserve of national governments, resources management has been under their purview, creating revenue for national economies through taxes and resource rents [67,93,94]. ...
Energy and mineral resource extraction has fuelled economic development in the modern world but has caused unprecedented environmental destruction. Economically viable to extract resources are not evenly distributed but found in a few regions of the world due to unique geologic characteristics. Inequity in distribution of resource benefits and environmental costs predispose these regions to resource conflict and war. Traditional resource management has failed to address their complexity, with most models utilised lacking multi-disciplinary perspective. Understanding the complexity of these regions is a key prerequisite for their management to be effective and sustainable. Here, we investigate the potential of re-assessing mineral resource active regions from a systems perspective. Findings demonstrate that the application of systems thinking in resource management has the potential to deliver benefits to all stakeholders while maintaining ecological integrity. System tools offer an alternative to the reductionist end-of-pipe thinking of traditional resource management and policies. Rather than simply relying on competition, focusing on the interdependencies between the various players and sectors in these regions can deliver system improvements that should be further investigated because of their potential to deliver integrated and holistic solutions that could benefit all involved.
... The labour required is largely highly skilled. During Angola's civil war, oil mining operations in Cabinda were defended by elite soldiers, many of whom ironically were Cuban, as well as private security (Shaxson, 2007;Reed, 2009). Described as a 'sprawling American-style suburb… complete with an 18hole golf course' (Soares de Oliveira, 2007a: 108) the facilities of the Gulf Oil Company were a world apart from the war-ravaged cities and countryside. ...
... Our attention to the natural gas boom fits in with a wave of attention to extractive industries and energy within political ecology (Bridge 2000(Bridge , 2004Watts 2004b;Perreault 2006;Le Billon 2008;Valdivia 2008;Bebbington 2009Bebbington , 2012Huber and Emel 2009;Reed 2009;Zalik 2009;Horowitz 2010;Budds et al. 2012). Bridge, in particular, has examined the political economy of natural gas, especially in relation to its materiality and the capital and infrastructural requirements of liquefying natural gas for transport that have slowed the global commodification of gas, despite efforts to re-scale its geographies (Bridge 2004). ...
Recent work on legal geographies has arguably paid far too little attention to the environment as both an object of governance and a terrain of struggle with respect to the law. Conversely, political ecology as a field, with its focus on informal and extra-legal dynamics, has arguably engaged too little with the legal geographies that are central to environmental conflicts in many locations. This paper examines and theorizes the legal geographies that have been essential elements of the recent boom in extraction of natural gas from the Marcellus Shale in Pennsylvania. Specifically, it examines the ways in which laws and the authority of the state more broadly have been changed, deployed, and invoked, particularly through the passage of Act 13, to enable the extraction of the gas in the shale and its circulation as a viable commodity. This analysis of the relevant multiscalar legal geographies illustrates the productivity of a more direct engagement between political ecology on one hand, and legal geography on the other.
... For Ferguson, the model is the Angolan offshore -an extreme form of insulation from the political entanglements of national territory that exemplifies the 'socially thin' character of oil. This archetypal space is the focus of Reed's (2009) political ecology of Angolan oil, which examines the violence and degradation from the perspective of fishing and farming communities located in the extractive zone. Her work illustrates how the enclave enables a highly exclusionary form of development while also highlighting 'the distortions and externalities that bleed out' from these spaces. ...
This progress report is the first in a series of three on resource geographies, and reflects a renewed interest within human geography and cognate disciplines in classic resource questions of scarcity, access and governance. It focuses on carbon, an element which is fast becoming a common denominator for thinking about the organization of social life in relation to the environment. The report examines how researchers are applying one of resource geography’s principle tenets - that so-called ‘natural resources' are an outcome of political, economic and cultural work - to understand the resource-making processes associated with the ‘carbon economy’. Significantly, it expands this term from its limited association with carbon markets and offsetting to encompass the ‘actually existing’ carbon economy associated with the extraction and consumption of fossil fuels. By reading these ‘old’ and ‘new’ carbon economies together, the report considers the making of carbon resources as they extend from the upstream, extractive end of the hydrocarbon commodity chain to the emission, capture and sequestration of carbon downstream. It harnesses the reductionism inherent to ‘carbon’ - its capacity to put apparently different entities on the same page - in order to identify commonalities and connections between the old and new carbon economies that are ordinarily overlooked. The report is organized around three core ‘logics' of resource making that can be identified in recent work: economy, territory and subject formation.
