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Tall poppies, deservingness and schadenfreude
Abstract
How people react to positive or negative outcomes in their lives or in the lives of others depends on a complex array of variables. This article focuses on some of these variables, especially a person's status along dimensions of achievement and self-worth, and whether positive or negative outcomes are perceived to be deserved or undeserved. How do emotional reactions to outcomes, especially schadenfreude or pleasure in another's misfortune, relate to these status variables? And what is the influence of perceived deservingness?
... The word "Schadenfreude," which literally means "harm joy" in German, refers to the uncanny yet widely shared experience of pleasure or delight in the misfortune of others (Heider, 1958;Schadenfreude, n.d.). Despite the word's German origin, Schadenfreude is pervasive across many cultures (Feather, 2012), even those, such as U.S. culture, that do not possess a formal term for it (Feather, 1989;Nachman, 1986). ...
... One of the major limitations concerns the direction of relations between perceived deservingness and Schadenfreude. Instead of perceived deservingness causing one to derive pleasure from others' misfortune, the person may feel Schadenfreude first and later justify his/her feelings by perceiving the misfortune as deserved, a possibility consistent with cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger & Carlsmith, 1959) that research has yet to exclude (Feather, 2012). Another limitation involves the assumption that the victim of a misfortune is responsible for his/her actions that led to the negative outcome. ...
... Despite these limitations, the perceived deservingness theory remains effective in accounting for instances of Schadenfreude that follow someone's deserved negative outcome within a context that implies personal causation. In recent years, the perceived deservingness theory has been extended to encompass theories that emphasize envy, ingroup inferiority (Feather, 2012), and hypocrisy (Powell & Smith, 2013). ...
Schadenfreude is the distinctive pleasure people derive from others' misfortune. Research over the past three decades points to the multifaceted nature of Schadenfreude rooted in humans’ concerns for social justice, self-evaluation, and social identity. Less is known, however, regarding how the differing facets of Schadenfreude are interrelated and take shape in response to these concerns. To address these questions, we review extant theories in social psychology and draw upon evidence from developmental, personality, and clinical research literature to propose a novel, tripartite, taxonomy of Schadenfreude embedded in a motivational model. Our model posits that Schadenfreude comprises three separable but interrelated subforms (aggression, rivalry, and justice), which display different developmental trajectories and personality correlates. This model further posits that dehumanization plays a central role in both eliciting Schadenfreude and integrating its various facets. In closing, we point to fruitful directions for future research motivated by this novel account of Schadenfreude.
... That symbolic message was relayed to his son, who proceeded to bring the rebellious state of Gabii to heel by ridding it of its leaders, or tall poppies (Feather 1994). In part as a response to the widespread belief in Australia that Australians particularly enjoy seeing tall poppies fall, Australian social psychologist Norman Feather ( 1989Feather ( , 1994Feather ( , 2012 pioneered research on people's reactions to tall poppies being cut down to size via a number of different sorts of misfortunes under varied circumstances. This research led to the identification of key determinants of reactions to misfortunes befalling high-status people, such as the perceived deservedness of those misfortunes. ...
... When another's advantage is perceived to be objectively and subjectively fair, the resulting reaction is likely to be a hostility-free motivation to move oneself up, and sympathy, not schadenfreude, should result if the justly advantaged other suffers a misfortune (van de Ven et al. 2014). Appraising another's advantage as objectively unfair, however, is especially likely to foster resentment, a robust predictor of schadenfreude, along with relatively open actions against the person with the unjust advantage, including public expressions of righteous indignation (Feather 2012;Krizan and Smith 2014). Judging that advantage as subjectively unfair, on the other hand, is likely to engender hostilitytinged, malicious envy and more secretive actions aimed at cutting down the unfairly advantaged tall poppy. ...
... These include the extent to which schadenfreude and refusing to help, rather than sympathy and helping, will characterize the disadvantaged person's emotions and actions following the downfall of the tall poppy. Perceiving another's relative advantage as unfair and therefore undeserved (e.g., because he or she did not expend much effort to attain that advantage) enhances schadenfreude and dampens sympathy following the fall of tall poppies, as do judgments of personal responsibility for the misfortune itself (Feather and Sherman 2002;Feather 2012). In fact, the perceived deservedness of both the tall poppy's advantage and the misfortune may be influenced by a multitude of factors, and deservedness perceptions frequently mediate links between schadenfreude and its antecedents, including envy, dislike, and resentment (Feather 2012). ...
... 263). Many studies on schadenfreude involve emotions as antecedents of schadenfreude, including envy (e.g., van Dijk et al., 2006), and resentment (e.g., Feather, 2012;Hornik et al., 2015). Less research has focused on other-condemning emotions such as anger (e.g., Hareli & Weiner, 2002), and especially contempt as possible elicitors of S&G. ...
