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Sexual Citizenship: The Material Construction of Sexualities
Abstract
This enthralling and provocative book provides a new grounding for the understanding of sexual rights. It argues that all varieties of sexuality under capitalism are materially constructed out of the complex interrelationship between the market and the state. The examples of different sexual rights and lack of rights that it examines include the experience of male homosexuals, bisexuals, transvestites, transsexualists and children. Meticulous, focused and challenging, it will be required reading for anyone interested in modern human sexualities.
... The field of study on sexual politics, having gained traction in the 90s, has shaped the ways in which complexities of heteronormative belonging are addressed, recognition sought, and citizenship constructed (Evans 1993;Bell 1995;Richardson 1998;Weeks 1999). Considering the range of academic engagements with sexual citizenship, not only oriented towards legislative inclusion, but also symbolic forms of recognition and representation (Seidman 2001), sexual citizenship is best understood as 'an open and unfinished concept' (Sabsay 2016a, 88). ...
... 3 Accordingly, the Stonewall Riots did not only consist of the struggle for sexual freedom, but targeted multiple oppressions (Ferguson 2018, 32). Threatening hegemonic and normative power structures, the riots figured as a break with previous assimilationist politics (Evans 1993;Casey 2011). The ensuing construction of the homosexual identity contributed to the depathologization of homosexuality and the rejection of stigma in Western Europe and the United States. ...
... I argue that one prevalent modality through which the normative and legitimizing project of identity formation has been made possible is the rise of capitalism and the material construction of sexuality (d 'Emilio 1983;Evans 1993). The expansion of capitalism has pushed Western sexual politics towards performative forms of identity-based politics that legitimize the dominance of corporations and figure as a form of neoliberal governmentality. ...
... B. staatliche Unterstützung wie Sozialhilfe, Gegenstandsbereiche von Moralpaniken), die in Institutionen und Praktiken abgebildet werden (vgl. insbesondere Evans, 1993;Foucault, 1978aFoucault, , 1978bFoucault, , 2012Foucault, , 2016Rubin, 1993;Weeks, 2003). ...
... Angelsächsische Autoren (z. B. Evans, 1993;Laumann, 2004;Lister, 2002;Plummer, 2008;Richardson, 2000) formulieren dies im Diskurs des ‚Sexual Citizenship' ähnlich: Sie argumentierten, dass Sexualverhalten den grundlegenden Sinn dafür definieren kann, ob jemand als Person und als Bürger/-in (‚citizen') einer Gesellschaft anerkannt wird. Mit dem ungleichheitsorientierten Grundverständnis wird in der dominanten Jugendsexualitätsforschung weitestgehend unhinterfragt der ungleiche Status quo der soziosexuellen Verhältnisse und Sozialisationsbedingungen akzeptiert. ...
... Ihre Überlegungen sind anschlussfähig zum angelsächsischen Diskurs von ‚Sexual Citizenship' (vgl. insbesondere D. Bell & Binnie, 2000;Evans, 1993;Lister, 2002;Plummer, 1995Plummer, , 1996Plummer, , 2008Plummer, , 2015Richardson, 2000;Weeks, 1998), dem die deutsche (Jugend-)Sexualitätsforschung nicht besonders offen gegenübersteht, mitunter in dieser sogar förmlich verhöhnt wird (vgl. G. Schmidt, 2014a, S. 14). ...
Die Sexualitäts- und Beziehungsmuster der ‚heutigen Jugend‘ werden in der Forschung zumeist als egalitär, freizügig und partnerbetont beschrieben. Sexuelle Werte wie Doppelmoral und Jungfräulichkeit seien durch den Wert des romantischen Liebesideals abgelöst worden. Sexualität würde nunmehr vornehmlich in festen, exklusiven, wenn auch mitunter kurzen Beziehungen mit dem Gebot der sexuellen Treue gelebt. Doch stimmt das so überhaupt? Wird hier nicht die Projektion einer ‚braven‘ Mittelschichtssexualität verallgemeinert? Welche sexuellen Werte und Lebensstile finden sich demgegenüber in einem Milieu, dessen Lebenslage als prekär bezeichnet werden kann? Die vorliegende Interviewstudie geht aus einer kritischen Milieuperspektive der Frage nach, wie Jugendliche aus prekären Berliner Milieus ihre Sexualität erleben und gestalten.
... Previous research highlights the sex toy industry as an important site for access to information about and experiences of the many possibilities of sensual pleasure, both of which are essential conditions for sexual autonomy (Comella 2017;Lieberman 2017;McCaughey and French 2001). However, many scholars have questioned the underlying capitalistic drive of the production of sex toys tethered to the desire to create sexual consumers (Attwood 2005;Curtis 2004;Evans 1993;Hyde and DeLamater 1997;Rome and Lambert 2020;Smith 2007). More interestingly, a contradiction has been noted by past scholarship, as underlying stigma around women's sexuality and behavior remains, yet the main target audience of the sex toy market is, in fact, women (Ronen 2021). ...
... Despite the importance of access to the erotic industry, particularly for younger women and AFAB individuals, we also maintain an active critique of this market. A society that drives purchase power under the guise of sexual freedom may result in little other than bringing "work" into the bedroom via performance and superficial drive for gratification (Evans 1993). In other words, it is necessary to problematize the intersections of capitalistic consumption and sexual empowerment, particularly as it pertains to the use of sex toys. ...
... In other words, it is necessary to problematize the intersections of capitalistic consumption and sexual empowerment, particularly as it pertains to the use of sex toys. Many scholars have questioned the underlying capitalistic drive of the production of sex toys tethered to the desire to create sexual consumers (Attwood 2005;Curtis 2004;Evans 1993;Hyde and DeLamater 1997;Rome and Lambert 2020;Ronen 2021;Smith 2007). ...
Although historically stigmatized, women’s participation in the sex toy industry is significantly linked to their sexual autonomy, and women’s use of sex toys for sexual pleasure is prevalent. In this analysis, we consider how these important market practices are built upon practices established outside the erotic market in early life. More specifically, we reveal how women’s and AFAB (Assigned-Female-At-Birth) individuals’ early-life encounters with household objects prefigure their adult consumption of sex toys. Using the theory of affordances, we demonstrate that the pursuit of sexual pleasure is a perceptual learning process, beginning long before individuals enter the erotic industry as consumers, and continuing throughout their lifecourse with both “erotic” and “non-erotic” objects. This study draws from life history narrative data collected in 2019–2020 from 30 participants, with 26 out of 30 participants identifying as LGBTQIA+. These data permit a “follow-the-body” analytical approach that highlights the ways sexual discovery is perceptual, embodied, improvisational, and cumulative.
... As práticas de intimidade, melhor representadas pela fluência dos processos afetivos, permitem a transgressão de fronteiras e, por isso, escapam da normatividade que caracteriza a expectativa social sobre relacionamentos íntimos (Hines, 2006). Nessa perspectiva, o uso do conceito de cidadania sexual nesta investigação está pautado por uma abordagem que privilegia as lutas por demandas, à exemplo do movimento pela despatologização das identidades trans, e as implicações sociais e teóricas no acesso a diferentes níveis (Evans, 1993), bem como os processos de inclusão e exclusão à certos direitos relacionados à sexualidade (Richardson, 2000). ...
... Dirigidos por um viés normativo, apresentam cerceamentos à cidadania sexual através de pressuposições como a inerência do desejo ao corpo, o viés capacitista (Santos & Santos, 2017), a circunscrição das relações a uma matriz heterossexual (Butler, 2017) e ao domínio do privado (Oliveira, 2013). Baseados originalmente em termos de "normal" e "natural", deixam de fora outras formas de expressão, além de apresentarem potencial de serem transformados em uma mercadoria a ser consumida, tornando-se indisponível para as pessoas que não possuem poder de compra (Evans, 1993) e demonstrando um caráter classista. ...
This thesis aims to analyze the parenting experiences of trans men in Brazil and Portugal, in dialogue with the frameworks of intimate, sexual and reproductive citizenship in each context. To this end, the mechanisms for normative and social acceptance of health and parenting demands and the promotion of social policies were considered. Although some progress has been made on the subject, situations of reproductive vulnerability, social isolation and deprivation of rights were the focus of the 16 biographical-narrative interviews in this investigation. Through thematic analysis, it was possible to uncover some of the strategies used by the interlocutors to compensate for the absence of the state, such as peer support, which is fundamental in the search for acceptance and recognition, from a perspective of interdependence and the development of an ethic of trans care. Resisting the pathologizing tendency of the current biomedical panorama that informs policies and regulations, while challenging social representations of pregnancy, childbirth and responsibility for parental care, has relocated these men to different places on the scale of "being a man" in Western society. The establishment of parenting relationships, whether through biological pregnancy or as a result of affective relationships, has shown the development of skills, the learning of daily care and has allowed the re-signification of stories of abandonment and abuse that permeated their experiences. However, the lack of social and institutional recognition of these experiences revealed the systematic deprivation of access to citizenship levels, hindering the possibilities of generating offspring and exercising parental care. This situation means that not only reproductive technologies in the area of health, but also the guarantees of the law need to be put into effect, starting with the normalization of bodily and reproductive dissidence from a perspective of self-determination over sexuality, fertility and bodily and sexual integrity. As long as these experiences are excluded from regimes of intelligibility, models of reproductive practice and care will not be transformed.