... Most ethnographic and political ecology studies examining oil and conflicts in African countries have focused on the cases of Nigeria (Okonta and Douglas 2001;Watts 2001Watts , 2004Apter 2005;Omeje 2006), with a few on the Republic of Congo (Bazenguissa-Ganga 1999; Downloaded by [The University of British Columbia] at 10:01 13 January 2016 Yengo 2006;Koula 2006) and Angola (Reed 2009). These studies provide much more complex, historically grounded, and nuanced perspectives on oil-related conflicts. ...
Popular geopolitical representations of oil in Africa conjure up images of corrupt politicians, disgruntled populations, and predatory foreign oil companies: a volatile mix that would supposedly keep African “petrostates” locked in armed conflicts. This article queries these geopolitical narra, and offers a different perspective: while several countries—such as Algeria, Angola, Nigeria and Sudan—have indeed experienced long and deadly conflicts, African oil-producing countries have not, on average, been more frequently at war than non-oil producers. The article explores this perspective by reviewing the main arguments linking oil and armed conflicts, providing a brief overview of conflict trends, and identifying some of the major conflict risk factors. These factors should inform future risk assessments for African oil- producing countries, while motivating further research considering broader forms of violence and their geographies.
As evidenced by the widespread controversy surrounding an otherwise small-scale mining investment pending in Casamance, Senegal, uncertainty shapes the extension of the extractive frontier. Fent argues that amid this uncertainty, different actors are able to politicize or depoliticize extractive investments through the work of scaling. Opponents cast the project as part of larger-scale, longer-term extraction, linking it with regional narratives. By contrast, state and corporate actors depoliticized the mine by emphasizing its limited extent and downscaling conflict to the local level. This demonstrates the conflictual processes through which extractive frontiers are realized—and resisted—through both space and time.
Addressing global health is one of the largest challenges facing humanity in the 21st century, however, this task is becoming even more formidable with the accelerated destruction of the planet. Building on the success of the previous edition, the book outlines how progress towards improving global health relies on understanding its core social, economic, political, environmental and ideological aspects. A multi-disciplinary group of authors suggest not only theoretically compelling arguments for what we must do, but also provide practical recommendations as to how we can promote global health despite contemporary constraints. The importance of cross-cultural dialogue and utilisation of ethical tools in tackling global health problems is emphasised. Thoroughly updated, new or expanded topics include: mass displacement of people; novel threats, including new infectious diseases; global justice; and ecological ethics and planetary sustainability. Offering a diverse range of perspectives, this volume is essential for bioethicists, public health practitioners and philosophers.
This chapter looks at the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), one of Central Africa’s longest-running separatist insurgencies. It examines the FLEC’s evolution of the last four decades and seeks to shed light on the reasons for the movement’s splintering into numerous factions over the years. The chapter argues that in spite of the FLEC’s divisions along ethnic, religious, and linguistic lines that have characterized the movement over the years, the government’s strategy of co-optation and unwillingness to engage in meaningful peace talks—coupled with a lack of interest from the international community—are equally to blame for what has become one of Africa’s most intractable conflicts.
Angola has enjoyed few development benefits from its petroleum resources. This chapter describes how the ruling party’s periodic clampdowns on civil society and increasingly heavy-handed tactics serve to limit the autonomy of many actors to influence public debate. As a result, both reformist and confrontational strategies are unlikely to have a significant impact on the government’s management of petroleum resources. An important aspect of the situation in Angola is the polarization of society and the country’s decades of civil war, driven in part by external powers using different Angolan political-military blocs as proxies. In that regard, there are similarities with the polarization of several Latin American oil- and gas-producing states, but the role of external political influence and the level of violence have probably been greater in Angola. Angola also resembles the post-Soviet states in that there is a relatively diverse and active civil society, but some of the main civil society actors have been created, promoted or co-opted by the state.
