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The South Korean Gender System: LGBTI in the Contexts of Family, Legal Identity, and the Military
Abstract
The South Korean legal system is founded on a binary model of gender based on heterosexuality. It regulates the lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people by enforcing laws that produce gender in accordance with this binary model. The family in Korean society is associated with the family headship system (hojuje)—which has simultaneously functioned both as a system of legal identification and as the mechanism directly responsible for the production of gendered kungmin or national subjects. As part of the family headship system, the gendered kungmin is classified as father or mother, wife or husband, and daughter or son, thereby reinforcing compulsory gender roles within the family. The Republic of Korea (ROK) military, too, is an important gender system fixated on binary gender classification, in that it targets all males as objects of conscription, at least in principle if not in actuality, and manages the male body through physical examination and discipline. Persons with nonconforming sexual orientation or gender identity who seek to live outside the prevailing gender system are deemed unfit and in violation of the heteronormative binary gender norms. This article problematizes the South Korean gender system as revealed in its interactions with LGBTI persons in three interlocking contexts: family, legal identity, and the military. By critically examining these modalities of the South Korean gender system, the author argues that the law renders LGBTI persons as unsuitable national subjects because they trouble the existing gender paradigm in significant ways.
... Local homophobia is based primarily on one's responsibility to reproduce this family-nation system, rather than on religious or biological arguments (Na, Han, & Koo, 2014). However, anti-LGBTQ Christian activists organized a strong local movement, and joined transnational campaigns against LGBTQ rights (Yi et al., 2017). ...
... During my fieldwork, Korean law required parental consent before adult transgender citizens could change their legal gender identity. While this policy was ruled unconstitutional by the courts in August 2019 (Korean Society of Law and Policy on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (KSLPSOGI), 2019), current law continues to mandate that transgender adults changing their legal gender identity be unmarried and have no minor children (Na et al., 2014). Citizens of other countries must typically return to their birthplace in order to petition for a change to the gender marker on their passport, and then return to Korea to have their ID reissued. ...
Heteronormative and gender hierarchical organization of economic, legal, and family life intersect to marginalize the lesbian community in South Korea. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) and women’s rights movements achieved some gains after democratic transition in the 1990s, but anti-LGBTQ activists target lesbians with harassment and violence. How do lesbians build networks and safe space under these conditions? How do they balance competing needs for visibility and safety? Drawing on 16 months of participant observation and ethnographic interviews, I analyze the relationship between lesbian community growth and safety practices. My intersectional approach examines the heterosexist context in which lesbian social spaces are maintained, and relations of power among LGBTQ, feminist, and anti-LGBTQ groups. Under threat of intersectional violence, lesbian social entrepreneurs withhold information, screen members and rely on spatial tactics to hide in plain sight, prioritizing safety over visibility. Finally, I discuss how some community members marginalized by these safety practices gain access to lesbian spaces.
... Youn, 2018). First, due to the Confucian values of traditional gender roles and filial piety (Adamczyk & Cheng, 2015), homosexuality is perceived by South Koreans as a threat to the family structure because same-sex couples cannot on their own create a child (Na et al., 2014). Another reason is the strong influence of a large Christian population and the more conservative religious attitudes of South Koreans, which have been cited for their greater hostile attitudes towards same-sex marriage than neighbouring countries such as China, Japan, and Taiwan (I. ...
Although social acceptance of lesbian women has improved in many countries, they still face great challenges in South Korea. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore South Korean lesbian younger adults’ perceived challenges related to their romantic relationships and to identify the factors that help them cope. For this, using a convenience sample, we recruited and interviewed 13 South Korean lesbian younger adults attending colleges or graduate schools and analyzed their data through consensus qualitative research. Analyses revealed that issues related to family, friends, strangers, and same-sex female coupling; the heteronormative context; and biases against lesbian couples were the major challenges perceived by the participants. In addition, they identified intracouple, interpersonal, and environmental and social factors that helped them cope. Theoretical, practical, and research implications of the findings are discussed.
... State institutions such as the family system, law, and mandatory military conscription continue to reproduce and to solidify heteronormativity and the gender binary in Korea (Na, Han, and Koo 2014). Article 92(6) of the Military Criminal Act, known as the military sodomy law, criminalizes and systematically discriminates against the queer population by punishing samesex conduct among soldiers. ...
This paper attempts to theorize the resistance of Korean sexual minorities at the Queer Culture Festival. In 2008, a pioneer in Korean LGBTQ studies concluded that "[sexual minorities in Korea are] so powerless that they cannot even prove that they are powerless. " By analyzing the three phases of the Seoul Queer Parade, the major event of the Queer Culture Festival, we explicate how the LGBTQ people of Korea, who were an unintelligible force of resistance, entered hegemony and are challenging hegemony by presenting themselves as simultaneously vulnerable yet agentic sexual minorities. Objecting to the simple binary of vulnerability and resistance, Judith Butler suggests that the mobilization of vulnerability through deliberate exposure to force can be an act of resistance, in other words, an agentic act. Butler's concept allows us to identify the "extra-juridical modes of resistance" of so-called vulnerable populations who can be at once exposed and agentic.