... To substantiate these claims, I combine queer theory, the literature on EU LGBTI politics and novel approaches addressing sex work from a queer perspective to fill the critical gaps at their intersection. Queer theory has profusely criticised current mainstream LGBTI politics for its assimilationist nature and exclusionary effects, premised on the disciplining of both political subjectivity and sexuality in line with heteronormativity and neoliberalism (Weeks, 1985;Evans, 1993;Bell and Binnie, 2000;Warner, 2000;Duggan, 2003;Lamble, 2014;Sabsay, 2013). Yet, these insights have rarely been applied to Europe, let alone to the EU, albeit with notable exceptions (see Stychin, 2003;Beger, 2004;Thiel, 2015;Eigenmann, 2022). ...
... (Homo)Sexuality is confined to the private domain of love, intimacy and coupledom and thus domesticated (Brodie, 1997) or familiarised (Berlant, 1997). At the same time, as David Evans (1993) suggests, (homo)sexuality is commodified within specialised markets through the recognition of partial rights that enable the construction of sexual identities and lifestyles through consumption (albeit, crucially, not of sex itself). This aligns contemporary mainstream LGBTI politics not only with the fundamental tenets of heteronormativity's amative sexual ethic -private, domestic, reproductive and for love (Bernstein, 2019) -but also with the economic interests of neoliberal states in boosting the market while privatising the costs of social reproduction within the family (Richardson, 2005). ...
In this article, I analyse the constitutive effects of the exclusion of sex work for the European Union’s (EU’s) lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersexual (LGBTI) policies. I combine queer theory, the literature on EU LGBTI politics and approaches that address sex work from a queer perspective and develop a discursive analysis of the EU’s LGBTI policies between 1984 and 2020. I argue that the EU’s LGBTI policies exclude sex work in various ways and that such exclusion is constitutive of the EU’s LGBTI policies themselves, in particular, when sex work is framed in neo-abolitionist terms. Specifically, the EU’s LGBTI policies exclude sex work as a constitutive other against which the neoliberal and homonormative sexual subject of rights and new sexual respectability that structures such policies are constructed. The exclusion of sex work from the EU’s LGBTI policies is thus indispensable to disciplining political subjectivity and sexuality in line with heteronormativity and neoliberalism in such terms.
... Tematem podejmowanym zazwyczaj przez teoretyków seksualności jest problem orientacji seksualnej i wielu z nich, używając pojęcia polityka seksualna, formułuje tezy dotyczące problematyki środowisk LGBT+. Zdefiniowanie tak szerokiego pojęcia jako dążenia do równouprawnienia osób nieheteroseksualnych (Evans, 1985) bądź jako walki z antyseksualną paranoją (Kochanowski, 2013, s. 147), jest zawężeniem problemu do zaledwie kilku potencjalnych działań politycznych. Postulaty ustanowienia kontrhegemonicznej polityki kulturowej, czy realizacji postulatów osób nieheteronormatywnych stanowią bowiem ważny element polityki seksualnej, ale nie definiują jej w sposób całkowity. ...
... Dyskusje toczące się wokół problemu polityki seksualnej zmieniły zatem znacznie swój charakter i przesunęły granice. Zanegowane kodeksy moralno-kulturowe zmieniły się w żądania obywatelstwa seksualnego (Evans, 1985) dla osób pozostających poza seksualnym schematem. W społeczeństwach współczesnych to właśnie "seksualny margines" odnr 24/2022 [27] powiada za dekonstrukcję tradycyjnych skryptów (zob. ...
Seksualność jest ważnym elementem oddziaływań politycznych. Władza za pomocą kultury ustanawia systemy dominacji i blokując ciało, czerpie z niego korzyści. Pojęcie polityki seksualnej rozumianej jako zbiór wszelkich działań (legislacyjnych, kulturowych, dyskursywnych) władzy w sferze seksualności, pozwala lepiej zrozumieć procesy zarządzania człowiekiem i ujarzmiania jego popędów. Praca ma na celu ukazanie obszernego zakresu denotacyjnego pojęcia polityki seksualnej oraz jego splotów z elementami innych rodzajów polityki (kulturowej, ekonomicznej). Krytyczna refleksja nad strategiami (bio)władzy, pozwala na skuteczną korektę działań politycznych w sferze seksualności.
... Los aportes teóricos de la ciudadanía sexual de finales del siglo XX se caracterizan principalmente por poner en la mesa de debate de las ciencias sociales los argumentos sobre los limites sociopolíticos de la vida privada (íntima/sexual) y la vida pública (ciudadanía) (Giddens, 1992;Evans, 1993Evans, , 2007Waites, 1996;Richardson, 1998;Plummer, 1995Plummer, , 2001. ...
... La ciudadanía sexual está implicada en cómo la ciudadanía se concibe de manera más amplia y en formas particulares de gobierno del individuo.La versión neoliberal capitalista de ciudadanía sexual, por ejemplo, está en parte formada por una mercantilización de la ciudadanía que pone énfasis en la elección del "estilo de vida" del consumidor. En este sentido,Evans (1993) critica la visión tradicionalista de lo sexual como algo individual, personal, privado y separado de las estructuras materiales y de las relaciones de poder, y caracteriza a los grupos sexuales minorizados como participantes de una ciudadanía, a través del consumo de mercancías sexualizadas elaboradas específicamente para ese mercado. ...
El propósito del presente trabajo es exponer los argumentos más representativos del concepto de ciudadanía sexual y sus implicaciones para el ejercicio de derechos de personas que viven discordancia de género particularmente en México. Se detalla un recorrido teórico que invita a la reflexión crítica de los desafíos en la construcción de ciudadanía sexual basada en el sistema binario del sexo y del género, así como para el estudio de las diversidades sexuales. Concluyendo, por un lado, que en la actualidad el sistema binario está siendo rebasado y, por otro lado, se está abriendo la oportunidad de desnaturalizar, desesencializar y tal vez desbinarizar las identidades de género.
... São sujeitos que acessam uma cidadania diferenciada por conta da sua sexualidade (Evans, 1993) ou seu gênero e que, ainda que tenham reivindicado seus direitos ao longo de anos, eles têm sido negados por conta da heterossexualização da imagem do bom cidadão (Richardson, 2005 do inabitável e, sendo ininteligíveis, são deslegitimados e deixam de ser considerados como "corpos" (Butler, 2020 ...
This article discusses some issues related to the Brazilian social and political scenario. Although the universality of rights is provided by law, some groups of people are systematically vulnerable and excluded, which becomes more complex depending on the different factors that intersect their bodies and experiences, including gender, sexuality, class, race, ethnicity. This situation worsens with the rise of certain groups and discourses, which we discuss three: conservatism, neopentecostalism and neoliberalism. Even though they are heterogeneous, keeping important differences between them, they work together in different circumstances. We present a reading of this scenario, establishing relationships between the elements presented that are producers of subjectivities and forms of specific relationships.
... Several analysts have explored the relationship between gendering and the state (Mackinnon 1989;Gordon 1994;Orloff 1996;Abramovitz 2000;Curran and Abrams 2000;Haney 2000;Zylan 2000;Brush 2003); between racism and the state (Marable 1983;Omi and Winant 1990;Ignatiev 1995;Winant 2000;Feagin 2001;Goldberg 2002;Yanow 2003;Calavita 2005;Cazenave 2011); and between heteronormativity and the state, particularly in the exploration of sexual citizenship (Evans 1993; Ackelsberg 2010). However, we need a conceptual framework that blends these literatures, as well as literatures concerning social movements and resistance to the state, in a broader explanation of the relationship between the state and society. ...
We might re-examine critical state theory by exploring the state’s role in mediating conflicts around racism in the US during the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, we argue that the New York State Department of Public Health’s guidance for COVID treatments in 2021 is best understood in the context of larger social struggles against racism in policing in the US, demonstrating the relevance of the multi-sites of power approach to state theory. We re-tool aspects Bob Jessop’s critical state theory to argue for the salience of this approach in understanding contemporary state attempts to create social order out of societal divisions.
... Moreover, as is highlighted in the literature, the lack of recognition of bisexuality also has epistemic implications, since it reiterates the supremacy of heteronormativity and compulsory monosexuality (Caldwell 2010;Roseneil et al. 2020) and makes bisexuality unintelligible (Yoshino 2000). These political, psychosocial, and epistemic implications preclude the right to live bisexual intimacies freely and complicate both the state's and civil society's recognition of bisexuality, seriously compromising bisexual (intimate) citizenship (Evans 1993;Roseneil 2001;Plummer 2003). ...