This chapter discusses the governing of oil extraction in Ecuador, the formation of oil enclaves, and indigenous responses to the establishment and operation of oil fields. It focuses on a specific case; the exploration and exploitation of oil by the Consortium Arco Oriente, later AGIP, in Oil field 10 in Pastaza province, part of Ecuadorian Amazonia. Oil exploration and production in this part of Ecuadorian Amazonia have prompted different types of indigenous responses; organized indigenous resistance on the one hand, and a parallel cooperation between certain communities, newly established indigenous organizations, and the oil company on the other.
This chapter explores unruly engagements in the case of an onshore oil spill in Amazonia. “Unruly engagements” refers here to the oil company’s strategies for handling knowledge, information, participation, resources, and relationships in irregular ways in order to manage the effects of contamination and to remain detached from its social and environmental responsibilities. Currently, in the Peruvian Amazon, these strategies reinforce a form of extraction that enables the oil company to operate relatively undisturbed from the critique of public entities and civil society, and their calls for remediating action.
Zusammenfassung:
Der Nexus von Erdöl, Staat und Entwicklung wird gegenwärtig kontrovers diskutiert. Galt Erdölreichtum lange Zeit als entwicklungspolitischer Fluch und Basis autoritärer Regime, lässt sich seit Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts ein neuer Rohstoffoptimismus beobachten. Der massive Preisverfall relativiert gleichwohl Hoffnungen auf wirtschaftliche und soziale Entwicklungserfolge durch die Erdölförderung. Der Beitrag diskutiert die aktuellen Kontroversen, zeigt zentrale Leerstellen der Debatte auf und analysiert diese anschließend auf Basis einer vergleichenden Analyse der Fallstudien Kuwait, Venezuela und Angola. Dabei wird gezeigt, dass allgemeine Aussagen über die Konsequenzen der Erdölabhängigkeit der Diversität der Fälle nicht gerecht werden. Statt weiter an etablierten Dichotomien festzuhalten, wird abschließend für ein komplexes qualitativ orientiertes Forschungsdesign zur Analyse von Rentengesellschaften plädiert.
Geography is witnessing a “boom” in energy research that has emerged alongside renewed interest in the humanities and social sciences over the role of energy in shaping modern social life. In this review article, I suggest that geographers need to connect better with new debates in critical social theory over energy through an emphasis on energy's role in the social production of space. I first review recent interventions in the social sciences and humanities on energy and suggest that as insightful as they are, they lack an attention to geography. It reviews how energy used to be a central theoretical concept in geography - specifically through “cultural ecological” approaches that saw the flow of energy and nutrients through human groups as a central aspect in explaining their cultural traits. The rise of political ecology - and its focus on resources rather than energy - led to energy becoming seen as simply an empirical object on inquiry as opposed to an underlying concept. Second, I argue political ecologies of energy are central to the production and reproduction of geopolitical imaginaries of nationhood and international relations, and thus, energy should be at the center of theorizing these ideas. Third, although geographers have long viewed urbanization as a sociospatial - and increasingly socioecological - process, the role of energy in shaping the material infrastructure and uneven nature of cities has been less discussed. Fourth, the ways in which energy is consumed, and the way energy shapes the geographies of everyday practice, is a critical aspect in the production of space. Fifth, I suggest that any energy transition toward a low-carbon energy system must understand that new energy systems will also require new spatialities and new spatial imaginations.
Angola is one of the most contradictory countries in the world. It has among the worst health and educational indicators, due to the war that tore it apart for more than 30 years. At the same time, it has one of the world's fastest rates of economic growth, thanks to the oil money that flows into the country. The country needs to (re)build its infrastructure – roads, schools, hospitals, and so on – and to develop its educational and health systems. Oil companies are deeply involved in this, through the process known as angolanização (Angolanisation). Through their corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies, they finance and implement social projects. They are thus replacing development NGOs, which never seized the market for the reconstruction of Angola. This article analyses the specificities of the oil companies' participation in the public health sector, looking at the changes their intervention is causing in the model of development. It concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these changes for the shape of the Angolan State.
Ocean spaces are a dynamic arena of political transformation and claims-making essential to the unfolding of late capitalism. Indicative of the expanding geography of oil prospecting in the South Atlantic Ocean, the deep waters of the western Gulf of Guinea map a political economic frontier encompassing the maritime zones and resources of a swath of West African nation-states stretching from Senegal to Benin. In Ghana, the country at the leading edge of this extractive front and a harbinger of regional trends, these developments are premised on innovative arrangements of maritime governance. Namely, offshore extraction extends and alters the conventions of territorial rule in maritime space, recasting state authority to fit the distinctive contours of deepwater petrocapital.