... Notes 1. The South Korean military, for example, still punishes same-sex activities despite their broadly legality (see Na et al., 2014). 2. For example, Lin et al. (2016) found that Chinese college students who had increased media exposure to homosexuals had a more positive view of them. ...
Compared to most developed democracies, South Korea lags behind in terms of LGBT tolerance. This analysis suggests that relational proximity and knowing a Korean LGBT person influence this tolerance. Through an experimental web survey design, results show that the closer the relational proximity (coworker versus friend versus family member), the less one stated their comfort with being around a homosexual. The same pattern endures among those who knew a South Korean LGBT person, although rates of acceptance were much higher. In addition, this analysis finds of South Korea’s three main religions, only Protestant identification corresponded with a statistically significant decline in tolerance.
... To condense public opinion on LGBT acceptance into a coherent narrative is daunting and risks homogenizing differences not only across perceived rights but also across subgroups within the LGBT community. For instance, while public opinion data on perceptions of gays and lesbians has increased in East Asia, remarkably little research in this area addresses bisexuals or the transgender community (e.g., Lee et al., 2018;Na et al., 2014;Yi and Phillips, 2015). Similarly, much of the literature still focuses on measures of tolerance more broadly (e.g., having a homosexual as a neighbor) rather than views on extending rights such as marriage to the LGBT community. ...
We ask to what extent opposition to same-sex marriage in South Korea is driven by Protestant identification and how this differs from Catholic and non-Christian views. Furthermore, is there a separate demographic, partisan or ideological influence beyond that captured by religious identity? Analysis of the 2016 Korean General Social Survey (KGSS) data finds not only clear perceptual distinctions between Protestants versus Buddhists and Catholics, but that partisan distinctions endure, even after controlling for the more popular non-LGBT-specific anti-discrimination legislation. In addition, younger and female respondents were more supportive of legalization, while education did not have the same effect as in the broader LGBT literature.
... As a nation-state saddled with legacies from Japanese colonial rule , South Korea has developed rigorously ideological surveillance apparatuses. Among them, the Resident Registration System (RRS), as the de facto sole method of verifying legal identity in South Korea, has been paid particular attention by scholars (Kim 2007;Na 2014). This paper critically examines three intersectional hegemonic forces of maintaining a surveillance regime-the triad of colonialism, anti-communism, and neo-liberalism-that I argue are necessary for decolonizing surveillance studies in South Korea. ...
This paper critically examines three intersectional hegemonic forces of maintaining a surveillance regime—the triad of colonialism, anti-communism, and neo-liberalism—that I argue are necessary for decolonizing surveillance studies in South Korea. I discuss South Korea’s Resident Registration System (RRS) as the contemporary incarnation of modern colonial power’s control over its colonial subjects, calling into question the maintenance of the colonial legacies within RRS policy innovations. I critically examine the way in which the legitimacy of neo-liberal surveillance is embraced by the anti-privacy scheme entrenched in the colonial and anti-communism legacies that relentlessly allows state power to control and intervene in individual realms. Questioning the triad of colonialism, anti-communism, and neo-liberalism can recast a critical work for decolonizing surveillance studies in South Korea.
Eating disorders are serious mental illnesses, but little research explores non-Western men's cultural experiences of body image and what affects their risks of disordered eating. Drawing on data collected over 17 months (August 2019 to January 2021) of fieldwork in Seoul, South Korea, the lens of intersectionality is employed alongside multiple regression and moderation analysis to understand how two axes of identity which emerged as important from the ethnography—sexual identity and university prestige—shape the ways in which young Korean men's cultural consonance with their local model of the ideal male body, influenced heavily by the kkonminam (flower boy), relates to risk for developing an eating disorder. Among young Korean men, intersections of university prestige and sexual identity frame embodiment of cultural models of male body image as a strategy for the making and maintenance of social relations and the advancement of social status in a precarious neoliberal economy.
This essay examines the banality of soldiering and military service in South Korea. This banality makes people innocuous to the everyday violence inherent in militarization, from the treatment of trans bodies in the military conscription system to the production of homophobia, misogyny, racism or xenophobia, and ableism. However, this essay provides an alternative narrative of the military and soldiering by curating stories, images, and videos of men having sex with other men on base, the queerness of the soldier, and the homoeroticism of military service. I argue repetition of erotic stories and representations of the soldier as a homoerotic subject narrate an other military that glimpse the queer soldier’s connectivity and survivability. The stories and representations I discuss use the same contexts, spaces, and mechanisms to provide alternative possibilities of understanding military service and interpreting the soldier and his supposed masculinity. The same tools used to make military service ordinary contribute to the different trajectories of pleasure and eroticism. The repetition of stories and representations narrates the underbelly of the military, the fleshiness of the soldier and soldiering. This narrative of the underbelly is world-making, one that is making the military a survivable place for queer soldiers.