This paper draws attention to the tensions generated within LGBTQ+ movements in Portugal. Although recent legal developments have put Portugal on the map as a European country welcoming LGBTQ+ people, on a local scale, movements have been less ready to expand their notions of inclusion within the LGBTQ+ spectrum.
Drawing on two studies carried out through twenty qualitative interviews between 2017 and 2020, the authors focus on the tensions that emerge in the narratives of two groups of people: bisexual activists and chronically ill people who also identify as LGBTQ+. Both studies explore to what extent practices of exclusion are at play in Pride politics in Portugal and what forms of (in)visibility are privileged over others. The analysis uses the concepts of middle ground (Hemmings 2002) and boundary work (Egner 2017) to show how Pride politics are often oriented towards a normative definition of able-bodied, white gay and lesbian people. They also tend to exclude from public space some intersectional subjectivities, through active opposition or indirect discrimination. The paper offers a relevant perspective to reflect on the tensions generated by public action within LGBTQ+ communities, compromises between care and belonging, and the future advancements that will need to be made.
... 33-34) Such social, economic, and political conditions and contradictions in turn affect and construct the health of different populations, both individually and more collectively, including as a public health issue, as in the provision of and access to health services and health education, as well as in mutual support systems. One way of framing these concerns is in terms of variable sexual citizenships (Evans 1993) subject to the production and transformation of geographies (Brown 1997). ...
... Ad esempio, gli interventi di tutela delle persone lgbt-qi+ sono stati indagati dal punto di vista dei modelli identitari e degli stili di vita che promuovono. Sono rilevanti qui i concetti di homosexual citizen (Evans 1993), di «eteronormatività degli omosessuali» (Spade and Willse 2000) e quelli già richiamati di «omonormatività» (Duggan 2003) e «transnormatività» (Snorton and Haritaworn 2013). Attraverso questi concetti si tematizza la capacità delle istituzioni di produrre soggetti «docili», inclini a rispettare le logiche di funzionamento complessive e a non minacciare l'ordine sociale. ...
Che peso hanno discriminazioni e violenza nella vita delle persone che sfidano la norma dell’eterosessualità e del binarismo di genere? E quali sono le modalità per prevenirle e contrastarle? In Italia sono poche e discontinue le ricerche che hanno provato a rispondere a queste domande. La conoscenza prodotta si deve in gran parte agli studi promossi e condotti dalle associazioni lgbtqi+. Gli istituti di ricerca nazionali, invece, si sono occupati del tema solo in anni recenti. Il volume si inserisce in questo processo di lenta istituzionalizzazione degli studi su discriminazione e violenza determinate dall’orientamento sessuale e dall’identità di genere. Lo fa presentando i risultati di una ricerca qualiquantitativa di durata biennale condotta in collaborazione con la Regione Emilia-Romagna e con il coinvolgimento delle associazioni del territorio. La ricerca si colloca in un periodo contraddistinto da complesse trasformazioni culturali e politiche, riferibili anche all’emergere di modelli di autoidentificazione più fluidi e meno rigidamente vincolati al binarismo. Questi mutamenti producono sfide inedite rispetto ai modi in cui si indagano e si interpretano vecchie e nuove discriminazioni e forme di violenza. I risultati – discussi tenendo conto dei diversi dibattiti scientifici in materia – mostrano l’ampia diffusione delle forme di discriminazione più ordinarie e l’impatto non marginale delle aggressioni fisiche e sessuali. Ma fanno vedere anche la presenza di importanti risorse culturali per riconoscere, nominare e far fronte alla vittimizzazione. Oltre che favorire le possibilità di risposta individuali, queste risorse si traducono in servizi e reti di servizi che contribuiscono – non senza conflitti – a estendere i confini della cittadinanza.
... "Sexual citizenship" was originally coined by Evans (1993) to describe how sexuality is produced and constrained by demands of neoliberal capitalism and the state. Viewed through a legal-political and practical-behavioral lens, "sexual citizenship" signals the distinction between the rights, protections, and responsibilities that are extended to heterosexuals and that have been historically denied to individuals with deviant sexualities. ...
Compulsory sexuality refers to the ways that social institutions both assume and privilege sexualities while marginalizing asexuality—the relative lack of sexual attraction. However, experiences of compulsory sexuality are not uniform. This paper documents how the institutions of compulsory sexuality can variously impede or facilitate the development of asexual citizenship, sometimes simultaneously. Data come from exploratory, semi-structured interviews with young adults who identify as asexual in the central U.S. Informants talk about their experiences with intimate relationships, religion, media, and LGBTQIA + groups in contradictory ways: each institution figures into discourses of both citizenship and alienation. We argue that there are multiple pathways to sexual citizenship for aces, which depend not only on how compulsory sexuality intersects with other structures, like race and gender, but also according to one’s experiences with the institutions of compulsory sexuality.
... 33-34) Such social, economic, and political conditions and contradictions in turn affect and construct the health of different populations, both individually and more collectively, including as a public health issue, as in the provision of and access to health services and health education, as well as in mutual support systems. One way of framing these concerns is in terms of variable sexual citizenships (Evans 1993) subject to the production and transformation of geographies (Brown 1997). ...
... 33-34) Such social, economic, and political conditions and contradictions in turn affect and construct the health of different populations, both individually and more collectively, including as a public health issue, as in the provision of and access to health services and health education, as well as in mutual support systems. One way of framing these concerns is in terms of variable sexual citizenships (Evans 1993) subject to the production and transformation of geographies (Brown 1997). ...
... By this notion, Plummer seeks to provide a conceptual base and an agenda for understanding the developments in the relation between intimacy and citizenship. Although the term hints at the "sexual" and the "reproductive," Plummer considers the term to be more neutral and inclusive (Evans 1993;Richardson 2000;Richardson and Turner 2001) and also underpins citizenship. Intimate citizenship further retraces and questions intersections, continuums, and frictions between the private and the public spheres. ...
Institutions and public opinion are invested in intimacy, which is also at the core of individ- ual and collective choices, actions, grievances, and claims that can be taking shape as forms of inclusive performative citizenship. What this means is that citizenship is both a “practice: it is more what individuals do than what individuals have” (Odasso 2021, 76), and a “rela- tionship, inflected by identity, social positioning, cultural assumptions, institutional practices, and a sense of belonging” (Yuval Davis and Werbner 1999, 4). This web of relationships and practices can be further explored by employing an intersectional lens as both a methodological and analytical tool that helps to further clarify intimate citizenship,which Plummer himself considered a “loose term” (1995, 151).
Here I argue that an intersectional intimate citizenship project should disentangle the con- trasting, yet somehow conflicting, social mechanisms that coalesce around identity positioning, power relations, and “domains of powers – structural, disciplinary, cultural and interpersonal” (Collins and Bilge 2016, 200). To empirically explore what an array of intersectional projects and related methods concerning intimate citizenship consist of this chapter proposes a reflex- ion at the crossroads of migration, politics of belonging, and regimes1 of intersection. Firstly, I identify important transversal issues and methodologies that marked scholarship on intimate citizenship and lay the groundwork for remaking an intersectional intimate citizenship’s project. Secondly, yet little explored through the prism of intimate citizenship, I posit that migration is an illuminating domain for understanding the manifold intersections of domains of powers drawn by the interplay of borders and social boundaries. Public discourse around the migration apparatus and the subsequent social representations outline the specific matrix of inequalities and domination that impact, expose, and reshape (some) the geography of intima- cies on the way to gain full national membership and belongingness. Thanks to empirical case studies concerning binational heterosexual unions2 and the manifold discourses surrounding them, I propose empirical scenes that help to capture the micro, meso, and macro levels of an “intersectional regime perspective” (i.e., securitization, economization, humanitarianism of migration) along with more investigated lines of oppression (Amelina and Horvath 2020), whichconcern the public intimate life of “Others” and their beloved ones in every day. The conclusion suggests avenues for future research and advocates for reinforcing the dialogue with civil society.
... By this notion, Plummer seeks to provide a conceptual base and an agenda for understanding the developments in the relation between intimacy and citizenship. Although the term hints at the "sexual" and the "reproductive" (Evans 1993;Richardson 2000;Richardson and Turner 2001), Plummer considers the word "intimate" to be more neutral and inclusive to define what underpins citizenship. Intimate citizenship further retraces and questions intersections, continuums, and frictions between the private and the public spheres. ...
... In many democratic countries, sexuality informs judgments about whether one can participate in public life in a responsible and desirable manner. Those whose sexual proclivities are deemed suspicious, dangerous, or otherwise undesirable may find their civil rights curtailed to define the nation's moral boundaries (Evans 1993). As such, figures as diverse as single mothers, prostitutes, errant fathers, gay men, lesbians, bisexuals, perverts, and pornographers have all been demonized as 'bad citizens' at different times and in different ways to delimit normal and desirable behavior (Knopp 1995). ...