For more than 500 years, the Portuguese built or adapted fortifications along the coasts of Africa, Asia and South America. At a macro scale, mapping this network of power reveals a gigantic territorial and colonial project. Forts articulated the colonial and the metropolitan, and functioned as nodes in a mercantile empire, shaping early forms of capitalism, transforming the global political economy, and generating a flood of images and ideas on an unprecedented scale. Today, they can be understood as active material legacies of empire that represent promises, dangers and possibilities. Forts are marks and wounds of the history of human violence, but also timely reminders that buildings never last forever, testimonies of the fluidity of the material world. Illustrated by case studies in Morocco, Cape Verde, São Tomé and Príncipe and Kenya, this book examines how this global but chameleonic network of forts can offer valuable insights into both the geopolitics of Empire and their postcolonial legacies, and into the intersection of colonialism, memory, power and space in the postcolonial Lusophone world and beyond.
Contents: Preface; Ruins and imperial legacies: global geographies of Portuguese-built forts; Portugal's 'weekend at the coast': Fort Jesus and empire celebrations in Kenya; (Post)colonial voices at Fort Jesus, Kenya; Mitigating the past: landscapes and memory fabrications in Cape Verde; A neglected trophy, elusive oil and re-workings of memory in São Tomé e Principe; In the shadows of Mazagan: the Medina of Azamour, Morocco; Conclusions; Bibliography; Index.
According to the conventional economic view, countries which possess rich natural resource endowments are considered fortunate. This view is supported by neo-classical economic theory, which contends that countries are best off producing goods in which they have a comparative advantage, be it natural resources or manufactured items. The older literature assumed that a multitude of natural resources would facilitate growth. However, beginning in the late 1980s, empirical studies showed an opposing trend, asserting that an abundance of natural resources increases the likelihood that countries will experience negative economic, political and social outcomes, including poor economic performance, increased income inequality, widespread poverty, low levels of democracy, high levels of corruption and a greater likelihood of civil war. This literature has been extremely influential: the idea that natural resources are counterproductive to development is now widely accepted.
Resource booms are seen to have a broad and mostly negative impact on the economies, societies and politics of the respective countries. However, after two decades of research on the issue, there is still no conclusive evidence regarding the effects - and even less so regarding the causal mechanisms - of the so-called ‘resource curse’. Most of the literature on the economic and socio-economic challenges of resource booms is based on large-N studies, where conclusions are drawn from correlations of country-level variables for a large set of countries.
Very few analyses of resource booms have taken into account the decision-making processes and the interrelated conflicts of interest or political calculations of the actors involved. At the same time, there is a growing consensus in the academic literature that institutional weakness is central to the explanation of the negative effects of resource booms. The quality of institutions is considered a fundamental factor in determining a country's economic performance. Sound macroeconomic or microeconomic policies need an institutional structure to support them. Several studies stress the role of institutions and good governance in offsetting the negative effects caused by resource booms.
In the literature on resource booms, there is no single explanation of what constitutes a ‘blessing’ rather than a ‘curse’, nor is there agreement on any collection of explanations. This lack of consensus argues for applying a case-by-case approach rather than trying to force some sort of generalization. Accordingly, this review is based on the assumption that the negative consequences of a resource boom are by no means an inevitable ‘curse’, but rather the result of specific policy choices. Indeed, some resource-rich countries manage the related challenges very well, and thus mitigate or avoid the negative impact.
Recent “oil shocks” in the form of not only price volatility, but also catastrophic oil spills, growing acceptance of climate change, and public contestations over oil wars and major projects, have multiplied in recent years – indications that the spaces and practices of energy intensive social formations are becoming increasingly politicized objects of concern. The paper summarizes the petro-state thesis and reviews recent contributions on the geographies of oil. While the petro-state is useful for conceptualizing some aspects of the political dynamics of oil, it fails to capture some of the dynamics of concern in four major areas of work on geographies of oil: petro-capitalism and economies of oil violence, socially produced scarcity, petro-state(s) and expanded oil polities, and the “new realities of oil,” such as price volatility, changes in size and location of demand and supply, and the energy dilemmas associated with energy security and climate change. The conclusion discusses recent work that ties the political geographies of oil to geographies everyday life, pointing to a research agenda for integrating the consideration hydrocarbons into wider geographical inquiries.