Since the end of the nineteenth century, the Korean people have faced successive waves of foreign domination, authoritarian regimes, forced dispersal, and divided development. Throughout these turbulent times, “queer” Koreans were ignored, minimized, and erased in narratives of their modern nation, East Asia, and the wider world. This interdisciplinary volume challenges such marginalization through critical analyses of non-normative sexuality and gender variance. Considering both personal and collective forces, the contributors extend individualized notions of queer neoliberalism beyond those typically set in Western queer theory. Along the way, they recount a range of illuminating topics, from shamanic rituals during the colonial era and B-grade comedy films under Cold War dictatorship to female masculinity among today’s youth and transgender confrontations with the resident registration system. More broadly, Queer Korea offers readers new ways of understanding the limits and possibilities of human liberation under exclusionary conditions of modernity in Asia and beyond.
Contributors. Pei Jean Chen, John (Song Pae) Cho, Chung-kang Kim, Todd A. Henry, Merose Hwang, Ruin, Layoung Shin, Shin-ae Ha, John Whittier Treat
Since the end of the nineteenth century, the Korean people have faced successive waves of foreign domination, authoritarian regimes, forced dispersal, and divided development. Throughout these turbulent times, “queer” Koreans were ignored, minimized, and erased in narratives of their modern nation, East Asia, and the wider world. This interdisciplinary volume challenges such marginalization through critical analyses of non-normative sexuality and gender variance. Considering both personal and collective forces, the contributors extend individualized notions of queer neoliberalism beyond those typically set in Western queer theory. Along the way, they recount a range of illuminating topics, from shamanic rituals during the colonial era and B-grade comedy films under Cold War dictatorship to female masculinity among today’s youth and transgender confrontations with the resident registration system. More broadly, Queer Korea offers readers new ways of understanding the limits and possibilities of human liberation under exclusionary conditions of modernity in Asia and beyond.
Contributors. Pei Jean Chen, John (Song Pae) Cho, Chung-kang Kim, Todd A. Henry, Merose Hwang, Ruin, Layoung Shin, Shin-ae Ha, John Whittier Treat
In a recent development of unprecedented active public debate and ideational division over sexual minority issue in South Korea, this study investigates media partisanship as a major intensifying factor in current ideational bifurcation. This research attempts to examine Korean newspaper coverage behavior on the sexual minority by analyzing 3,531 articles and opinion pieces published in four leading Korean newspapers with the keywords of 'sexual minority' and ‘queer festival’ respectively. Out of four newspapers,
Chosun Ilbo and DongA Ilbo are considered conservative while Hankyoreh and Kyunghyang Shinmun are considered liberal. While existing literatures have focused on the relationship between media partisanship and security, economy, and ideology, this study explores connection between media partisanship and sexual minority issues. Through an examination of biased coverages on the sexual minority in South Korean newspapers, this research implies that partisanship coverages had a strong influence on the formation of contemporary Korean public opinion on sexual minorities. Due to recent divergence of public opinion along the ideological lines despite long invisibility of sexual minorities in South Korean society, it is conjectured that media has played a divisive and polarizing role in the opinion formation of Korean society. In order to examine the media partisanship, automated text analysis was adopted to reduce subjective bias. Data were collected through self-created Python code by web crawling while topic modeling, frequency, and degree centrality analysis were used for analysis. The results are as follow. First, the general trend of selection and exclusion was observed within similar ideologies of media companies through a salient difference in the number of covered articles. Additionally, we found that liberal media houses were more committed to reporting sexual minority issues. The number of articles published were differed between conservative and liberal newspapers, from 2,449 to 673 articles on sexual minority issue while 333 to 76 articles concerning queer festival. Second, conservative media was more likely to focus on information conveyance of the issue, whereas liberal media tend to emphasize human rights amelioration and institutional reformation for the problems existing in Korean society. Through the keyword analysis, conservatives were more likely to invoke terms related to locations and proper nouns (i.e. ‘Seoul’, ‘Seoul Plaza’, ‘Police’) while liberals displayed higher tendency to use terms related to human rights (i.e. ‘Society’. ‘Human Being’, and ‘Hatred’). Third, topic modeling results indicated liberal media’s emphasis on sexual minority rights while conservative’s relative indifference toward the issue. On the other hand, conservatives were found to allocate greater share on descriptive and episodic articles than liberals. It is also found that Liberal media tend to associate
domestic politics and social movements comparatively in explaining sexual minority issues. The result of media polarization toward sexual minority issue indicates the possibility of further ideological polarization in South Korean society. How minorities are projected in the public sphere is imperative to how news depicts the contents as these coverages will be used as a catalyst for public discourse. Considering minorities’ vulnerability on media bias and South Korea’s preexisting media environment, the research result suggests that the growing influence of media on the issue of sexual minorities will have an important impact on the discourse of sexual minorities in Korean society. This research holds its value in uncovering media polarization of the burgeoning cleavage issue through quantitative text mining analysis.