... De uma forma geral, Jordana Rosenberg e Amy Villarejo observam como esse processo de inclusão/ exclusão, esse "'multiculturalismo neoliberal' encobre a dependência estrutural do capitalismo em relação ao racismo e ao imperialismo na sua busca aparentemente infinita por gerar e conservar lucro" (2012, p.2). 6 Como enfatiza Lisa Duggan (2004), de fato o "multiculturalismo neoliberal" organiza a distinção fictícia entre esfera cultural e material. Essa distinção ideológica é funcional para a organização 5 Muitas(os) autoras(es) destacam como a participação dos sujeitos LGBT no mercado como "sujeitos consumidores" e o apoio que estes oferecem às normas culturais e aos valores dominantes foram instrumentos de inclusão social altamente eficazes: David Evans (1993), David Bell e John Binnie (2000), Davina Cooper (2004). 6 Sobre esse ponto, ver também Jodi Melamed (2006), Jasbir Puar (2007) e Nikhil Pal Singh (2005). ...
O artigo busca identificar as convergências e divergências entre as teorias queer, materialista e marxista, e propõe, a partir desses diálogos teóricos, a defesa de um “marxismo queer”. O autor faz um cotejamento entre as concepções de materialismo e história em Judith Butler e Marx e defende que a filósofa permite abrir um diálogo sobre o neoliberalismo e o funcionamento da economia em suas análises. A partir de trabalhos recentes dos marxistas Kevin Floyd, Alan Sears, Peter Drucker e Rosemary Hennessy e dos teóricos queer Roderick Ferguson, Lisa Duggan e Michael Warner, propõe um diálogo que conversa na elaboração queer do marxismo e em uma elaboração marxista das teorias queer.
... Feminist and queer studies of citizenship have been particularly crucial in exposing the patriarchal and cis-heteronormative assumptions that underpin dominant paradigms of citizenship and rethinking aspects of citizenship such as rights, public-private distinctions and political community (Bussmaker and Voet 1998;Evans 1993;Lister 1997;Plummer 1995;Richardson 2000). At the intersection of transgender and citizenship, a wide array of interactions between the trans citizen and state institutions have been the focus of transgender citizenship scholarship (Monro 2005;Monro and Warren 2004;West 2013) spanning the importance of the amendment of formal documentation for the enjoyment of citizenship rights (Couch et al. 2008) to uneven access of trans people to rights including rights to employment, parenting and marriage (Currah et al. 2006) and the failure of legal texts to offer trans people protection against discrimination and violence (Field 2007). ...
The “War on Drugs” in the Philippines resulted in the arrest of unprecedented number of suspects of drug-related crimes. Legal professionals managed this deluge of cases by embracing the device of plea bargaining, previously banned from those types of cases. Given the weakness of the legal cases of drug-related offences assembled by the police, conviction of the accused is often in serious tension with the duty and commitment of legal professionals to decide cases on the basis of law and evidence. At the same time, acquittals appear anathema both to the government’s aggressive anti-drugs campaign and legal professionals’ own moral judgement of drug users. Plea bargaining allows legal professionals to avoid these unwanted outcomes and satisfies their belief in rehabilitation. This chapter draws from interviews with prosecutors, public attorneys, and judges to explore their moral discourse against poor defendants and how it affects the justice system’s response to drugs cases. Locating the “war on drugs” within an understanding of neoliberalism as the ascendance of “markets-and-morals”, the chapter shows how legal professionals’ embrace of plea bargaining continues the weaponization of morality against the poor within the criminal justice system.
... Though some authors from Central and Eastern Europe have embraced the concept (see Kuhar 2011;Rédai 2015;Tereskinas 2008), intimate/sexual citizenship has remained largely connected with Western Europe and North America. This has affected the way it is theorized: sexual/intimate citizenship scholars focus largely on activism and public discourses (Bell & Binnie 2000;Phelan 2001) or inclusion through consumption (Evans 1993), while the everyday practices and discourses of average LGBTQ people largely remain unseen (except e.g., Lewin 1998or Ryan-Flood 2009. The intimate/ sexual citizenship perspective is usually applied to issues figuring strongly in (North American) activism like marriage equality (Bell & Binnie 2000;Cossman 2007), but not to same-sex parenting, which is considered less of a problem in that context (though works studying the experiences of gay and lesbian parents in their environment like Lewin (2009) or Mallon (2004 suggest otherwise). ...
... São sujeitos que acessam uma cidadania diferenciada por conta da sua sexualidade (Evans, 1993) ou seu gênero e que, ainda que tenham reivindicado seus direitos ao longo de anos, eles têm sido negados por conta da heterossexualização da imagem do bom cidadão (Richardson, 2005 do inabitável e, sendo ininteligíveis, são deslegitimados e deixam de ser considerados como "corpos" (Butler, 2020 ...
O presente artigo trata de discutir algumas questões referentes ao cenário social e político brasileiro. Ainda que esteja previsto em lei a universalidade de direitos, alguns grupos de pessoas são sistematicamente vulnerabilizados e excluídos, o que se complexifica a depender dos diferentes fatores que atravessam interseccionalmente seus corpos e experiências, entre eles, gênero, sexualidade, classe, raça, etnia. Essa situação se agrava com a ascensão de certos grupos e discursos, os quais discutimos três: conservadorismo, neopentecostalismo e neoliberalismo. Mesmo que eles sejam heterogêneos, guardando entre si diferenças importantes, atuam em conjunto em diversas circunstâncias. Apresentamos uma leitura desse cenário, estabelecendo relações entre os elementos apresentados que são produtores de subjetividades e de formas de relações específicas.
... "Sexual citizenship" was originally coined by David Evans (1993) to describe how sexuality is produced and constrained by demands of neoliberal capitalism and the state. Viewed through a legal-political and practicalbehavioral lens, "sexual citizenship" signals the distinction between the rights, protections, and responsibilities that are extended to heterosexuals and that have been historically denied to individuals with deviant sexualities. ...
Compulsory sexuality refers to the ways that social institutions both assume and privilege sexualities while marginalizing asexuality—the relative lack of sexual attraction. However, experiences of compulsory sexuality are not uniform. This paper documents how the institutions of compulsory sexuality can variously impede or facilitate the development of asexual citizenship, sometimes simultaneously. Data come from exploratory, semi-structured interviews with young adults who identify as asexual in the central U.S. Informants talk about their experiences with intimate relationships, religion, media, and LGBTQIA + groups in contradictory ways: each institution figures into discourses of both citizenship and alienation. We argue that there are multiple pathways to sexual citizenship for aces, which depend not only on how compulsory sexuality intersects with other structures, like race and gender, but also according to one’s experiences with the institutions of compulsory sexuality.
Feminist approaches to citizenship have for a long time problematized the traditional view of male, white, heterosexual, and able-bodied citizenship. Nonetheless, many feminist theories on citizenship are based on the gender binary system and the idea of universal rights for all, which tend to erase differences and structural inequalities (Monro and Warren, Sexualities 7(3):345–362, 2004; Monro, The limits of gendered citizenship: contexts and complexities, Routledge, 2010; Monro and Van der Ros, Crit Soc Policy 38(1):57–78, 2018; Kuhar et al., Crit Soc Policy 38(1):99–120, 2018). In this chapter, I discuss how feminist politics address trans* people’s citizenship using the concept of trans* citizenship developed by Surya Monro (Crit Soc Policy 23(4):433–452, 2003), Monro (The limits of gendered citizenship: contexts and complexities, Routledge, 2010), while engaging with Nancy Fraser’s understanding of recognition (Fraser, New Left Rev 1(3):107–120, 2000; Fraser, Crit Inq 34(3):393–422, 2008). Thus, I focus on the politics of recognition that emphasises the status and needs of citizens in achieving social justice. Through examining the use of some theoretical concepts in feminist politics, I discuss how the limits of identity-based politics of recognition in feminist theories and practices have amounted to social injustices and denial of trans* people’s needs, affecting their citizenship. Thus, I maintain that trans* citizenship needs feminist socio-legal researchers, practitioners, and policy makers’ attention to social status and needs of trans* people with respect to people’s diversity of knowledge and experiences.
O artigo situa as tensões teóricas e metodológicas das perspectivas queer e marxista no contexto do desenvolvimento recente do capitalismo dos EUA. O desenvolvimento material e ideológico das formas taylorista e fordista (desenvolvimento de tecnologias de produção e estímulo ao consumo de massa) tem relação direta com a reificação do erótico, pois a indução ao consumo teria levadoa uma autonomização sem precedentes do desejo sexual. A base material de produção capitalista é responsável por dissociar sexualidade e gênero e abre caminho para a reificação do erótico pela classe, sobredeterminando políticas anti-heterossexistas. No entanto, há uma dialética histórica mutuamente produtiva e constitutiva da mercadorização do desejo e de sua politização. A reificação é, também, uma inflexão produtiva, que deve ser pensada de maneira mais dialética e menos funcionalista. Nesse sentido, o artigo propõe que a cultura do consumo pode ser lida como um ponto necessário e contínuo da história moderna e da luta anti-heterossexista.