Oil scholarship often focuses on oil as money, as if the industry were a mere revenue-producing machine—a black box with predictable effects. Drawing on fieldwork in Equatorial Guinea, I take the industry as my object of analysis: infrastructures, labor regimes, forms of expertise and fantasy. Starting from a visit to an offshore rig, I explore the idea of “modularity”—mobile personnel, technologies, and legal structures that enable offshore work in Equatorial Guinea to function “just like” offshore work elsewhere. Anthropologists often characterize as naive the simplifications of modular processes, the evacuation of specificity they entail. Yet for the industry in Equatorial Guinea, this evacuation of specificity was neither mistake nor flaw. Tracing the making of modularity shows how corporations can appear removed from local entanglements and also helps to clarify the “how” of capitalism—the work required to frame heterogeneity and contingency into the profit and power found in many global capitalist projects.
Changes in deepwater techniques for oil production are described with reference to the history of early deepwater installations such as the Bullwinkle platform in the Gulf of Mexico. The development of processing hubs in the Gulf of Mexico by GulfTerra Energy Partners LP is outlined. Changes in the design of floating structures for supporting deepwater processing facilities are discussed with reference to Kerr-McGee's cell spar designed for the Red Hawk field.
The increasing dependence on fisheries as a source of livelihood in the maritime states of Nigeria has been associated with intensive management of available resources and an upsurge of contestation of ownership and use rights. In Ondo and Rivers States, infringements on the rights of ownership and use and violation of resource management rules have been the major sources of conflict associated with the artisanal fisheries. It has been possible to resolve the emerging conflicts through non‐adjudicatory approaches such as negotiation, mediation, and arbitration. In these approaches the organization of conflict resolution is informal and the operational rules are clear, reconciliatory, and easily comprehensible. The strength and resilience of the approaches lie in the cohesiveness of the social, kinship, linguistic, and cultural interconnections among the owners and users of the fishing grounds. Usually, the resolution of conflict is accomplished speedily and openly and the process is relatively inexpensive.
Empirical studies have found a strong positive association between dependence on petroleum exports and the incidence and duration of civil war, yet these analyses remain largely bounded within a national level of analysis. Our case study of Colombia suggests that the international and transnational dimensions of oil, in particular the role of foreign direct investment and the centrality of global geopolitics, have an important influence on resource conflict. Processes of conflict generated by local productive activities pose perceived and real threats to supply, generating new security arrangements that reshape the material and discursive strategies of local and transnational actors. The linkages and interactions between local, national and transnational actors are therefore crucial to understanding the relationship between oil and conflict.
The oil price increases in the 1970s caused a transfer of wealth from importers to exporters and resulted in three major consequences. It led to a series of shocks in the economies of the industrial countries. It reduced further the slow pace of growth in the non-OPEC LDCs, and it distorted the sectoral growth in OPEC itself. Such unwarranted results have attracted the attention of both scholars and decision makers.
By showing that small-scale fishermen practice a number of forms of self-regulation, among them some that many have referred to as “property” at sea, anthropologists have challenged the assumptions of the “tragedy of the commons” model—that unregulated harvesting of a common-property resource is the cause of depletion of sea resources. Some have been inspired by ecological models of territoriality developed to explain the behavior of human foragers. We argue that rules of access to sea resources can only be understood in the context of the total socioeconomic system of which they form a part, including its land-based component. We also suggest that while the concept of ownership does apply to some forms of sea tenure, the extension of the concept to include informal rules of access is obfuscatory. [fishing, ownership, sea tenure, ecology, states]
Harmful effects of five third-generation oil dispersants (Inipol IP-90, Petrotech PTI-25, Bioreico R-93, Biosolve and Emulgal C-100) on planula larvae of the Red Sea stony coral Stylophora pistillata and the soft coral Heteroxenia fuscescense were evaluated in short-term (2–96 h) bioassays. Larvae were exposed to Egyptian oil water soluble fractions (WSFs), dispersed oil water accommodated fractions (WAFs) and dispersants dissolved in seawater, in different concentrations. Mortality, settlement rates and the appearance of morphological and behavioural deformations were measured. While oil WSF treatments resulted in reductions in planulae settlement only, treatments by all dispersants tested revealed a further decrease in settlement rates and additional high toxicity. Dispersed oil exposures resulted in a dramatic increase in toxicity to both coral larvae species. Furthermore, dispersants and WAFs treatments caused larval morphology deformations, loss of normal swimming behaviour and rapid tissue degeneration. Out of the five tested dispersion agents, the chemical Petrotech PTI-25 displayed the least toxicity to coral larvae. We suggest avoidance of the use of chemical dispersion in cases of oil spills near or within coral reef habitats.