This article examines the South Korean military's treatment of trans people in the context of all “able-bodied men” being conscripted for two years. While trans men are exempt from service because they are not considered able-bodied men, trans women pose a significant complication for the rigid military conscription system, given that most trans women in their early twenties—the time when most will be drafted into service—have yet to change their legal gender identification. As the military's definition of one's anatomical makeup is the key criterion for conscription or exemption, the transgender body is a material manifestation of the insecurities of a rigid sex/gender system perpetuated by a masculine and patriarchal military institution. Written on the bodies of trans people is the militarization of the sex/gender system. The Cold War–born Korean military—a geopolitical binary pitting the Democratic People's Republic of Korea against the Republic of Korea—is faced with bodies in transition and resorts to anatomical determinism for the sake of national defense and (re)production.
This article explores how technological interventions into animal bodies refigure the borders of political community, in assemblage with sexuality, race, nation, and species. To this end, the article reconceptualizes “feral” as a biopolitical figure that unsettles categorical divisions such as culture/nature, domestic/wild, and belonging/exclusion. Alongside the theoretical development of “feral,” I extend the discussion to two sites: the use of long-tail macaques for bio-defense research in the post-9/11 United States (in connection to the feralization of the species in Mauritius) and the transspecies intimacy and feral violence/justice in the South Korean film Howling. This article pursues two overarching questions. First, how do such biopolitical operations implicate the biomedical and biotechnological interventions into these animals? And second, what kind of feral affects and trajectories emerge from these events at the intersections of species, race, sexuality, and nation? I argue that the feral as a biopolitical concept helps us to engage with the dynamics between the capturing biopower and the escaping bodies in the contemporary biopolitical landscape.
This article explores how technological interventions into animal bodies refigure the borders of political community, in assemblage with sexuality, race, nation, and species. To this end, the article reconceptualizes “feral” as a biopolitical figure that unsettles categorical divisions such as culture/nature, domestic/wild, and belonging/exclusion. Alongside the theoretical development of “feral,” I extend the discussion to two sites: the use of long-tail macaques for bio-defense research in the post-9/11 United States (in connection to the feralization of the species in Mauritius) and the transspecies intimacy and feral violence/justice in the South Korean film Howling. This article pursues two overarching questions. First, how do such biopolitical operations implicate the biomedical and biotechnological interventions into these animals? And second, what kind of feral affects and trajectories emerge from these events at the intersections of species, race, sexuality, and nation? I argue that the feral as a biopolitical concept helps us to engage with the dynamics between the capturing biopower and the escaping bodies in the contemporary biopolitical landscape.
Recent works on social justice and human rights show that arts-based methodologies help to create greater opportunities for understanding and empathy for marginalized communities. Despite claims that arts provide a beneficial platform for community development and social justice, very little work has been done to reflect critically on what implementing a community art project looks like on the ground. This paper is a critical reflection of organizing and implementing a community mural project with lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (LGBT) refugees in Vancouver, British Columbia. Called Painted Stories, the project involved 15 LGBT refugees working together to create a large public mural and short documentary about their experiences. Painted Stories bring up critical questions regarding community representation and social justice, especially in regard to representing violence and trauma in public art.
Recent studies of ethnic return migration have explained why (economic, political, and affective) and where (Asia and Europe) this phenomenon has primarily occurred. Of the research available, however, few have examined the manner in which framings and practices of gender impact the experiences of those who participate in these transnational sojourns. This study fills this void by examining how Korean American male ethnic return migrants understand and negotiate their masculine identities, as they “return” to their ancestral homeland of South Korea. Utilizing data from in-depth qualitative interviews, this study finds that respondents initially configure South Korea as a site where they may redeem their marginalized masculine identities by taking advantage of the surplus human capital afforded to them by their American status. Over time, however, “returnees” come to realize the fluidity of masculinity and its ideals, exposing the tenuousness of their claims to hegemonic masculinity even in South Korea.
Transient receptor potential channels sensitive to vanilloids (TRPV) are group of ion channels which are sensitive to various tissue damaging signals and their activation is generally perceived as pain. Therefore, they are generally named as nociceptors. Understanding their activation and function as well as their interaction with intracellular pathways is crucial for the development of pharmacological interference in order to reduce pain perception. The current review summarizes basic facts in regard to TRPV and discusses their relevance in the sensing of (pain-) signals and their intracellular processing, focussing on their modulation of the intracellular calcium ([Ca2 +]i) signal. Furthermore we discuss the basic mechanisms how the modification of [Ca2 +]i through TRPV might induce long-term-potentiation (LTP) or long-term- depression (LTD) and from “memories” of pain. Understanding of these mechanisms is needed to localize the best point of interference for pharmacological treatment. Therefore, high attention is given to highlight physiological and pathological processes and their interaction with significant modulators and their roles in neuroplasticity and pain modulation.
