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Abstract
This chapter examines how historical and social factors impact community perspectives, receptivity, and potential motivation to improve food marketing environments. We explore the diversity of African Americans’ perspectives of marketing and the contextual factors that support different beliefs and responses. Given the nature and history of Black Americans as consumers, it is no surprise that de-marketing unhealthy food and beverages proves to be quite challenging. Insights from the community perspective are necessary in order to develop social and counter-marketing activities to support healthy food environments.
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... A study conducted by the Rudd Center indicated that this approach might be effective when parents are made aware of targeted marketing to their children [15]. However, evidence from consumer research indicates that marketing, including ethnically targeted marketing, is not always viewed as problematic, and also may not be seen by consumers as particularly influential on their behavior [10,16]. In fact, for ethnic groups or other populations that have been historically excluded from, or less valued in the mainstream marketplace, views of ethnic marketing may be positive-signaling recognition and respect. ...
... Eligible participants were invited to discuss food and beverage marketing in their communities, and were told participation required attendance at one 60-75 min and one 30-45 min focus group, separated by about one week. Youth (ages [16][17][18] and adults (ages 19 and older) were recruited for separate groups, to allow for the possibility that youth and adults might have different marketing exposures, view food marketing issues differently, or respond differently in the presence of adults. Descriptive data were collected with anonymous questionnaires. ...
... Results of pilot focus groups with adults and youth in Philadelphia indicated that a "consciousness raising" approach could be informative [16]. In the present study, the sensitization was a 12-page booklet (see Supplementary Materials). ...
Food marketing environments of Black American consumers are heavily affected by ethnically-targeted marketing of sugar sweetened beverages, fast foods, and other products that may contribute to caloric overconsumption. This qualitative study assessed Black consumers’ responses to targeted marketing. Black adults (2 mixed gender groups; total n = 30) and youth (2 gender specific groups; total n = 35) from two U.S. communities participated before and after a sensitization procedure—a critical practice used to understand social justice concerns. Pre-sensitization focus groups elicited responses to scenarios about various targeted marketing tactics. Participants were then given an informational booklet about targeted marketing to Black Americans, and all returned for the second (post-sensitization) focus group one week later. Conventional qualitative content analysis of transcripts identified several salient themes: seeing the marketer’s perspective (“it’s about demand”; “consumers choose”), respect for community (“marketers are setting us up for failure”; “making wrong assumptions”), and food environments as a social justice issue (“no one is watching the door”; “I didn’t realize”). Effects of sensitization were reflected in participants’ stated reactions to the information in the booklet, and also in the relative occurrence of marketer-oriented themes and social justice-oriented themes, respectively, less and more after sensitization.
... Youth from African American, Latino, and other communities of color are coveted target audiences for food and beverage marketers. These young people are early adopters [13,14] and heavy users of media devices [15], and are considered cultural trend-setters for their peers [16,17]. This may be in part why food and beverage companies target children and youth of color. ...
... Community-centered research suggests that despite public health concerns over target marketing of unhealthy foods and beverages, youth of color often have more nuanced relationships with food marketers. Focus groups with African American youth and adults indicate that some respondents are highly critical of using cultural cues to target their community, while others see targeting as normal business practices and praise special products or the use of popular celebrities [16]. A qualitative study examining caregiver's perceptions of African-American children's food environments revealed widespread awareness of food marketing as supporting unhealthy eating, but also loyalty to companies that sponsored local events, contributing to conflicting views about the overall impact of food companies' impact in African American communities [25]. ...
After nearly a decade of concern over the role of food and beverage marketing to youth in the childhood obesity epidemic, American children and adolescents - especially those from communities of color - are still immersed in advertising and marketing environments that primarily promote unhealthy foods and beverages. Despite some positive steps, the evidence shows that the food and beverage industry self-regulation alone is not likely to significantly reduce marketing of unhealthy foods and beverages to youth. A variety of research is needed to monitor industry marketing of unhealthy products to young people, and identify the most promising approaches to improve children's food marketing environments. The continued presence of unhealthy marketing toward children despite years of industry self-regulation suggests it is time for stronger action by policymakers to protect young people from harmful marketing practices.
... For example, substantial literature describes how racially driven target marketing creates an environment that hinders healthy eating among US Black populations (e.g., Grier & Kumanyika, 2010, 2008Grier & Lassiter, 2013). Thus, admonitions to "eat five fruits and vegetables a day" may fall on deaf ears among those who cannot purchase them due to inequitable access in neighborhoods, cannot afford them given significant wealth disparities, and may be inundated with promotions for less healthy options. ...
Discusses the use of race in social marketing efforts (for behavior change).
... It should be noted that targeted marketing recognizes Black and Latino consumers as important customers and is not inherently problematic. Ethnic and minority populations that have been historically excluded from the mainstream marketplace may view targeted marketing as a positive signal of recognition, citizenship, and marketplace equality (DiSantis et al., 2017;Grier & Lassiter, 2013). However, targeted marketing raises social and ethical issues when it promotes nutrient-poor food and beverages and likely contributes to health disparities affecting Black and Latino communities (Barnes, 2010;Grier & Kumanyika, 2010;Harris et al., 2013;Williams et al., 2012;Yancey et al., 2009). ...