This study examines social-class and sexuality in the context of being a teacher in a secondary school in England. It is pertinent as some levels of LGBT inclusion, are currently expected in English schools, however this varies within and across schools. This study explores the case of a single, gay, man from a working-class background, in relation to the homophobia and harassment he routinely experiences as a teacher, as well as the (in)active response of his institution. Findings suggest that the school is (re)produced as hostile for the gay teacher, through a combination of discourses where gay is positioned as subordinate by the students, and where gay is sublimated by the school and staff. Moreover, despite the teacher’s resilience, these problems are enhanced by the current individualized model of neoliberal inclusion, which may not be inclusive of all LGB people.
This article examines Japan's age of consent law by delving into court judgements, focusing on unravelling the nuances of how the sexual autonomy of children is interpreted. The study reveals a contradictory stance of the court towards child victim's maturity and capacity, indicating that the legal discourse around a child's autonomy is easily manipulated and framed. It further exposes the susceptibility of children's sexual autonomy to the structural moral values associated with patriarchal gender relations and age. By shaping the contours of consent, law draws a line —delineating punishable acts from consensual sexual activity. While the legal reforms aimed at stricter regulations surrounding child sexual abuse, including raising the age of consent, are narrowing the space for recognizing adolescents' sexual autonomy, this article contends that reforming age consent laws must strike a delicate balance between preventing potential harms and avoiding undue interference with adolescents' sexual autonomy.
This chapter builds on the anti-heteronormative and disruptive content of queer critiques to, in light of the debates on SDG territorialization and the limitations of SDG5, queer the 2030 Agenda. The limits of SDG5’s promotion of gender equality are contextualized considering the specificities of the 2030 Agenda as a state-sponsored political project to promote sustainable development which emerged and was consolidated amidst turbulent international (anti-)gender politics and found in Brazil a hostile political context. The Agenda has, however, been territorialized, that is, queer activists who have been countering structural and historical problems in Brazilian gender and sexual politics for decades have translated the Global Goals to local priorities. SDG5’s targets are dissected to reveal how their promotion of gender equality is limited by cis/heteronormative outlooks. Emphasizing the reprocentric futurity which grounds the notion of sustainable development, we demonstrate how, while promoting gender equality, SDG5 reaffirms hierarchical gendered and sexualized power relations. The goal does not challenge contingent categories such as gender and sexuality, normalizes reproduction as what constitutes a meaningful life, and that way obscures how the modern capitalist state system depends on them. Building on the Brazilian case the chapter demonstrates the ambivalence of the 2030 agenda as a project to promote sustainable—as in livable, not unceasing—life and suggests more inclusive and multiple futurities.
This chapter addresses the struggles of Russian activists for LGBT recognition and rights against the backdrop of national, transnational, as well as global contentions around sexual citizenship. It discusses how Russian LGBT actors can negotiate their positions and ideas about sexual citizenship at national and transnational levels and to consider how the results can add to thinking about conceptualizations of sexual citizenship. Theoretically, sexual citizenship can be understood as a Western term. This leads to problems in investigations of Russia, where the relations between the state, law, and society differ from Western liberal democracies. The chapter emphasizes the importance of situating sexual citizenship. An important constraint to LGBT activism is the so-called Foreign Agent Law from 2012, which labels non-governmental organizations which receive funds from abroad as foreign agents. Based on interviews from 2021 with Russian LGBT activists, it discusses how they perceive processes of citizenship inclusion and exclusion. The focus is on how they make spaces for themselves as citizens, to call attention to as well as despite anti-LGBT political developments and structural inequalities. Theoretically, the chapter uses research on sexual citizenship with a focus on Russia, nationalisms, and bordering practices and theorizations of ‘acts of citizenship’ and ‘activist citizen’.
Bab ini membahas karakteristik umum mengenai narasi di dalam penulisan fiksi roman, termasuk sejarah perkembangan konstruksi formula genre tersebut yang berlaku sampai dengan sekarang. Di bab ini, dijelaskan juga kesejarahan fiksi roman populer Amerika yang diasosiasikan dengan perubahan sosial dan budaya yang berlaku, sekaligus menjelaskan faktor-faktor yang memicu kemunculan invensi di dalam formula yang digunakan di dalam kepenulisan fiksi-fiksi tersebut. Kesejarahan dan karakteristik umum mengenai novel-novel populer dengan genre queer Amerika juga dijelaskan di dalam bab ini.
Vatandaşlık kavramı, modern ulus-devletin ortaya çıkmasıyla birlikte kişilerin devlete karşı hak ve sorumluluklarının belirlendiği, ulusal topluluğa üyelik ve bu üyeliğin getirdiği haklar ve yükümlülükler üzerine odaklanan çok katmanlı bir durumu ifade eder. 1990'lı yıllardan itibaren küreselleşme tartışmaları, uluslararası göç ve ekonomik örgütlerin etkisiyle vatandaşlık konusunu karmaşık hale getirmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, vatandaşlık kavramına dair literatür derlemesi sunmanın yanı sıra küreselleşme literatüründeki vatandaşlık bakış açısını sorgulamaktır. Türkiye'deki uygulamalara örnek olma ve gelişmeleri yakalama amacıyla, kamu yönetimi bakış açısında vatandaşlık konusunu değerlendirmek, siyasi-hukuki işlemlerin farklı boyutlarını ortaya koymak hedeflenmektedir. Vatandaşlık tanımı, dil farklılıklarına rağmen belirli hak ve görevlere dayanan bir aidiyet biçimi olarak kabul edilir. Günümüzde, küreselleşme, çok kültürlülük, terörle mücadele gibi faktörler vatandaşlık kavramını evrimsel bir sürece sokmuş ve vatandaşlık hakları giderek değişen bir dinamizme sahip olmuştur. Son olarak, vatandaşlık tarihsel gelişimi incelendiğinde, Antik Yunan'dan başlayarak siyasi üyelik ve ulus-devlet anlayışına kadar uzandığı görülmektedir. Günümüzde küreselleşme, çok kültürlülük, insan hakları gibi etkilerle vatandaşlık kavramı sürekli evrim geçirmekte ve bu değişimler kamu yönetimi alanında daha kapsamlı araştırmaları gerektirmektedir.
Though ‘progressive’ campaigns for social change have facilitated an expanded view of Irishness, bisexualities continue to remain outside of the remit of the boundaries of Irish national identity: not only within law and policy, but also within the lives and minds of bisexual+ individuals in Ireland.
Working from interviews with 34 participants from 12 counties across Ireland, this chapter explores how social norms, traditions, and notions of Irishness shape and structure the everyday identity negotiations of bisexual+ people.
The findings reveal that essentialist and/or conservative ideas of sexualities, genders, and kinship structures permeate socio-cultural and individual ideas of bisexualities, which frame them in bi-negative and monosexist ways. As a result, bisexual+ people living in Ireland often position themselves outside belonging within Ireland, and their abilities to connect with Irishness is fraught. Overall, this chapter posits that ‘traditional’ ideas of who ‘counts’ as Irish still remain complicated along sexualised lines.
In this chapter, the concept of sexual citizenship (Evans, Sexual Citizenship: The Material Construction of Sexualities. London: Routledge, 1993) is elaborated and employed as a lens to analyse to what extent recent Irish policy developments and more specifically the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA) Review of Relationships and Sexuality Education (RSE) (NCCA, Report on the Review of Relationships and Sexuality Education (RSE) in Primary and Post-primary Schools. https://ncca.ie/media/4462/report-on-the-review-of-relationships-and-sexuality-education-rse-in-primary-and-post-primary-school.pdf, 2019) indicate a shift away from a construction of the student’s sexual citizenship as a problematic citizenship in need of regulation and control. It is argued that while there are positive indicators that a more positive conception of the student as sexual citizen is evident in the NCCA review of RSE (NCCA, Report on the Review of Relationships and Sexuality Education (RSE) in Primary and Post-primary Schools. https://ncca.ie/media/4462/report-on-the-review-of-relationships-and-sexuality-education-rse-in-primary-and-post-primary-school.pdf, 2019), there are also clear indicators that the revised RSE curriculum is unlikely to trouble or move beyond normative conceptions of sexualities in significant ways. This means that the space to pursue the goals of equal and inclusive sexual citizenship in the revised RSE programme may still be limited.