Social movements sometimes successfully attain their goals by implementing policies and laws that represent their claims. Movement leaders raise issues susceptible to enactment as policies or laws, exploit legally and institutionally assured resources, and even participate at times in governmental policymaking and parliamentary lawmaking processes. This engagement strategy maximizes a movement’s power to achieve its goals only when it is combined with the conventional activities of mobilizing collective action and forming dense networks across movement organizations to pressure the state. Based on the case study of Korean women’s movements and their efforts to abrogate the patrilineal succession of family headship, I argue that movement activists’ strategic innovation of blending “institutional politics” with conventional “movement politics”—that is, pursuing a dual strategy (Cohen and Arato 1992) and evolving into “movement institutionalization”—is critical to accomplishing gender policies and laws that, at least institutionally and legally, ensure gender equality.
Social movements sometimes successfully attain their goals by implementing policies and laws that represent their claims. Movement leaders raise issues susceptible to enactment as policies or laws, exploit legally and institutionally assured resources, and even participate at times in policymaking and parliamentary lawmaking processes. This engagement strategy maximizes a movement's power to achieve its goals only when it is combined with the conventional activities of mobilizing collective action and forming dense networks across movement organizations to pressure the state. Based on the case study of Korean women's movements and their efforts to abrogate the patrilineal succession of family headship, I argue that movement activists'strategic innovation of blending "institutional politics" with conventional "movement politics"—that is, pursuing a dual strategy (Cohen and Arato 1992) and evolving into "movement institutionalization"—is critical to accomplishing gender policies and that, at least institutionally and legally, ensure gender equality.
Kun Kasanchŏmje nonjaeng kwa chendŏ chŏngch'i: Kanŭngsŏng chŏpkŭnpŏp ŭi kwanchŏm esŏ " [Veterans' extra point system gender politics: From the perspective of capabilities approach]. Han'guk yŏsŏnghak 19
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Cho Chuhyun. " Kun Kasanchŏmje nonjaeng kwa chendŏ chŏngch'i: Kanŭngsŏng chŏpkŭnpŏp ŭi kwanchŏm esŏ " [Veterans' extra point system gender politics: From the
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Inkwŏn ŭi Majinosŏn: Ch'abyŏl kŭmjibŏp ŭn mŏn nara iyagi " [The Maginot Line of human rights: Anti-discriminatory laws are stories from afar]. Kyŏnghyang sinmun
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Paek Ch'ŏl. " Inkwŏn ŭi Majinosŏn: Ch'abyŏl kŭmjibŏp ŭn mŏn nara iyagi " [The Maginot
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Chingbyŏng kŏmsa ŏpsi ch'ulwŏn e ŭihan che-2 kungminyŏk, pyŏngyŏk myŏnje" [Military exemption: The second-tier national duty on account of hospital stay without a physical examination
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examination].
Hoju chedo hŏnpŏp purhapch'i kyŏlchŏng e nat'anan sŏngch'abyŏl p'andan ŭi nonjŭng
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ŭi nonjŭng" [Proof of gender discrimination as it appears in rulings concerning constitutionality of the family headship system].
Sŏngjŏnhwan kwa sŏngjŏnhwanja ŭi minbŏpjŏk koch'al " [A study on the sexual inversion and transgenders in civil law]
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Yi Nomun. " Sŏngjŏnhwan kwa sŏngjŏnhwanja ŭi minbŏpjŏk koch'al " [A study on the
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Kajok p'aerŏdaim ŭi pyŏnhwa wa tongsŏng kyŏrhap ŭi ŭimi " [Changes in family paradigm and significance of same-sex union]. Paper presented at " Kajok kusŏngwŏn yŏn'gu moim chuch'oe wŏk'ŭshop " [Workshop sponsored by the family formation rights research group
- Kim Wŏnjŏng
Kim Wŏnjŏng. " Kajok p'aerŏdaim ŭi pyŏnhwa wa tongsŏng kyŏrhap ŭi ŭimi " [Changes
in family paradigm and significance of same-sex union]. Paper presented at " Kajok
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formation rights research group]. July 12, 2013. Seoul, South Korea.
Haebang ihu chumin tŭngnok chedo ŭi pyŏnch'ŏn kwa kŭ sŏngkyŏk: Han'guk chumin tŭngnokchŭng ŭi yŏksajŏk yŏnwŏn
- Kim Yŏngmi
Kim Yŏngmi. "Haebang ihu chumin tŭngnok chedo ŭi pyŏnch'ŏn kwa kŭ sŏngkyŏk:
Han'guk chumin tŭngnokchŭng ŭi yŏksajŏk yŏnwŏn" [Changes in the Resident Registration System and the characteristics thereof: Historical origins of the Resident Registration Card].
Germany Becomes First Country in Europe to Give 'Third Sex' Option for Babies of 'Indeterminate' Gender The Independent http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/germany-becomes-first-country-in- europe-to-give-third-sex-option-for-babies-of-indeterminate-gender-8917764
- Tony Patterson
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Inkwŏn, siminkwŏn kŭrigo seksyuŏllit'i
- Sŏ Tongjin
Sŏ Tongjin, "Inkwŏn, siminkwŏn kŭrigo seksyuŏllit'i" [Human rights, citizenship,
and sexuality], 66-87.