Food marketing targeted to Black and Latino adolescents primarily promotes energy-dense, nutrient-poor foods and likely contributes to diet-related health disparities. Targeted marketing raises further public health concerns as Black and Latino youth are also exposed to greater amounts of unhealthy food marketing in the media and their communities. However, little is known about Black and Latino adolescents’ attitudes toward brands and marketing that target them directly. Focus groups with Black and Latino adolescents (N= 51) explored their attitudes toward targeted and non-targeted brands of food, beverages, and restaurants. Pile sorting activities using cards printed with targeted and non-targeted brand logos were used as an elicitation technique. Overall, participants indicated more positive attitudes about the targeted brands discussed in the focus groups than the non-targeted brands, and participants often described targeted brands as being for someone most like them. Some participants expressed appreciation for marketing that recognized “someone like them” as potential consumers, while others raised ethical issues regarding targeting of unhealthy foods. Participants’ strong affinity for targeted brands, and ambivalent attitudes about targeted marketing of unhealthy products, highlight an opportunity to increase awareness of food marketing targeting communities of color and address targeted marketing through countermarketing and grassroots advocacy campaigns.
Obesity prevalence in black/African American children and adults of both sexes is high overall and compared with US whites. What we know, and do not know, about how to enhance the effectiveness of obesity prevention and treatment interventions in African Americans is the focus of the 10 articles in this special issue of Obesity Reviews. The evidence base is limited in quantity and quality and insufficient to provide clear guidance. With respect to children, there is relatively consistent, but not definitive support for prioritizing the systematic implementation and evaluation of child-focused interventions in pre-school and school settings and outside of school time. For adults or all ages, developing and refining e-health approaches and faith-based or other culturally and contextually relevant approaches, including translation of the Diabetes Prevention Program intervention to community settings is indicated. Major evidence gaps were identified with respect to interventions with black men and boys, ways to increase participation and retention of black adults in lifestyle behaviour change programmes, and studies of the impact of environmental and policy changes on eating and physical activity in black communities. Bold steps related to research funding priorities, research infrastructure and methodological guidelines are recommended to improve the quantity and quality of research in this domain.
Obesity prevalence and related health burdens are greater among U.S. racial/ethnic minority and low-income populations. Targeted advertising may contribute to disparities. Designated market area (DMA) spot television ratings were used to assess geographic differences in child/adolescent exposure to food-related advertisements based on DMA-level racial/ethnic and income characteristics. Controlling for unobserved DMA-level factors and time trends, child/adolescent exposure to food-related ads, particularly for sugar-sweetened beverages and fast-food restaurants, was significantly higher in areas with higher proportions of black children/adolescents and lower-income households. Geographically targeted TV ads are important to consider when assessing obesity-promoting influences in black and low-income neighborhoods.
Recommended obesity prevention interventions target multiple levels. Effective advocacy is needed to influence factors at individual, social, environmental, and policy levels. This paper describes the rationale for engaging youth in obesity prevention advocacy efforts targeting environment and policy changes to improve nutrition and physical activity. Advocacy involves education, skill development, and behavior and attitude changes, with the goal of persuading others or taking action. Youth advocacy has been successfully used in substance use prevention, but it is relatively new in obesity prevention. A model is presented to guide intervention and evaluation in youth advocacy for obesity prevention. With youth advocacy as a central construct, the model outlines inputs and outcomes of advocacy at individual, social environment, built environment, and policy levels. The model can be used and refined in youth advocacy evaluation projects. By involving youth in their communities, advocacy can produce ownership, engagement, and future involvement yielding sustainable changes.
Contrary to research that suggests Blacks can only be reached effectively with Black-oriented media, this research demonstrates that there appears to be a subset of the Black population that can be reached equally well with White targeted media as they can with Black-targeted media. The study findings confirm expectations that Blacks’ differential responses to race-targeted Web sites are mediated by their level of ethnic identification. Blacks with strong ethnic identities spent more time browsing a site and viewing each story when the site was targeted to Blacks than Whites. Blacks with strong ethnic identities also rated the site and the stories more favorably when browsing the Black-targeted site compared to the White-targeted site. In contrast, Blacks with weak ethnic identities displayed no difference in their browsing time on the sites and stories or their rating of the sites and stories based on the racial target of the Internet site.
This article develops a ‘social identity’ perspective to the study of consumption. It builds on Richard Jenkins’ distinction between internal and external definitions of collective identity and explores the interplay of these definitions in the realm of consumption. Evidence is collected from interviews with marketing professionals who specialize in the African-American market segment to show that this theoretical approach complements and improves on existing approaches. Marketing professionals’ interpretations of the black consumer’s distinctiveness are used to map the twin processes of internal and external definitions of collective identity for African-Americans. The interviews suggest that marketing professionals (1) actively shape the meanings of the category of ‘the black consumer’ for the public at large; (2) promote powerful normative models of collective identity that equate social membership with conspicuous consumption; (3) believe that African-Americans use consumption to defy racism and share collective identities most valued in American society (e.g. middle-class membership); and (4) simultaneously enact a positive vision of their cultural distinctiveness.
This study describes a content analysis of food advertisements featured in television programming popular with children. Advertisements featuring no Black primary characters were compared on the basis of character and food attributes with ads featuring at least one Black primary character. Advertised foods were then analyzed for the compliance of their nutritional content with the federal government's recommended daily values (RDVs) of select nutrients. Analyses revealed notable differences between ads depicting Black characters and ads without Black characters. Compared with ads without Black characters, ads with Black characters were more likely to sell convenience foods, especially fast foods, yet less likely to feature overweight characters. Ads without Black characters, in contrast, were more likely to sell foods high in sugar. Overall there were few differences in the nutritional breakdown of foods advertised in ads with and without Black characters, mainly because both types of ads tended to sell nutritionally unbalanced foods. A 2,000-calorie diet of foods advertised in both types of ads would exceed RDVs of total fat, saturated fat, and sodium, yet fail to provide RDVs of fiber and certain vitamins and minerals.