The following paper proposes a reading of American poet Eileen Myles’ 2007 poetry collection Sorry, Tree in the interrelated contexts of Lauren Berlant’s understanding of intimacy and her concept of intimate citizenship, Lee Edelman’s understanding of sexuality and negativity, as well as Giorgio Agamben’s sense of the contemporary as always untimely. An openly lesbian and queer author, Myles gestures towards the sawed and the disempowered, olering an intimate, yet unmistakably political negotiation of a minoritarian lesbian position as both denant and transformative of the (hetero)normative status quo through acts of observation, engagement, and participation that do not necessarily have to be conspicuous or successful to elect reconceptualization of the social; rather, Myles suggests that individual agency in the public world also resides in failure as illuminative of the fact that one’s desire for presence is continuously actualized through entanglement with negativity.
Over the past two decades sexuality has emerged as an important theme in citizenship studies leading to the development of the concept of sexual citizenship. Sexual citizenship is a multifaceted concept, understood in a variety of different ways, with some writers preferring the term “intimate citizenship.” Some analyses use the term sexual citizenship to refer to rights granted or denied to different social groups on the basis of sexuality, including but not restricted to rights of sexual expression and identity. Much of this work focuses on the rights of nonheterosexual and nongender‐normative people. A great deal of the literature, however, focuses on examining the underlying assumptions embedded in frameworks or models of citizenship and the practice of policy in order to show how, in addition to being informed by ideas about gender, class, and race, notions of citizenship are grounded in normative assumptions about sexuality.
With the growth of women’s periodicals in China during the early twentieth century, women started to assume an unprecedentedly conspicuous role in print culture as both readers and essay writers. Targeting well-educated young women of the new era, the leading women’s periodical, The Ladies’ Journal (Funü zazhi 婦女雜誌), can function as the precious prism to examine the critical reading practice of young urban women of the time. This paper investigates how women’s critical reading reflections on heterosexual love and gender relations that were manifested in the journal facilitated the formation of female subjectivity through women readers’ engagement with new gender norms and knowledge. It argues that the introduction and promulgation of literary works and feminist ideologies concerning women’s individuality embodied male editors’ concern on women’s empowerment, while also serving as their normative configurations of new knowledge surrounding womanhood and social progress. But women were not deprived of subjectivity when encountering these prescriptive knowledge. The public reading of texts that inspired young educated women to reflect on love and marriage displayed female readers’ feminist consciousness, conceptualizing women’s agency in providing alternatives for male intellectuals’ vision and contributing to the construction of public knowledge through their own discursive efforts.
Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie czytelnikom części prowadzonych przeze mnie badań nad codziennością rodzin jednopłciowych, dotyczących wykorzystywania strategii zabezpieczania rodziny przed zjawiskiem stygmatyzacji. W artykule omawiam podstawowe przemiany związane z pojawieniem się zjawiska jednopłciowego rodzicielstwa, odwołując się do badań zachodnich i polskich. Skupiam się na zjawisku tworzenia przez tego typu rodziny codziennych strategii zabezpieczających przed konsekwencjami dominujących norm społecznych, które wykluczają zjawisko jednopłciowego rodzicielstwa. Pojęciami, które mają szczególne znaczenie w prezentowanym materiale, są stygmatyzacja oraz piętno. Piętno, na jakie narażeni są jednopłciowi rodzice, wpływa na wykorzystywanie przez nich metod pomagających radzić sobie w codziennym życiu. Prezentowane poniżej badania zostały przeze mnie przeprowadzone z czterema rodzinami lesbijek w latach 2017–2018 i stanowiły element badania pilotażowego do przygotowywanej przeze mnie rozprawy doktorskiej.
Historically, trans women of Turkey have been frequent targets of torture and ill-treatment by the police forces. Since the early 2000s, however, the strategies of the police to control trans women’s existence within the city has moved away from inflicting direct physical violence towards employing ‘law’ and creating an omnipresence of law in their everyday lives. This chapter examines two specific instances of such legal deployments: Misdemeanours fines and criminal law trials. While on the surface, these deployments of the law result in a diminished number of reported cases of torture and violence, I argue that they reflect less of a change of the underlying normative concerns around sex, gender and sexuality than an enhancement and expansion of the punitive capacity of the neoliberalising state under the Justice and Development Party government. I will show the ways through which trans women’s bodies, marked as unlawful occupiers of the urban space, are expelled to spaces outside the ‘circuits of security’ (Rose 2000) by the applications of misdemeanours and criminal laws. I argue that these employments of the law (dis)place trans women into constant circulation within and between different circuits of the law that work on and through various jurisdictions (O’Malley and Valverde 2014; Valverde 2014) and that makes it possible to govern in certain ways at the intersections of the formal and the informal.
Markets, it is sometimes said, are hard on discrimination. An employer who finds himself refusing to hire qualified blacks and women will, in the long run, lose out to those who are willing to draw from a broader labor pool. Employer discrimination amounts to a self-destructive “taste” – self-destructive because employers who indulge that taste add to the costs of doing business. Added costs can only hurt. To put it simply, bigots are weak competitors. The market will drive them out.
On this account, the persistence of employment discrimination on the basis of race and sex presents something of a puzzle. And if markets are an ally of equality and a foe of employment discrimination, perhaps discrimination persists because of something other than markets. Perhaps labor unions are to blame; perhaps the real culprit is the extensive federal regulation of the employment market, including minimum-wage and maximum-hour laws and unemployment compensation. If competitive markets drive out discrimination, the problem for current federal policy lies not in the absence of aggressive anti-discrimination law, but instead in the absence of truly competitive markets.
If this account is correct, the prescription for the future of anti-discrimination law is to seek ways to free up employers from the wide range of governmental disabilities – including, in fact, anti-discrimination law itself. The argument seems to be bolstered by the fact that some groups subject to past and present prejudice – most notably, Jews and Asian-Americans – have made substantial progress in employment at least in part because of the operation of competitive markets.
The intent of this paper is to extract those elements of the traditional male sex role which have relevance for sexual behavior and to suggest how they influence adult male heterosexual behavior in contemporary Western society. Two important themes-the centrality of sexual behavior to male gender identity, and the relative isolation of sex from other aspects of male heterosocial relationships-are identified. Then a number of linkages between male sexual behaviors/attitudes and general facets of the male sex role are examined: (a) goals and success, (b) control and power, and (c) aggression and violence. It is argued that many of the influences emanating from a restrictive sex-typed socialization process are maladaptive, and specifically that recent shifts away from the traditional “sexual animal” stereotype toward a modern “competent lover” image are largely surface alterations, that both have their roots in the same learning process with similar pernicious effects.
The Africaine courts martial are interesting for a number of reasons. They are an excellent example of the problems encountered in courts of law when morals or victimless crimes are at issue. While it is reasonably certain that buggery was prevalent on the Africaine, it is by no means clear that all the men punished for it were actually guilty. Much of the evidence came, as we have seen, from two 'eyewitnesses.' It is likely that both men would have been capitally convicted themselves if they had not agreed to cooperate with the prosecution.
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A partial report is given of the findings of a 4 yr investigation supported by the National Institute of Mental Health. One purpose has been to assess the prevalence and interrelatedness of attitudes and perceptions concerned with homosexuality, and to determine their relationship to demographic and behavioral characteristics of the American public. The findings are based on interviews with a nationwide probability sample of 30018 American adults during 1970. This sample represented with reasonable accuracy the noninstitutionalized adult population of the United States according to the full range of variables usually considered to be fundamental in describing a population. More than 600 bits of information were obtained from each of the respondents in a 2 hr interview. A portion of the findings is presented depicting the public's perceptions of, and attitudes toward, homosexuality.
Current sociological work makes extensive use of the concept of subculture--in the analysis of delinquency, adolescence, regional and class differences, religious sects, occupational styles, and other topics. In the study of these areas, our understanding has been increased by seeing norms that vary from more general standards as manifestations, in part, of distinctive subsocieties. Unfortunately, however, the term subculture is used in several different ways. In over 100 sources reviewed here, three clearly different meanings are found, with resultant imprecision in its application. A new term contraculture, is suggested in order to distinguish between normative systems of sub-societies and emergent norms that appear in conflict situations. The usefulness of this distinction is explored with reference to several substantive areas of research.
Though evidence suggests that bisexuals may outnumber homosexuals and that bisexuality is increasing, there is a paucity of research on this group. Further, because researchers have included large numbers of bisexuals as ôhomosexualsö in their studies of homosexuality, we cannot even be sure of what we know about homosexuals. The author examines a Varity of issue: sex differences, life-styles, discrimination, and changes in sexual orientation over the life span, etc. Four beliefs about bisexuals are presented and examined: Bisexuality as: (1) real and natural, (2) transitory (the bisexual will return to his or her original orientation), (3) transitional (the bisexual will become exclusive at the orientation opposite to his or her original orientation), and (4) homosexual denial.
A model is presented for an alternative family form which extends key ideological and structural features of open marriage to include children. Open families are characterized by enhanced permeability of internal and external boundaries and by commitment to a single standard of behavior for all members regardless of age, sex, or biological relationship. Children are thus recognized as fully participating members on a par with adults. The open family model is explored and compared with other family patterns, including the traditional, authoritarian family, the "democratic" family, and the open-type family described by Kantor and Lehr. Practical issues in the interface between the open family and society are raised and a personal perspective on the workings of an open family is presented.