Chibang haengjŏng yŏnsu taehoe usu nonmun: Chumin tŭngnok kwa hojŏkpŏp kaesŏn pangan
- U Kwangsŏn
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to reform resident registration and household registration laws].
Han'guk rejŭbiŏn k'ŏmyunit'i ŭi yŏksa " [The history of the Korean lesbian community
- Han Ch 'aeyun
Han Ch'aeyun. " Han'guk rejŭbiŏn k'ŏmyunit'i ŭi yŏksa " [The history of the Korean lesbian community]. Chinbo p'yŏngnon 49 (Fall 2011): 100–128.
Tongsŏngae e kwanhan haeksim chaengjŏm: Pŏmjoeinga, chilbyŏnginga, sosu ŭi sŏngchihyanginga?" [Key debates surrounding homosexuality: Is it a crime, or a disease, or a sexual orientation of the minority?
- Hŏ Hoik
Hŏ Hoik. "Tongsŏngae e kwanhan haeksim chaengjŏm: Pŏmjoeinga, chilbyŏnginga, sosu
ŭi sŏngchihyanginga?" [Key debates surrounding homosexuality: Is it a crime, or a
disease, or a sexual orientation of the minority?] Changsin nondan 38 (2010): 237-60.
Pŏnho idong kwa sŏng chŏnhwan: Chumin tŭngnok chedo, kungmin kukka kŭrigo t'ŭraensŭjendŏ " [Number reassignment and sex change: The Resident Registration System, citizen state, and transgender] In Chendŏ ŭi ch'aenŏl ŭl tollyŏra [Change the channel on gender
- Ruin
Ruin. " Pŏnho idong kwa sŏng chŏnhwan: Chumin tŭngnok chedo, kungmin kukka kŭrigo
t'ŭraensŭjendŏ " [Number reassignment and sex change: The Resident Registration
System, citizen state, and transgender]. In Chendŏ ŭi ch'aenŏl ŭl tollyŏra [Change the
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South Korea's LGBT Community Is Fighting for Equal Rights
- Steven Borowiec
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Magazine, February 11, 2014.
Hojuje p'aeji kŭ ihu: Kŭrona uri ka irŏbŏrin kŏttŭl
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Haengin, and Han Sanghŭi. "Hojuje p'aeji kŭ ihu: Kŭrona uri ka irŏbŏrin kŏttŭl" [What's
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Argentina's Gender Identity Law Takes Effect
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Warren, Michael. "Argentina's Gender Identity Law Takes Effect." Huffington Post, June
4, 2012.
Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Good Policy and Practice in HIV/AIDS and Health Education Booklet 8: Education Sector Responses to Homophobic Bullying
United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). " Good
Policy and Practice in HIV/AIDS and Health Education. Booklet 8: Education Sector
Responses to Homophobic Bullying. 2012. " Paris, France: UNESCO, 2012.
Chingbyŏngje hyŏngsŏng kwajŏng ŭl t'onghaesŏ pon yangsimjŏk pyŏngyŏk kŏbu ŭi yŏksa
- Im Chaesŏng
Im Chaesŏng. "Chingbyŏngje hyŏngsŏng kwajŏng ŭl t'onghaesŏ pon yangsimjŏk pyŏngyŏk
kŏbu ŭi yŏksa" [The history of conscience objection in South Korea: Approached through
the making process of conscription system].
Sŏngbyŏl chŏnhwan ŭi pŏptamnon pip'an
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Han Sanghŭi. "Sŏngbyŏl chŏnhwan ŭi pŏptamnon pip'an" [Critique of legal discourse
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e Ch'in'gusai. [Korean gay men's human rights group Chingusai]Ch'in'gusai' wa Han'guk ŭi kei inkwŏn undong
- Han 'guk Kei Inkwŏn Undong
- Tanch
Han'guk Kei Inkwŏn Undong Tanch'e Ch'in'gusai. [Korean gay men's human rights
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Struggle for LGBT Rights: One of the Great, Neglected Human Rights Challenges of Our Time " (speech) Human Rights
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Ban, Ki-Moon. " Struggle for LGBT Rights: One of the Great, Neglected Human Rights
Challenges of Our Time " (speech). Human Rights, Sexual Orientation, and Gender
Identity International Conference. Oslo, Norway, April 15–16, 2013.
Ch'in'gusai' wa Han'guk ŭi kei in'gwŏn undong
- Han'guk Kei
Han'guk Kei In'gwŏn Undong Tanch'e Ch'in'gusai, "'Ch'in'gusai' wa Han'guk ŭi
kei in'gwŏn undong" ["Chingusai" and gay rights movement in Korea], 60-99; and Han
Ch'aeyun, "Han'guk rejŭbiŏn k'ŏmyunit'i ŭi yŏksa" [The history of the Korean lesbian
community], 100-128.