Purpose
To help shape a more cohesive research program in marketing and consumer research, this paper presents a systematic effort to integrate current research on consumer empowerment with highly influential theories of power. A conceptual overview of power consisting of three dominant theoretical models is developed onto which is mapped existing consumer empowerment research.
Design/methodology/approach
A synthetic review focuses on three perspectives of consumer power: consumer sovereignty, cultural power and discursive power, drawing from sociological, philosophical and economic literature. These models are then applied to consumer research to illuminate research applications and insights.
Findings
Research of consumer empowerment has grown significantly over the last decade. Yet, researchers drawing from a variety of intellectual and methodological traditions have generated a multitude of heuristic simplifications and mid‐level theories of power to inform their empirical and conceptual explorations. This review helps clarify consumer empowerment, and offers a useful map for future research.
Research limitations/implications
Researchers in consumer empowerment need to understand the historical development of power, and to contextualize research within conflicting perspectives on empowerment.
Originality/value
The paper makes several contributions: organizes a currently cluttered field of consumer empowerment research, connects consumer and marketing research to high‐level theorizations of power, and outlines specific avenues for future research.
Since the 1980s, immigrant children and children of immigrant parentage have become the fastest growing and the most extraordinarily diverse segment of America's child population. Until the recent past, however, scholarly attention has focused on adult immigrants to the neglect of their offspring, creating a profound gap between the strategic importance of the new second generation and the knowledge about its socioeconomic circumstances. The purpose of this article is to pull together existing studies that bear directly or indirectly on children's immigrant experiences and adaptational outcomes and to place these studies into a general framework that can facilitate a better understanding of the new second generation. The article first describes the changing trends in the contexts of the reception the new second generation has encountered. The article then discusses the ways in which conventional theoretical perspectives about immigrant adaptation are being challenged and alternative frameworks are being d...
This study of African-American consumers living in a large racially segregated midwestern city adds to extant theory on ideology in consumer behavior by considering the role of normative political ideology in provisioning. The specific roles of traditional black liberal and black nationalist political ideologies are discussed. We conclude that normative political ideology is central to understanding shopping as an expression of social and political relations between households confronting attenuated access to goods and services, ranging from housing to food, in a setting stratified by gender, race, and class. Beyond the specifics of this demographic group and setting, we suggest contemporary consumption in the United States is a primary arena in which political ideology is expressed and constructed.
Fast-food marketing to children is considered a contributor to childhood obesity. Effects of marketing on parents may also contribute to childhood obesity. The authors explore relevant hypotheses with data from caregivers of 2-to 12-year-old children in medically underserved communities. The results have implications for obesity-related public policies and social marketing strategies.
Liliana Escobar-Chaves and Craig Anderson investigate two important trends among American youth and examine the extent to which the two trends might be related. First, the authors note that U.S. youth are spending increasing amounts of time using electronic media, with the average American youngster now spending one-third of each day with some form of electronic media. Second, the authors demonstrate that American adolescents are engaging in a number of unhealthful behaviors that impose huge societal costs.
Escobar-Chaves and Anderson detail the extent of five critical types of adolescent health risk behaviors identified by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention—obesity, smoking, drinking, sexual risk taking, and violence. Obesity, the authors note, has become an epidemic among America's young people. Cigarette smoking among adolescents is one of the ten leading health indicators of greatest government concern. Alcohol abuse and alcohol dependence are widespread problems among the nation's youth and are the source of the three leading causes of death among youth. More than 20 percent of American high school students have sexual intercourse for the first time before they reach the age of fourteen. And twelve- to twenty-year-olds perpetrated 28 percent of the single-offender and 41 percent of multiple-offender violent crimes in the United States in 2005.
Escobar-Chaves and Anderson present and evaluate research findings on the influence of electronic media on these five risk behaviors among adolescents. Researchers, they say, have found modest evidence that media consumption contributes to the problem of obesity, modest to strong evidence that it contributes to drinking and smoking, and strong evidence that it contributes to violence. Research has been insufficient to find links between heavy media exposure and early sexual initiation.
The authors note the need for more large-scale longitudinal studies that specifically examine the cumulative effects of electronic media on risky health behavior.
The goals of the Central California Regional Obesity Prevention Program (CCROPP) are to promote safe places for physical activity, increase access to fresh fruits and vegetables, and support community and youth engagement in local and regional efforts to change nutrition and physical activity environments for obesity prevention. CCROPP has created a community-driven policy and environmental change model for obesity prevention with local and regional elements in low-income, disadvantaged ethnic and rural communities in a climate of poor resources and inadequate infrastructure. Evaluation data collected from 2005-2009 demonstrate that CCROPP has made progress in changing nutrition and physical activity environments by mobilizing community members, engaging and influencing policymakers, and forming organizational partnerships.
The objective of this study was to investigate trends in prevalence of high BMI from 2001 to 2008 and examine racial/ethnic disparities.
Records for a total of 8 283 718 fifth-, seventh-, and ninth-grade students who underwent California's school-based BMI screening between 2001 and 2008 were included. Logistic regression identified trends in prevalence of high BMI (>or=85th, >or=95th, >or=97th, and >or=99th percentiles).