An increasing amount of attention is being focused on the sexual victimization of children, yet no exact statistics exist in regard to this problem for a number of reasons: Many such victimizations may go unreported or undetected, or the suspect may not be apprehended; or there may be insufficient evidence to go to court; or the offender is not convicted; or even if he is convicted his offense may fall under a number of different statutes which are not age-specific-in Massachusetts, for example, the sexual victimization of a child can be encompassed under 25 different statutes-and therefore it is impossible to retrieve the number of identified sexual offenses committed specifically against children. Nevertheless human service and criminal justice professionals are encountering more and more reported incidents of inter-generation sexual activity. The authors of this chapter are clinicians who have worked with identified sexual offenders against children in a variety of institutional and community-based settings. Our professional experience to date has spanned 16 years and encompassed over 500 such offenders, and our aim in this chapter is to share our clinical observations, ideas, and impressions derived from our work in the hope that this will offer others a useful overview and approach to understanding and working with the child molester. Our sample of identified offenders may be biased-there may be better integrated individuals who commit similar offenses with more discretion and circumspection and thus remain undetected- but our offenders have in fact encompassed a sufficiently broad spectrum in regard to age, education, and occupation to persuade us that the fact of identification and conviction is not a distorting variable with regard to the psychology of the child offender. With increasing opportunity to work with and study such offenders our knowledge of the offender, his offense, and his victim continues to develop, and we find that many of the commonly held assumptions in regard to the child molester (pedophile) are not being substantiated.
The recent proliferation of new market-based consumer goods and experiences, and the high visibility of such consumption-biased spatial complexes as `gentrification' and `Disney World', call attention to the real, rather than the symbolic, role of cultural capital in contemporary service economies. Cultural capital is linked, on the one hand, with the circulation of financial capital in investment and production. It is related, on the other hand, to new demands more affluent consumers make of the consumption process (e.g., demands for authenticity and security), and a changing nature of consumer products. These observations suggest a new organization of consumption, most marked at the high end of the market, that has to be examined in terms of spatial embeddedness, which locates consumption in space and localizes specific features of a service economy; the social creation of new relations between cultural producers and consumers, especially a relation of mediation; and the role of new consumer products and practices in instituting circuits of cultural capital that articulate with more traditional economic circuits. Gentrification and Disney World are described in terms of these three concepts, suggesting their role as socio-spatial prototypes of a new organization of consumption.
Section 28 of the Local Government Act 1988, which states that local authorities may not 'intentionally promote homosexuality' , enjoyed a rela tively quiet first anniversary at the end of May this year which was in marked contrast to the intense political debate and heightened media inter est which attended its birth. This article seeks to explain why, through an examination of Section 28 as law, by an assessment of its ideological locus within neo-conservatism, and by an evaluation of its somewhat ambiguous effects on gay politics and representations of homosexuality.
During the last decade, slowly gathering trends have crystallized into new patterns of household composition and female labor force participation. Alongside traditional families, a variety of alternative household forms has emerged. Women's position in the paid labor force has also increased significantly. These developments are interrelated, have long-term roots, and promise to continue into the future. Most important, they create challenges for social policy, which has frequently assumed the norm of full-time motherhood. To alleviate resulting problems, planners should recognize the growth of alternative household forms and formulate policies to reduce the root problem of sexual inequality at work and in the home.
In response to an anonymous questionnaire survey, 19% of the women and 9% of the men in a population of 796 normal college students said they had been sexually victimized in the course of childhood. The majority of these children were victimized by men within their intimate social network, not strangers. Most children did not tell anyone about the experience.Certain groups of children were at higher risk of victimization than others. More girls from lower-income groups were victimized; also those from socially isolated backgrounds. Girls from stepfather families were five times more vulnerable than the others. If a girl had ever lived without her mother, or if her mother had substantially less education than her father, or if her mother was particularly punitive about sexual matters, a girl was at higher risk for sexual abuse.These risk factors could be combined into a checklist which illustrates their cumulative effect. Over 50% of girls with four or more risk factors suffered a victimization. However, care must be taken not to see in this high vulnerability cause for blaming the victims for their own victimization.
This study was directed toward testing a major component of the feminist explanation for rape: that such criminal behavior is most fundamentally the result of traditions of male domination in most sociopolitical and economic affairs. The rape rates of 26 large American cities were compared, using both official FBI and victimization statistics, relative to various indicators of these cities' degree of sociopolitical and economic inequalities between the sexes. Four out of 14 correlations were significant, three with a sign opposite to that predicted by the feminist explanation. When presumed effects of the two strongest control variables were removed, using partial correlation techniques, only one coefficient was significant, and it was in the direction contrary to the feminist explanation. Generally, rape rates in American cities appear to be unrelated to sex disparities in earnings, education, occupational prestige, or employment. Thus, the belief that reducing average sex disparities in sociopolitical and economic terms will ameliorate a community's rape problem was not supported.
In recent years, the concept role has become a dominant theoretical tool in explaining homosexuality as the medical model has become subject to serious attacks. It is argued here, however, that such usage is inappropriate in that it violates the most fundamental tenets of the definition of this concept. While the term role usually implies prescriptions for behavior which have prior existence in the social structure, such prescriptions for homosexual behavior simply do not exist. While a role, as it is ordinarily understood, may be ascribed or achieved, children are neither socialized into the “homosexual role” nor do they rationally choose it. It is concluded that homosexuality is neither a “condition” nor a role but rather a sexual orientation and no useful theoretical purpose is served by regarding it as role behavior. Empirical data based on questionnaires and interviews with 206 male homosexuals and 78 male heterosexuals are utilized to support this argument.
A study of 200 juvenile and adult street prostitutes documented extremely high levels of sexual child abuse in their background. Sixty percent of the subjects were sexually exploited by an average of two people each, over an average period of 20 months. Two-thirds were sexually abused by father figures. The abuse had extremely negative emotional, physical, and attitudinal impacts. Seventy percent of the women reported that the sexual exploitation definitely affected their decision to become a prostitute. The others reflected the influence in their open-ended comments. Findings make a unique contribution to both the studies of the antecedents to prostitution, and the long-term impacts of sexual child abuse.
This paper takes a critical look at the hormonal basis of sexual behavior and concludes that it plays no part in determination of sexual activity or sexual preference in any of its forms including homosexually and transsexualism. The empricial evidence of psychosexual functioning does not support Money's schema which suggests that sexual variation (homosexuality), transsexualism, and transvestism are incongruities of gender identity. An alternative approach which places gender differentiation and sexual variation in a social context is presented.
In this article we suggest that the multi-agency approach to child sexual abuse may not be the unproblematic panacea claimed by many of its advocates. Moreover, there is no universally applied criteria for joint work; practice varies considerably between localities. We have identified some crucial differences in working practices and have concluded that the ones providing the most 'child centred' approach have been those in which professionally led notions of 'diagnosis' are subordinated to victims' needs for security and therapy. We also argue that gender issues within agencies play a role in the emergence of good or bad practice. Finally we introduce the notion of secondary victimisation to describe the abuse of children by agencies who do not place the child's interests at the centre of the inquiry process.
Delineates the moral and legal rights of children, including the right to be regarded as a person in the family, at school, and before the law; the right to receive parental love and affection; the right to be supported, maintained, and educated; and the right to be treated fairly by all authority figures. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The observations and two case histories were obtained during three visits at Parker, Ariz., and Needles, Calif.
Alyha are male transvestites who take the role of women, and female homosexuals assuming the role of the male are called
hwame. Their partners are not considered homosexuals and are usually persons of bisexual tendencies. Predestination, spirits and other accidents lead the person to become a homosexual. When this is once decided, the new state is attained through an initiation during which they change to the clothing of the other sex. The homosexuals are publicly courted and then live with their partners; the males occasionally experience spurious pregnancy and the females hunt game for their partners. Brief notes compare the Yuman practices with the Mohave. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Previous studies have shown that most abusing parents have a history of physical abuse or neglect in their own childhoods. There is little data on the frequency of prior sexual abuse among parents who physically or sexually abuse their children. Many case reports describe the uncovering of a prior incest experience in a parent during the investigation of the child's current incest accusation, but it is unclear how frequently this occurs. One hundred mothers of abused children were asked about sexual incidents that occurred before age 18; the control group consisted of 500 normal women from the same community who were surveyed during meetings of various voluntary organizations. Age and ethnicity did not differ in the two groups. Of the mothers of abused children, 24% reported a prior incest experience, whereas only 3% of the control women reported prior incest. This eightfold difference was highly significant. The 34 mothers from families where sexual abuse was occurring were no more likely to report prior incest than were the 66 mothers from families where physical abuse occurred. The one case of genital mutilation of a child occurred in a family where both parents had been incest victims. Case studies indicate that the parent who has been an incest victim has inhibitions and fears about tenderness, traceable to the childhood incest experience, which are important in the development of either physical abuse or sexual abuse in the family.