Struggle for LGBT Rights: One of the Great, Neglected Human Rights Challenges of Our Time" (speech)
- Ki-Moon Ban
Ban, Ki-Moon. "Struggle for LGBT Rights: One of the Great, Neglected Human Rights
Challenges of Our Time" (speech). Human Rights, Sexual Orientation, and Gender
Identity International Conference. Oslo, Norway, April 15-16, 2013.
Han'guk esŏ tongsŏng kyŏrhap sosong ŏttŏke hal kŏsinga? Tongsŏng kyŏrhap sosong ŭi ŭimi wa kwaje" [How to file a same-sex union lawsuit in Korea? The meaning of same-sex union lawsuits and the challenges they face
- Chang Sŏyŏn
Chang Sŏyŏn. "Han'guk esŏ tongsŏng kyŏrhap sosong ŏttŏke hal kŏsinga? Tongsŏng
kyŏrhap sosong ŭi ŭimi wa kwaje" [How to file a same-sex union lawsuit in Korea?
The meaning of same-sex union lawsuits and the challenges they face].
Kun Kasanchŏmje nonjaeng kwa chendŏ chŏngch'i: Kanŭngsŏng chŏpkŭnpŏp ŭi kwanchŏm esŏ" [Veterans' extra point system gender politics: From the perspective of capabilities approach
- Cho Chuhyun
Cho Chuhyun. "Kun Kasanchŏmje nonjaeng kwa chendŏ chŏngch'i: Kanŭngsŏng chŏpkŭnpŏp ŭi kwanchŏm esŏ" [Veterans' extra point system gender politics: From the
perspective of capabilities approach].
Podo charyo: Kijon sŏng chegŏ susul haettamyŏn sŏnggi sŏnghyŏng ŏpsi sŏngbyŏl chŏngjong kanŭng" [Press release: Legal gender change possible without genital surgery if previous sex already surgically removed
- Green Jamison
Green Jamison. "Podo charyo: Kijon sŏng chegŏ susul haettamyŏn sŏnggi sŏnghyŏng ŏpsi
sŏngbyŏl chŏngjong kanŭng" [Press release: Legal gender change possible without genital surgery if previous sex already surgically removed].
Han'guk rejŭbiŏn k'ŏmyunit'i ŭi yŏksa
- Han Ch
- Aeyun
Han Ch'aeyun. "Han'guk rejŭbiŏn k'ŏmyunit'i ŭi yŏksa" [The history of the Korean lesbian community].
Sŏng chŏnhwanja ŭi pŏpchŏk sŏngbyŏl pyŏn'gyŏng hŏyong si ŭiryo choch'i kangje e taehan kukche pŏpchŏk p'yŏngka" [A legal appraisal of the medical intervention in the gender recognition of transgender under the international human rights and the Korean law
- Hong Sŏngp
- Yi Sŭnghyŏn
Hong Sŏngp'il, and Yi Sŭnghyŏn. "Sŏng chŏnhwanja ŭi pŏpchŏk sŏngbyŏl pyŏn'gyŏng
hŏyong si ŭiryo choch'i kangje e taehan kukche pŏpchŏk p'yŏngka" [A legal appraisal
of the medical intervention in the gender recognition of transgender under the international human rights and the Korean law, with focus on the recent decision of the Seoul
western district court].
Tongsŏnghon kwa p'yŏngdŭngkwŏn simsa kijun: Miguk yŏnbang taepŏbwŏn 'kyŏrhon pohopŏp (DOMA)' wihŏn p'an'gyŏl ŭl chungsim ŭro" [The standard for evaluating same-sex marriage and the right to equality: The example of the ruling on the "Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA)" at the US Supreme Court
- Kim Chihye
Kim Chihye. "Tongsŏnghon kwa p'yŏngdŭngkwŏn simsa kijun: Miguk yŏnbang taepŏbwŏn 'kyŏrhon pohopŏp (DOMA)' wihŏn p'an'gyŏl ŭl chungsim ŭro" [The standard for
evaluating same-sex marriage and the right to equality: The example of the ruling on
the "Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA)" at the US Supreme Court]. Unpublished paper
presented at the regular monthly meeting of Hŏnpŏp Silmu Yŏn'guhoe [Constitutional
Practices Study Society].
Kajok p'aerŏdaim ŭi pyŏnhwa wa tongsŏng kyŏrhap ŭi ŭimi" [Changes in family paradigm and significance of same-sex union
- Kim Wŏnjŏng
Kim Wŏnjŏng. "Kajok p'aerŏdaim ŭi pyŏnhwa wa tongsŏng kyŏrhap ŭi ŭimi" [Changes
in family paradigm and significance of same-sex union]. Paper presented at "Kajok
kusŏngwŏn yŏn'gu moim chuch'oe wŏk'ŭshop" [Workshop sponsored by the family
formation rights research group]. July 12, 2013. Seoul, South Korea.
Regulations on Physical Examination for Conscription
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Korea, Republic of. Legal Documents. http://www.law.go.kr.