For 3 of 4 BMI cut points, prevalence continued to increase for black and American Indian girls through 2008, Hispanic girls plateaued after 2005, non-Hispanic white girls declined to 2001 prevalence levels after peaking in 2005, and Asian girls showed no increases. Non-Hispanic white boys peaked in 2005, then declined to 2001 prevalence levels for all BMI cut points; Hispanic and Asian boys declined after 2005 (for 3 lowest BMI cut points only) but remained above 2001 levels; and American Indian boys peaked later (2007) and declined only for BMI>or=95th. No girls and few boys showed a decline after peaking in prevalence of BMI>or=99th percentile. In 2008, disparities in prevalence were greatest for BMI>or=99th percentile, with prevalence of 4.9% for American Indian girls and 4.6% for black girls versus 1.3% for non-Hispanic white girls.
On the basis of statewide California data, prevalence of high BMI is declining for some groups but has not declined for American Indian and black girls. These trends portend greater disparities over time, particularly in severe obesity. Interventions and policies that are tailored to the highest risk groups should be pursued.
The prevalence of obesity increased in the United States between 1976-1980 and 1988-1994 and again between 1988-1994 and 1999-2000.
To examine trends in obesity from 1999 through 2008 and the current prevalence of obesity and overweight for 2007-2008.
Analysis of height and weight measurements from 5555 adult men and women aged 20 years or older obtained in 2007-2008 as part of the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), a nationally representative sample of the US population. Data from the NHANES obtained in 2007-2008 were compared with results obtained from 1999 through 2006.
Estimates of the prevalence of overweight and obesity in adults. Overweight was defined as a body mass index (BMI) of 25.0 to 29.9. Obesity was defined as a BMI of 30.0 or higher.
In 2007-2008, the age-adjusted prevalence of obesity was 33.8% (95% confidence interval [CI], 31.6%-36.0%) overall, 32.2% (95% CI, 29.5%-35.0%) among men, and 35.5% (95% CI, 33.2%-37.7%) among women. The corresponding prevalence estimates for overweight and obesity combined (BMI > or = 25) were 68.0% (95% CI, 66.3%-69.8%), 72.3% (95% CI, 70.4%-74.1%), and 64.1% (95% CI, 61.3%-66.9%). Obesity prevalence varied by age group and by racial and ethnic group for both men and women. Over the 10-year period, obesity showed no significant trend among women (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] for 2007-2008 vs 1999-2000, 1.12 [95% CI, 0.89-1.32]). For men, there was a significant linear trend (AOR for 2007-2008 vs 1999-2000, 1.32 [95% CI, 1.12-1.58]); however, the 3 most recent data points did not differ significantly from each other.
In 2007-2008, the prevalence of obesity was 32.2% among adult men and 35.5% among adult women. The increases in the prevalence of obesity previously observed do not appear to be continuing at the same rate over the past 10 years, particularly for women and possibly for men.
The prevalence of high body mass index (BMI) among children and adolescents in the United States appeared to plateau between 1999 and 2006.
To provide the most recent estimates of high BMI among children and adolescents and high weight for recumbent length among infants and toddlers and to analyze trends in prevalence between 1999 and 2008.
The National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey 2007-2008, a representative sample of the US population with measured heights and weights on 3281 children and adolescents (2 through 19 years of age) and 719 infants and toddlers (birth to 2 years of age).
Prevalence of high weight for recumbent length (> or = 95th percentile of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention growth charts) among infants and toddlers. Prevalence of high BMI among children and adolescents defined at 3 levels: BMI for age at or above the 97th percentile, at or above the 95th percentile, and at or above the 85th percentile of the BMI-for-age growth charts. Analyses of trends by age, sex, and race/ethnicity from 1999-2000 to 2007-2008.
In 2007-2008, 9.5% of infants and toddlers (95% confidence interval [CI], 7.3%-11.7%) were at or above the 95th percentile of the weight-for-recumbent-length growth charts. Among children and adolescents aged 2 through 19 years, 11.9% (95% CI, 9.8%-13.9%) were at or above the 97th percentile of the BMI-for-age growth charts; 16.9% (95% CI, 14.1%-19.6%) were at or above the 95th percentile; and 31.7% (95% CI, 29.2%-34.1%) were at or above the 85th percentile of BMI for age. Prevalence estimates differed by age and by race/ethnic group. Trend analyses indicate no significant trend between 1999-2000 and 2007-2008 except at the highest BMI cut point (BMI for age > or = 97th percentile) among all 6- through 19-year-old boys (odds ratio [OR], 1.52; 95% CI, 1.17-2.01) and among non-Hispanic white boys of the same age (OR, 1.87; 95% CI, 1.22-2.94).
No statistically significant linear trends in high weight for recumbent length or high BMI were found over the time periods 1999-2000, 2001-2002, 2003-2004, 2005-2006, and 2007-2008 among girls and boys except among the very heaviest 6- through 19-year-old boys.
Obesity may be thought of as a body weight that conveys significant risk for adverse health outcomes. In children, obesity is defined as a BMI at or above the 95th percentile for age and sex, based on population data from the 1970s (1,2). The prevalence of obesity has increased markedly in U.S. children and adolescents in the past 30 years. Obesity-related risk factors and diseases formerly seen only in adults are increasingly being recognized in obese adolescents and even younger children.
Race and ethnicity are terms used to categorize populations on the basis of shared characteristics. Race has traditionally been used to categorize populations on the basis of shared biological characteristics such as genes, skin color, and other observable features. Ethnicity is used to categorize on the basis of cultural characteristics such as shared language, ancestry, religious traditions, dietary preferences, and history. Although ethnic groups can share a range of phenotypic characteristics due to their shared ancestry, the term is typically used to highlight cultural and social characteristics instead of biological ones (3).