Benguela Current Large Marine Ecosystem Belgian Congo. See Republic of Congo Belgian Survival Fund
- Bclme
- See
BCLME. See Benguela Current Large
Marine Ecosystem
Belgian Congo. See Republic of Congo
Belgian Survival Fund, 82
157 Churches: Baptist, 36; Congregationalist, 36; Evangelical, 167, 168, 169, 258n60; government infiltration of
- Abel Chivukuvuku
Chivukuvuku, Abel, 157
Churches: Baptist, 36; Congregationalist, 36; Evangelical, 167, 168, 169,
258n60; government infiltration
of, 167 -68;
See also Catholic Church Citibank
- Methodist
Methodist, 36. See also
Catholic Church
Citibank, 39
Defence Systems Limited Dutch Disease
- Dsl
- See
DSL. See Defence Systems Limited
Dutch Disease, 29
184, 243n35; protests for, 99 -100; subsidies
- Electricity
Electricity, 108, 184, 243n35; protests
for, 99 -100; subsidies, 27, 218n20
Environmental Protection Agency Escola para os Professores do Futuro (EPF)
- Epa
- See
EPA. See Environmental Protection
Agency
Escola para os Professores do Futuro
(EPF), 184, 264n17
Expatriates: in oil sector jobs, 88 -89 Exploration: oil
- Eximbank
Eximbank, 42, 227n67
Expatriates: in oil sector jobs, 88 -89
Exploration: oil, 58 -60
Forças Armadas Angolanas Farming, 8, 11, 57, 149, 223n46 FCD. See Fórum Cabindês para o Diálogo Federal Energy Regulatory Commission
- Faa
- See
FAA. See Forças Armadas Angolanas
Farming, 8, 11, 57, 149, 223n46
FCD. See Fórum Cabindês para o
Diálogo
Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (U.S.), 91
67 -68; LNG development and, 92 -93; and offshore operations, 98 -99, 247n6; pollution and
- Fisheries
Fisheries, 10, 214n12, 224n51, 247 -48nn9, 10; artisanal, 11, 69, 80 -81,
82 -83, 84; Cabinda, 109 -19, 121;
impacts on, 7, 8 -9, 67 -68; LNG
development and, 92 -93; and offshore operations, 98 -99, 247n6; pollution and, 15, 57, 58, 59 -60, 62 -63,
112 -13, 239n73
Frente para a Libertação do Enclave de Cabinda FLEC-FAC. See Frente para a Libertação do Enclave de Cabinda-Forças Armadas de Cabinda / Index FLEC-Lubota
- Flec
- See
FLEC. See Frente para a Libertação do
Enclave de Cabinda
FLEC-FAC. See Frente para a Libertação do Enclave de Cabinda-Forças
Armadas de Cabinda
/
Index
FLEC-Lubota, 161 -62
See Frente para a Libertação do Enclave de Cabinda-Renovada Floating production storage and offloading systems (FPSOs)
- Flec-Nova Visão
FLEC-Nova Visão, 160, 161, 259n64
FLEC-R. See Frente para a Libertação
do Enclave de Cabinda-Renovada
Floating production storage and offloading systems (FPSOs), 25 -26
See Floating production storage and offloading systems
- Fpsos
FPSOs. See Floating production storage and offloading systems
See Fuel GDA. See Global Development Alliance Genocide: suspected plots of
- Gasoline
Gasoline. See Fuel
GDA. See Global Development Alliance
Genocide: suspected plots of, 191 -92
209, 236n42, 265n26; Cabinda, 187 -88, 189; in California
- Health Health
- System
Health, health system, 17, 108, 209,
236n42, 265n26; Cabinda, 187 -88, 189; in California, 206, 208;