For all the discussion and debate about civil rights, it is striking how little attention is given initially to the question of what civil rights are. There is no well-understood principle of inclusion or exclusion that defines the category. Nor is there an agreed list of civil rights, except perhaps a very short, avowedly nonexhaustive one, with rather imprecise entries. Yet, if the extension of the category of civil rights is uncertain, its significance is not. All agree that it is a principal task of government to protect civil rights, so much so, indeed, that a failure to protect them usually is regarded as outweighing substantial achievements of other kinds. But a right does not count as a civil right just because it is valuable or valued. Some of the rights most often asserted as civil rights reflect practical interests of their possessors considerably less than other actual or potential rights not so identified.
In the United States, familiar legal doctrine provides a shortcut to the specification of civil rights. They are whatever is embraced by the provisions of the federal Civil Rights Acts: the right to vote, fair housing, equal employment opportunity, and so forth. That path, however, is not adequate for the present purpose. For the most part, the statutes refer explicitly or implicitly to federal constitutional rights, and the collective reference to them as civil rights is unexplained. The bases of the constitutional rights are too various to be a reliable guide to an independently designated category of civil rights.
In analyzing the development of the concept of civil rights since the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment, two historical accounts seem available. According to the first account, the concept initially encompassed a relatively limited set of rights, associated with the ability of all citizens to engage in the productive activities of the economy and avail themselves of the protection of the legal system. Then the concept gradually expanded to include what had initially been thought of as political rights, such as the right to vote, and then to identify the entire set of rights to equal treatment in all domains of life outside a relatively narrowly-defined private sphere. According to the second account, the concept of civil rights was fuzzy from the outset; although political actors spoke as if they had a clear understanding of distinctions among civil, political, and social rights, close examination of their language shows that the distinctions tended to collapse under slight pressure.
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The purpose of this paper to present a psychiatric study of the reaction of children who have experienced actual sex relations with adults. The material for this study consisted of sixteen unselected successive admissions of pre puberty children who were admitted for observation and recommendations to the Children's Ward of the Psychiatric Division of Bellevue Hospital, following sexual relations with adults. All except 2 cases were referred by the Children's Court on a technical charge of neglect, or as material witnesses against the offending adult. The most remarkable feature presented by these children who have experienced sexual relations with adults was that they showed less evidence of fear, anxiety, guilt or psychic trauma than might be expected. On the contrary, they more frequently exhibited either a frank, objective attitude, or they were bold, flaunting and even brazen about the situation. Some of the theoretical implications presented by these cases of adult-child sex relations are interesting. The occurrence of these phenomena is doubtless a universal problem in our civilization and there is evidence that it has been encountered in other cultural systems. The present interest in the problem is focused mainly on its relation to the child, The few studies that have been made of this subject have been contented to consider it an example of adult sex perversion from which innocent children must be protected by proper legal measures. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)
An examination of case law in the United States leads to the conclusion that a physician or surgeon may, without fear of criminal liability, perform a sex reassignment operation upon a consenting adult or upon a consenting minor where permitted by statute. A transsexual, free from psychotic symptoms, can probably give an informed consent to a sex reassignment procedure but the consent, which should be in writing and witnessed by a third person, should be much more precise than the usual consent to surgical procedure. It should contain, for example, (1) name and age of patient (no operation should be undertaken without both parental approval and court authorization for a minor, unless otherwise authorized by law); (2) his or her educational background—especially if the patient has more than a high school education; (3) description of the procedure which the patient requests and consents to, i.e., removal of male genital organs and fashioning of an artificial vagina; (4) recognition by patient of general surgical complications; (5) recognition by patient of special complications of this procedure relating to urological or gynecological matters; (6) recognition by patient that he or she will no longer be able to function, sexually or procreatively, as a member of his or her anatomical sex (this could be covered in point 5 above); (7) recognition by the patient that this procedure will not change or alter his or her anatomical sex and that it is being requested and consented to solely to prevent deterioration of the patient's mental health. If contested by the State or by the spouse, it is questionable if a transsexual can contract a valid marriage. However, disclosure of prior sex or, at the very least, inability to procreate, in the case of the male transsexual, would remove any allegation or charge of fraud or misrepresentation.
The purpose of this study was to elucidate the typical features in those pedophilia cases, not incestuous, where the initiation of the acts was associated with the victim's precipitating behaviour. The study consisted of 64 cases of pedophilia, of which 31 (48-4 per cent.) had these characteristics. These manifested themselves in visits made to the offender on the victim's own initiative and in taking some kind of initiative in the offence itself. In those cases where features of the victim's precipitation were involved, the offenders had clearly a weaker intelligence than other pedophilia offenders and usually their intelligence level had declined secondarily as a consequence of different brain processes, chronic schizophrenia, etc. They had less criminality of other kinds, especially in relation to offences against property. The victims had more often known the offender and the offences had more often been linked with bribery, in the subjects than in the controls. Also the victims became the objects of the offences more than once, and there were more often several victims, in the subjects than in the controls. No aggressive behaviour, in contrast to the controls, was linked to the victim-precipitated offences.
The aim of this work was to test the correctness of the assumption that transsexualism in patients with pathological EEGs is secondary to a disorder of libido of cerebral origin. In a test group of 28 transsexuals the percentage of patients with pathological EEG changes was high (9 out of 28). No correlation between falling off of libido and pathological EEG findings was demonstrable. But in male transsexuals lessening of libido was reported as soon as oestrogen medication was begun. Four patients in the test group, with patological EEG findings, reported in their history a slight craniocerebral trauma. In three of these patients, between the appearance of the transsexualism and the slight craniocerebral trauma, there was no time correlation. In the fourth patient such correlation was very questionable.
Using the literature of the early sexual histories of "normal" women and two recent studies on the sexual histories of prostitutes, this article examines the pattern of early sexual experience among prostitutes and how it differs from that common to nonprostitute women. Some significant differences found between the samples of prostitutes and the samples of "normal" women were that the prostitute samples, on the whole, learned less about sex from parents and more from personal experiences, as children experienced more sexual advances by elders, were more victimized by incest, generally initiated sexual activity at a younger age, more often had no further relationship with their first coital partner, and experienced a higher incidence of rape. The analysis of these data on early sexual history concentrates on abusive sexual experiences such as incest and rape. The authors believe that an abusive sexual self-identity relates to the development of an adult female pattern of occupational deviance such as prostitution.
A random sample of 175 males convicted of sexual assault against children was screened with reference to their adult sexual orientation and the sex of their victims. The sample divided fairly evenly into two groups based on whether they were sexually fixated exclusively on children or had regressed from peer relationships. Female children were victimized nearly twice as often as male children. All regressed offenders, whether their victims were male or female children, were heterosexual in their adult orientation. There were no examples of regression to child victims among peer-oriented, homosexual males. The possibility emerges that homosexuality and homosexual pedophilia may be mutually exclusive and that the adult heterosexual male constitutes a greater risk to the underage child than does the adult homosexual male.
Questionnaires were administered to 206 male homosexuals and 78 male heterosexuals. The most important aspects of the questionnaire dealt with six "childhood indicators" of later adult homosexuality: (1) interest in dolls, (2) cross-dressing, (3) preference for company of girls rather than boys in childhood games, (4) preference for company of older women rather than older men, (5) being regarded by other boys as a sissy, (6) sexual interest in other boys rather than girls in childhood sex play. Significant differences were found between homosexuals and heterosexuals with respect to all six indicators. Moreover, it was found that the stronger one's homosexual orientation the greater was the number of childhood indicators. It is concluded that there are behavioral aspects related to one's sexual orientation which may begin to emerge early in childhood.
Psychiatrists and others have too often discounted reports of sexual attacks upon children and ascribed the incident to fantasy. The author's experience in private psychoanalytic practice and in Philadelphia's rape victim clinics indicates that these assaults occur frequently. If the sexual attack is dealt with improperly or repressed it may cause serious psychologic problems for the victim as an adult.
The present study investigated differences in psychological sex, present and past adjustment, and parental influences among homosexual cross-dressers, homosexual non-cross-dressers, applicants for sex change surgery, and heterosexuals. The homosexual non-cross dresser and heterosexual groups were found to have the most masculine gender role, with the sex change group having the most feminine gender identity. The two homosexual groups were most accepting of homosexuality, with the sex change group having the least acceptance of homosexuality. Support was not found for the prediction that the sex change group would have the worst present and past adjustment followed by the homosexual cross-dressers with the poorest past adjustment. As predicted, however, fathers were perceived as more nurturant in the heterosexual group than among the remaining three groups. These findings suggest that variations in sexual-life-style can be understood as manifestations of different combinations of the components of psychological sex and that a nurturant father is important in the development of a heterosexual life-style.