Both race and ethnicity are, in fact, social constructs. The assumption that race reflects only biological distinctions is inaccurate. Categories based on race account for only 3–7% of total human genetic diversity, are not reliably measured, and are not always biologically meaningful (3,4). Furthermore, both race and ethnicity are constantly evolving concepts, making the task of comparing groups or following the same group over time quite challenging. For instance, the increasing proportion of the U.S. population describing their race as “mixed” or “other,” as well as changes in ethnic self-identification across generations and occasionally even within the same generation, makes it difficult to assign individuals to invariant categories of race or ethnicity. Nevertheless, the social importance given to these constructs to describe …
A major goal of community science is to improve the quality of life in our communities by improving the quality of the practice of treatment, prevention, health promotion, and education. Community science is an interdisciplinary field, which develops and researches community‐centered models that enable communities to use evidence‐based interventions more effectively and efficiently. In this article, the gap between science and practice and the need to bridge the gap with new models serve as an entry point and guide to the development of a community science. Therefore, the article describes (1) the “prevention science” model of bringing science to practice, (2) why this model is necessary but not sufficient for influencing the quality of interventions in our everyday world, (3) the gap between science and practice and the need to integrate “prevention science” models with community‐centered models in order to bridge the gap, and (4) features of community science.
Between the Civil War and the 1920s, a consumer culture emerged which attempted to evade class tension by focusing on contrived racial differences. The vast majority of American-born whites and European immigrants alike embraced the illusion of a classless consumer culture in which opportunity was available to white citizens alone. African Americans were caricatured as being racially unsuited to those citizen privileges in consumption and labor space. Archaeological assemblages from Annapolis, Maryland demonstrate, however, that African-American consumers actively sought the opportunities consumer culture promised and articulated an anti-racist class struggle in consumer space.
This manuscript examines whether the strength of ethnic identity influences black and white adolescents' responses to advertisements featuring models of different races. The researcher digitally manipulated the race of characters in the advertisements as well as the number of race-specific cultural cues while maintaining all other visual features of these advertisements. One hundred seventy-three black and white adolescents evaluated black or white character advertisements. The findings demonstrate that black adolescents who have a strong black ethnic identity perceive themselves more similar to and identify more strongly with black character advertisements than do black adolescents with weaker ethnic identities. Other results suggest that white adolescents, despite their ethnic identity, find black character advertisements with varying degrees of black cultural cues as appealing as similar white character advertisements.
Background and Methods:
The prevalence of obesity among children and adolescents has increased, and television viewing has been suggested as a cause. We examined the relation between hours of television viewed and the prevalence of overweight in 1990, and the incidence and remission of overweight from 1986 to 1990 in a nationally representative cohort of 746 youths aged 10 to 15 years in 1990 whose mothers were 25 to 32 years old. Overweight was defined as a body mass index higher than the 85th percentile for age and gender.Results:
We observed a strong dose-response relationship between the prevalence of overweight in 1990 and hours of television viewed. The odds of being overweight were 4.6 (95% confidence interval, 2.2 to 9.6) times greater for youth watching more than 5 hours of television per day compared with those watching for 0 to 2 hours. When adjustments were made for previous overweight (in 1986), baseline maternal overweight, socioeconomic status, household structure, ethnicity, and maternal and child aptitude test scores, results were similar (odds ratio, 5.3; 95% confidence interval, 2.3 to 12.1). We also found significant relations between television viewing and increased incidence and decreased remission of overweight during this 4-year period, adjusted for baseline covariates. The adjusted odds of incidence were 8.3 (95% confidence interval, 2.6 to 26.5) times greater for youth watching more than 5 hours of television per day compared with those watching for 0 to 2 hours. Estimates of attributable risk indicate that more 60% of overweight incidence in this population can be linked to excess television viewing time.Conclusion:
Television viewing affects overweight among youth, and reductions in viewing time could help prevent this increasingly common chronic health condition.(Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 1996;150:356-362)
The research is clear: Consuming fast food endangers young people's health. Young people who eat fast food consume more calories, fat, sugar, and sugar-sweetened beverages, and less fiber, milk, fruit and vegetables than peers who do not eat fast food. 1 If today's youth consumed fast food occasionally, this would not be a public health crisis. But every day, one-third of American children and adolescents eat fast food. 2 Fast food contributes 16-17% of adolescents' total caloric intake. 3 The fast food industry spent more than 4.2 billion dollars in 2009 to advertise their products to all audiences. 4 They are marketing to children and teens more than ever – exposure to fast food ads on TV increased by 21% for preschoolers, 34% for children (2-11), and 39% for teens (12-17) from 2003 to 2009. Marketing goes far beyond television ads. The companies use websites, banner ads, and social and mobile media to reach young people.
Target marketing is an increasingly crucial component of marketing strategy, particularly given the expanding cultural diversity of the nation's population. Prior research suggests marketers need to consider the nontarget market (consumers who perceive themselves not to be the target of an advertisement) as well as the target market. Further, researchers have called for a more meaning-based approach to understanding advertising and consumer behavior. The authors therefore explore the meanings created by target and nontarget viewers of advertising targeting black, white, and gay / lesbian cultures. Their results show that asymmetries in cultural expertise, power, distinctiveness, and stigmatization among those cultural groups influence the meanings created by target and nontarget viewers of ads targeting those groups.