---. Ministry of Defense Order No. 728. "Regulations on Physical Examination for
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Ŏnŭ mŏtchin nal, tangyŏnhan kyŏrhonsik
- Nepal 'third
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Nepal 'Third Gender' IDs Issued for Minorities." Huffington Post, January 22, 2012.
"Ŏnŭ mŏtchin nal, tangyŏnhan kyŏrhonsik" [One fine day, a justifiable wedding]. Facebook. Accessed December 12, 2013. https://www.facebook.com/equallovekorea.
Inkwŏn ŭi Majinosŏn: Ch'abyŏl kŭmjibŏp ŭn mŏn nara iyagi" [The Maginot Line of human rights: Anti-discriminatory laws are stories from afar
- Paek Ch
- Ŏl
Paek Ch'ŏl. "Inkwŏn ŭi Majinosŏn: Ch'abyŏl kŭmjibŏp ŭn mŏn nara iyagi" [The Maginot
Line of human rights: Anti-discriminatory laws are stories from afar]. Kyŏnghyang
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Germany Becomes First Country in Europe to Give 'Third Sex' Option for Babies of 'Indeterminate' Gender
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Patterson, Tony. "Germany Becomes First Country in Europe to Give 'Third Sex' Option for Babies of 'Indeterminate' Gender." The Independent, November 1, 2013.
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/germany-becomes-first-country-ineurope-to-give-third-sex-option-for-babies-of-indeterminate-gender-8917764.html.
Pŏnho idong kwa sŏng chŏnhwan: Chumin tŭngnok chedo, kungmin kukka kŭrigo t'ŭraensŭjendŏ" [Number reassignment and sex change: The Resident Registration System
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Ruin. "Pŏnho idong kwa sŏng chŏnhwan: Chumin tŭngnok chedo, kungmin kukka kŭrigo
t'ŭraensŭjendŏ" [Number reassignment and sex change: The Resident Registration
System, citizen state, and transgender].
Sŏng chŏnhwanja ŭi sŏngbyŏl chŏngjŏng hŏga sinch'ŏng sagŏn tŭng samu ch'ŏri chich'im
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Hankyoreh, October 14,
2013. http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/society/society_general/606929.html.
"Sŏng chŏnhwanja ŭi sŏngbyŏl chŏngjŏng hŏga sinch'ŏng sagŏn tŭng samu ch'ŏri
chich'im" [Transgender legal gender change request and attendant administrative guideline].
Tassi: Sexual minorities group for sexual diversity] and Kongik Inkwŏn Pyŏnhosa Moim Hŭimang ŭl Mandŭnŭn Pŏp [Korean lawyers for public interest and human rights
Sŏngchŏk Tayangsŏng ŭl wihan Sŏng Sosuja Moim Tassi [Tassi: Sexual minorities group
for sexual diversity] and Kongik Inkwŏn Pyŏnhosa Moim Hŭimang ŭl Mandŭnŭn
Pŏp [Korean lawyers for public interest and human rights]. "T'ŭraensŭ rodŭmaep:
T'uraensŭjendŏ rŭl wihan chŏngbo, inkwŏn kilchabi" [Trans Roadmap: Information
for transgenders, a human rights guide]. 2012. Accessed December 15, 2013. http://
transroadmap.net.
Solidarity for LGBTI human rights of Korea] and Han'guk Kei Inkwŏn Tanch'e Ch'in'gusai
- Yŏndae Tongsŏngaeja Inkwŏn
Tongsŏngaeja Inkwŏn Yŏndae [Solidarity for LGBTI human rights of Korea] and Han'guk
Kei Inkwŏn Tanch'e Ch'in'gusai [Korean gay men's human rights group Chingusai].
Hoju chedo ŭi chendŏ chŏngch'i: Chendŏ saengsan ŭl chungsim ŭro
Kyŏngje wa sahoe 88 (2010): 215-55.
---. "Hoju chedo ŭi chendŏ chŏngch'i: Chendŏ saengsan ŭl chungsim ŭro" [Gender
politics in the Korean family headship system: With the production of gender at the
center].
Sŏngjŏnhwanja sŏngbyŏl pyŏn'gyŏng chedo e kwanhan pigyo pŏpchŏk koch'al
- Yi Chunil
Yi Chunil. "Sŏngjŏnhwanja sŏngbyŏl pyŏn'gyŏng chedo e kwanhan pigyo pŏpchŏk
koch'al" [A comparative legal analysis of the transgender legal gender change system].
Seoul: The Korean Society of Law and Policy on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
Korea Democracy Foundation, 47-59. Seoul: The Korean Society of Law
and Policy on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity, 2013.
---. "T'ŭraensŭjendŏ ŭi hŏnpŏpchŏk munje" [Constitutional issues on transgender].
Sŏngjŏnhwan kwa sŏngjŏnhwanja ŭi minbŏpjŏk koch'al
- Yi Nomun
Yi Nomun. "Sŏngjŏnhwan kwa sŏngjŏnhwanja ŭi minbŏpjŏk koch'al" [A study on the
sexual inversion and transgenders in civil law].