149 Illiteracy: of artisanal fishermen
- Ikazu
Ikazu, 149
Illiteracy: of artisanal fishermen, 125,
126
Instituto de Pesca Artesanal Iraq: crude oil from
- Ipa
- See
IPA. See Instituto de Pesca Artesanal
Iraq: crude oil from, 209, 210
170 Newspapers: repression of
- João Neto
- Baptista
Neto, João Baptista, 170
Newspapers: repression of, 55
241 -42n22 Oil dependency
- Soyo
Soyo, 76 -80, 240n9,
241 -42n22
Oil dependency, 18 -19, 29, 34, 69,
210 -11
96, 101; protests for electricity in
- Pángala
Pángala, 76, 78, 86, 93, 95, 96, 101;
protests for electricity in, 99 -100
See Democratic Party for Progress -Angolan National Alliance Pédalé
- Pdp-Ana
PDP-ANA. See Democratic Party
for Progress -Angolan National
Alliance
Pédalé, Commander, 49
Rapid intervention police Pitra "Petroff
- Pir
- See
PIR. See Rapid intervention police
Pitra "Petroff," Santana André, 56
253 -54n32; and Cabinda
- Portugal
Portugal, 48, 214 -15n18, 222n43,
230n20, 237n50, 240n5, 253 -54n32; and Cabinda, 47, 166, 186,
227 -28nn5 -7
Publish What You Pay Quinfuquena oil terminal
- Pwyp
- See
PWYP. See Publish What You Pay
Quinfuquena oil terminal, 51, 76, 93,
97
Roc Oil Company Limited Rocha
- Roc
- See
ROC. See Roc Oil Company Limited
Rocha, Daniel, 177
237 -38n55; in oil sector jobs
- Salaries
Salaries, 237 -38n55; in oil sector jobs,
89, 178 -79
164, 170; Chevron's development money, 184 , 197; election of, 40, 51; environmental regulations, 66 -67; oil industry and, 64, 224n49; patronage networks
- Santos
Santos, José Eduardo dos, 6, 27, 33, 37,
39, 141, 200, 202, 219 -20n30, 220 -21n34, 234 -35nn39, 40, 237n52; and
Cabinda, 47, 120 -21, 138, 142, 143,
144, 157, 164, 170; Chevron's development money, 184, 197; election
of, 40, 51; environmental regulations, 66 -67; oil industry and, 64,
224n49; patronage networks, 30 -32; repressive governance, 54 -55,
56; and United States, 53, 192 -93,
227n66
39, 245n54; civil war, 51, 240n8; community development, 95 -96
- Soyo
Soyo (Santo António do Zaire), 10,
11, 13, 15, 66, 86, 99, 214nn10, 12,
234 -35n39, 240nn1, 2, 7, 241nn13,
14, 243nn38, 39, 245n54; civil war,
51, 240n8; community development, 95 -96; employment in, 87,
243 -44nn40 -42; infrastructure in,
93 -94; LNG in, 102 -3, 178, 246n60;
offshore operations in, 80 -86, 98,
240nn6, 7; oil industry in, 22, 70 -71, 76 -80, 240n9, 241 -42nn20 -22;
248 -49n16; LNG development
- Csrs
CSRs, 175 -78, 179 -80, 203, 262n1,
271n25; donations by, 196 -97; environmental practices, 12 -13, 66, 81 -82, 248 -49n16; LNG development,
90 -93; oil concessions, 22 -23; oil
dependence and, 18 -19; sabotage of,
100 -101; territorialization, 172 -74
See Petro-violence War. See Civil war Waste pits, 241n20; Total's treatment of
- Violence
Violence. See Petro-violence
War. See Civil war
Waste pits, 241n20; Total's treatment
of, 79 -80
Zone d'Intérêt Commun Zinga Luemba
- Zic
- See
ZIC. See Zone d'Intérêt Commun
Zinga Luemba, José Tibúrcio, 143,
160, 161, 193