A distinct and significant African American elite market segment began its growth prior to the U.S. Civil War, flourished as a result of two world wars, and has continued to expand and diversify. Today, the segment comprises three subsegments including a conventional upper middle-class, the traditional elite, and the nouveau riche. This market segment is distinct both from other African American groups and from the white elite in terms of products and services consumed. This distinction results from this group's isolation and lack of opportunities through the civil rights era and the importance placed on such factors as ancestry and affiliation within this group. This paper presents a four-phase periodization model of the development of the African American elite market segment, linking its development to key events and historical eras. This segment has practiced a unique form of economic consumer activism in the marketplace—referred to as ``marketplace activism''—in the quest for respect and equal treatment in American society.
This study investigated the usefulness of the theory of reasoned action for fast food restaurant patronage decisions. The theory of reasoned action was found to generalize across four samples drawn from the United States (N = 246), Italy (N= 123), The People's Republic of China (N = 264), and Japan (N=419). However, predictions under the theory of reasoned action were found to vary, depending on the social setting (eating alone or eating with friends) and cultural orientation (independent vs. interdependent). Among other results, subjective norms were found to influence decisions when eating with friends, but not when alone; the effects of attitudes, subjective norms, and past behavior on intentions were greater for Americans than Italians, Chinese, or Japanese; and in general, more explained variance occurred for Western (American, Italian) than Eastern (Chinese, Japanese) cultures.
This article surveys African Americans encounter with material goods from the end of the Civil War through the end of World War II. Additionally it uses Ebony magazine as a case study to illuminate blacks’ understanding and use of material possessions in the developing fight for equality in the burgeoning civil rights movement. Central to the argument is that blacks have long understood the difference between materialism and a materially-intensive life and have used goods as a way to demonstrate their desire to be equal in every way with their fellow citizens. Hence, consumption becomes a means of political and social activism on par with other better-known efforts such as the battle for voting rights or an end to racial discrimination.
Publisher Summary This chapter focuses on norms, which can be demonstrated to affect human action systematically and powerfully. Three distinct types of norms that are effective: social norms of the descriptive kind, which guides the behavior via the perception of how most others would behave; social norms of the injunctive kind, which guides the behavior via the perception of how most others would approve/disapprove of a person's conduct; and personal norms, which guides the behavior via the perception of how a person would approve/disapprove of his own conduct. At a given time, an individual's actions are likely to conform to the dictates of the type of norm that are familiar even when the other types of norms dictate contrary conduct. The chapter discusses those injunctive social norms—once activated—is likely to lead to beneficial social conduct across the greatest number of situations and populations. By focusing subjects on one or another type of norm, the action of a particular kind of norm was stimulated, without activating the other kinds.
Much work on the public health communication component of social marketing focuses on message development. But there is good evidence that failure and success in public health communication is better predicted by variation in exposure to messages achieved than it is by variation in quality of messages. The inconsistent results about effects from some major projects (Stanford Heart Disease, Minnesota Heart Health, Pawtucket Heart Health, COMMIT) may reflect their lack of success in obtaining heavy exposure to their messages. Those results contrast with the successful results of a variety of other programs, particularly kitchen sink programs, which have been able to obtain higher levels of exposure and have some evidence of important effects.
Ethnic populations are growing in numbers throughout the United States, and retailers today are challenged to develop promotional strategies to reach these consumers. Couponing is one particular sales promotion activity to which ethnic consumers have historically responded poorly. This study examines the responses of African-American and Anglo-American consumers to four types of retail sales promotion—coupons, product displays, feature advertisements, and price discounts. Results show that significant differences exist between African- and Anglo-Americans only in their use of'cents-off'coupons. One implication is that there are possibly some media-related factors contributing to this outcome, since using coupons is the one promotion activity involving media exposure outside of the retail establishment. Thus, there is a need for retailers to plan promotional strategies so that they are effective in reaching the particular ethnic markets which they serve.
Using GPS devices and digital cameras, we surveyed outdoor advertisements in Austin, Los Angeles and Philadelphia. GIS and hot spot analysis revealed that unhealthy ads were clustered around child-serving institutions in Los Angeles and Philadelphia but not in Austin. Multivariate generalized least square (GLS) regression models showed that percent black (p<0.04) was a significant positive predictor of clustering in Philadelphia and percent white (p<0.06) was a marginally significant negative predictor of clustering in Los Angeles after controlling for several land use variables. The results emphasize the importance of zoning and land use regulations to protect children from exposure to unhealthy commercial messages, particularly in neighborhoods with significant racial/ethnic minority populations.
Because of their avid use of new media and their increased spending power, adolescents have become primary targets of a new "Media and Marketing Ecosystem." Digital media resonate particularly well with many of the fundamental developmental tasks of adolescence by enabling instantaneous and constant contact with peers, providing opportunities for self-expression, identity exploration, and social interaction, and facilitating mobility and independence. Six key features of interactive media--ubiquitous connectivity, personalization, peer-to-peer networking, engagement, immersion, and content creation--are emblematic of the ways in which young people are both shaping and being shaped by this new digital culture. The advertising industry, in many instances led by food and beverage marketers, is purposefully exploiting the special relationship that teenagers have with new media, with online marketing campaigns that create unprecedented intimacies between adolescents and the brands and products that now literally surround them. Major food and beverage companies, including Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Burger King, and Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC), have incorporated these elements into their interactive marketing strategies, posing particular risks to adolescents, who are not being addressed in the current U.S. policy and self-regulatory regimens. However, recent and emerging neuroscience and psychological research on adolescents suggests a need to revisit the traditional approach to regulation of advertising. Despite the growth of interactive marketing, academic research on the impact of digital advertising on children and youth remains underdeveloped. Additional research and policy initiatives are needed to address the growing health threat facing youth in the digital marketplace.
Obesity and type 2 diabetes follow a socioeconomic gradient. Highest rates are observed among groups with the lowest levels of education and income and in the most deprived areas. Inequitable access to healthy foods is one mechanism by which socioeconomic factors influence the diet and health of a population. As incomes drop, energy-dense foods that are nutrient poor become the best way to provide daily calories at an affordable cost. By contrast, nutrient-rich foods and high-quality diets not only cost more but are consumed by more affluent groups. This article discusses obesity as an economic phenomenon. Obesity is the toxic consequence of economic insecurity and a failing economic environment.
Targeted marketing of high-calorie foods and beverages to ethnic minority populations, relative to more healthful foods, may contribute to ethnic disparities in obesity and other diet-related chronic conditions. We conducted a systematic review of studies published in June 1992 through 2006 (n = 20) that permitted comparison of food and beverage marketing to African Americans versus Whites and others. Eight studies reported on product promotions, 11 on retail food outlet locations, and 3 on food prices. Although the evidence base has limitations, studies indicated that African Americans are consistently exposed to food promotion and distribution patterns with relatively greater potential adverse health effects than are Whites. The limited evidence on price disparities was inconclusive.
To describe the roles community members can and should play in, and an asset-based strategy used by Chicago's South Side Health and Vitality Studies for, building sustainable, large-scale community health research infrastructure. The Studies are a family of research efforts aiming to produce actionable knowledge to inform health policy, programming, and investments for the region.
Community and university collaborators, using a consensus-based approach, developed shared theoretical perspectives, guiding principles, and a model for collaboration in 2008, which were used to inform an asset-based operational strategy. Ongoing community engagement and relationship-building support the infrastructure and research activities of the studies.
Key steps in the asset-based strategy include: 1) continuous community engagement and relationship building, 2) identifying community priorities, 3) identifying community assets, 4) leveraging assets, 5) conducting research, 6) sharing knowledge and 7) informing action. Examples of community member roles, and how these are informed by the Studies' guiding principles, are provided.
Community and university collaborators, with shared vision and principles, can effectively work together to plan innovative, large-scale community-based research that serves community needs and priorities. Sustainable, effective models are needed to realize NIH's mandate for meaningful translation of biomedical discovery into improved population health.
The preschool years offer an opportunity to interrupt the trajectory toward obesity in black children. The Hip-Hop to Health Jr. Obesity Prevention Effectiveness Trial was a group-randomized controlled trial assessing the feasibility and effectiveness of a teacher-delivered weight control intervention for black preschool children. The 618 participating children were enrolled in 18 schools administered by the Chicago Public Schools. Children enrolled in the nine schools randomized to the intervention group received a 14-week weight control intervention delivered by their classroom teachers. Children in the nine control schools received a general health intervention. Height and weight, physical activity, screen time, and diet data were collected at baseline and postintervention. At postintervention, children in the intervention schools engaged in more moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA) than children in the control schools (difference between adjusted group means = 7.46 min/day, P = 0.02). Also, children in the intervention group had less total screen time (-27.8 min/day, P = 0.05). There were no significant differences in BMI, BMI Z score, or dietary intake. It is feasible to adapt an obesity prevention program to be taught by classroom teachers. The intervention showed positive influences on physical activity and screen time, but not on diet. Measuring diet and physical activity in preschool children remains a challenge, and interventions delivered by classroom teachers require both intensive initial training and ongoing individualized supervision.
Targeted marketing techniques, which identify consumers who share common needs or characteristics and position products or services to appeal to and reach these consumers, are now the core of all marketing and facilitate its effectiveness. However, targeted marketing, particularly of products with proven or potential adverse effects (e.g., tobacco, alcohol, entertainment violence, or unhealthful foods) to consumer segments defined as vulnerable raises complex concerns for public health. It is critical that practitioners, academics, and policy makers in marketing, public health, and other fields recognize and understand targeted marketing as a specific contextual influence on the health of children and adolescents and, for different reasons, ethnic minority populations and other populations who may benefit from public health protections. For beneficial products, such understanding can foster more socially productive targeting. For potentially harmful products, understanding the nature and scope of targeted marketing influences will support identification and implementation of corrective policies.
Strategic market planning -- Industrial marketing -- Research for marketing decisions -- Global marketing management -- Marketing management -- Strategic marketing for nonprofit organizations -- Principles of marketing -- Services marketing -- Marketing research and knowledge development -- The strategy and tactics of pricing -- Kleppner's advertising procedure -- Marketing channels -- Legal aspects of marketing strategy -- Design and marketing of new products
Context: Commercial marketing is a critical but understudied element of the sociocultural environment influencing Americans' food and beverage preferences and purchases. This marketing also likely influences the utilization of goods and services related to physical activity and sedentary behavior. A growing literature documents the targeting of racial/ethnic and income groups in commercial advertisements in magazines, on billboards, and on television that may contribute to sociodemographic disparities in obesity and chronic disease risk and protective behaviors. This article examines whether African Americans, Latinos, and people living in low-income neighborhoods are disproportionately exposed to advertisements for high-calorie, low nutrient–dense foods and beverages and for sedentary entertainment and transportation and are relatively underexposed to advertising for nutritious foods and beverages and goods and services promoting physical activities.
We projected future prevalence and BMI distribution based on national survey data (National Health and Nutrition Examination Study) collected between 1970s and 2004. Future obesity-related health-care costs for adults were estimated using projected prevalence, Census population projections, and published national estimates of per capita excess health-care costs of obesity/overweight. The objective was to illustrate potential burden of obesity prevalence and health-care costs of obesity and overweight in the United States that would occur if current trends continue. Overweight and obesity prevalence have increased steadily among all US population groups, but with notable differences between groups in annual increase rates. The increase (percentage points) in obesity and overweight in adults was faster than in children (0.77 vs. 0.46-0.49), and in women than in men (0.91 vs. 0.65). If these trends continue, by 2030, 86.3% adults will be overweight or obese; and 51.1%, obese. Black women (96.9%) and Mexican-American men (91.1%) would be the most affected. By 2048, all American adults would become overweight or obese, while black women will reach that state by 2034. In children, the prevalence of overweight (BMI >/= 95th percentile, 30%) will nearly double by 2030. Total health-care costs attributable to obesity/overweight would double every decade to 860.7-956.9 billion US dollars by 2030, accounting for 16-18% of total US health-care costs. We continue to move away from the Healthy People 2010 objectives. Timely, dramatic, and effective development and implementation of corrective programs/policies are needed to avoid the otherwise inevitable health and societal consequences implied by our projections .
Using a developmental systems perspective, this review focuses on how genetic predispositions interact with aspects of the eating environment to produce phenotypic food preferences. Predispositions include the unlearned, reflexive reactions to basic tastes: the preference for sweet and salty tastes, and the rejection of sour and bitter tastes. Other predispositions are (a) the neophobic reaction to new foods and (b) the ability to learn food preferences based on associations with the contexts and consequences of eating various foods. Whether genetic predispositions are manifested in food preferences that foster healthy diets depends on the eating environment, including food availability and child-feeding practices of the adults. Unfortunately, in the United States today, the ready availability of energy-dense foods, high in sugar, fat, and salt, provides an eating environment that fosters food preferences inconsistent with dietary guidelines, which can promote excess weight gain and obesity.
Food choices of adolescents are not consistent with the Dietary Guidelines for Americans. Food intakes tend to be low in fruits, vegetables, and calcium-rich foods and high in fat. Skipping meals is also a concern among adolescents, especially girls. Factors influencing eating behaviors of adolescents need to be better understood to develop effective nutrition interventions to change eating behaviors. This article presents a conceptual model based on social cognitive theory and an ecological perspective for understanding factors that influence adolescent eating behaviors and food choices. In this model, adolescent eating behavior is conceptualized as a function of individual and environmental influences. Four levels of influence are described: individual or intrapersonal influences (eg, psychosocial, biological); social environmental or interpersonal (eg, family and peers); physical environmental or community settings (eg, schools, fast food outlets, convenience stores); and macrosystem or societal (eg, mass media, marketing and advertising, social and cultural norms).
The rapid increases in childhood and adolescent overweight between 1980 and 1999 can only be explained by environmental factors. Historically, the most effective strategies to address nutritional problems that have caused such widespread disease have been policy-driven environmental changes. To develop effective public policy responses to the obesity epidemic, we must expand the science base linking environmental conditions and policies to health behaviors and conditions; establish effective intersectoral coalitions of stakeholders; and create effective policy at the national and state levels. Although the childhood obesity epidemic is still evolving, this article provides several examples of potentially effective strategic approaches to address it.
To test the feasibility, acceptability, and potential efficacy of after-school dance classes and a family-based intervention to reduce television viewing, thereby reducing weight gain, among African-American girls.
Twelve-week, 2-arm parallel group, randomized controlled trial.
Low-income neighborhoods.
Sixty-one 8-10-year-old African-American girls and their parents/guardians.
The treatment intervention consisted of after-school dance classes at 3 community centers, and a 5-lesson intervention, delivered in participants' homes, and designed to reduce television, videotape, and video game use. The active control intervention consisted of disseminating newsletters and delivering health education lectures.
Implementation and process measures, body mass index, waist circumference, physical activity measured by accelerometry, self-reported media use, and meals eaten with TV.
Recruitment and retention goals were exceeded. High rates of participation were achieved for assessments and intervention activities, except where transportation was lacking. All interventions received high satisfaction ratings. At follow up, girls in the treatment group, as compared to the control group, exhibited trends toward lower body mass index (adjusted difference = -.32 kg/m2, 95% confidence interval [CI] -.77, .12; Cohen's d = .38 standard deviation units) and waist circumference (adjusted difference = -.63 cm, 95% CI -1.92, .67; d = .25); increased after-school physical activity (adjusted difference = 55.1 counts/minute, 95% CI -115.6, 225.8; d = .21); and reduced television, videotape, and video game use (adjusted difference = -4.96 hours/week, 95% CI -11.41, 1.49; d = .40). The treatment group reported significantly reduced household television viewing (d = .73, P = .007) and fewer dinners eaten while watching TV (adjusted difference = -1.60 meals/week, 95% CI -2.99, -.21; d = .59; P = .03). Treatment group girls also reported less concern about weight (d = .60; P = .03), and a trend toward improved school grades (d = .51; P = .07).
This study confirmed the feasibility, acceptability, and potential efficacy of using dance classes and a family-based intervention to reduce television viewing, thereby reducing weight gain, in African-American girls.