... The present approach, which indicates that higher contempt promotes more S&G, implies that when a person tends to take (dis)pleasure in the (mis)fortunes of a rival entity, this (dis)pleasure follows disrespect feelings towards the entity. This effect is independent of other known antecedents of S&G, such as perceived (un) deservedness of the other's (mis)fortunes, perceived rivalry, and disliking of the other (Feather, 2012). ...
In this short commentary we argue that feelings of contempt play a major role in schadenfreude (joy in the misfortunes of others) and “reverse schadenfreude”—gluckschmerz (sadness at the fortunes of others). We used qualitative mixed-mode comparative analysis of the major characteristics/features of negative sentiments, to explore a possible link between contempt and schadenfreude and gluckschmerz. Findings, especially from the political partisan polarization literature have shown that the investigated sentiments share many of their important characteristics, suggesting a possible relationship in the form of higher level of contempt possibly triggering a higher level of schadenfreude and gluckschmerz.
... Still, both feelings of envy and perceptions of threat create stress for peers, which they will be motivated to relieve (Hobfoll, 1989). For example, to cope with unfavorable comparisons, peers may be prone to depersonalize high performers by labeling them as strange outliers (i.e., "geniuses;" Alicke, LoSchiavo, Zerbst, & Zhang, 1997), vilifying them without basis (Feather, 2012), or avoiding them (Tesser, 1988). ...
... Early management research first shed light on peer mistreatment of high performers (Roethlisberger & Dickson, 1939). Since then, research has indicated that peers may derive pleasure when high achievers get knocked down (Feather, 1994(Feather, , 2012 and may bully them in the classroom (Peterson & Ray, 2006). Management scholars have started to rigorously examine this phenomenon in the workplace, offering compelling evidence that peers harm smarter coworkers (Kim & Glomb, 2010), high performers (Kim & Glomb, 2014), more generous coworkers (Irwin & Horne, 2013), and coworkers whose performance deviates from average (Jensen et al., 2014). ...
While high performers contribute substantially to their workgroups and organizations, research has indicated that they incur social costs from peers. Drawing from theories of social comparison and conservation of resources, we advance a rational perspective to explain why high performers draw both intentional positive and negative reactions from peers and consider how cooperative work contexts moderate these effects. A multisource field study of 936 relationships among 350 stylists within 105 salons offered support for our model and an experiment with 204 management students constructively replicated our findings and ruled out alternative explanations. Results indicated that peers offered more support and also perpetrated more undermining to high performers. Paradoxical cognitive processes partly explain these behaviors, and cooperative contexts proved socially disadvantageous for high performers. Findings offer a more comprehensive view of the social consequences of high performance and highlight how peer behaviors toward high performers may be calculated and strategic rather than simply reactionary. (PsycINFO Database Record
... Feather and Sherman suggested that resentment about another's undeserved success rather than envy that predicted schadenfreude. The studies of envy and deservingness in relation to schadenfreude (Feather, 2012;Feather, McKee, & Bekker, 2011;Feather, Wenzel, & McKee, 2013) reported that when someone is to blame him-or herself for a misfortune, schadenfreude could be more pleasant than when the misfortune is not deserved as a result of the individual's cognitive appraisal. Feather et al., (2011Feather et al., ( , 2013 found that deservingness played a major role in relation to other emotions and developed a model with studies on schadenfreude linked to global self-esteem, pain of inferiority, hostile and benign envy, resentment, perceived deservingness, and sympathy. ...
... These two forms of envy should be considered along with resentment as emotions resulting in expressions of schadenfreude. Feather (2012) has written an overview of 20 years of research on the topic, from 'tall poppies' to a model to a conceptual analysis of deservingness and has focused on schadenfreude during the last years. Spielman (1971) differentiated between four affect states; a wish to equal or imitate the envied subject, and second, a sense of lacking something or to feel inferior, inadequate that can result in a lowered self-esteem. ...
The purpose of the present study was to describe experience of envy in two different cultures, Indonesia and Sweden. Envy is a feeling that most people have experienced and mostly regards as shameful. The concept relates to a variety of feeling that shows its complexity. The result shows that envy had a wider meaning in the Indonesian language than in Swedish, and consisted of emotional words that were rare among the Swedish respondents. The Swedish respondents' descriptions were, with few exceptions, connected to a malicious (ill will) meaning while it was obvious that the Javanese respondents used also the concept of benign envy (without ill will). Jealousy and envy seemed to overlap each other more in Bahasa Indonesia than in the Swedish use of the words. The latter had a distinct word for schadenfreude that was lacking in Bahasa Indonesia. For the Swedish respondents, wanting to have what another person possesses was a central element of envy, for example prosperity or competence. The Javanese respondents stressed relationships, achievements and personal characteristics' as main causes for envy. Both the Swedish and Javanese respondents reported that a person who they knew and with whom they had an established relationship, such as a friend or a fellow student, had envied them and the causes for this were about the same as their own.
... One issue is how to define envy. As with other research on social emotions, including envy, and on related moral judgments (e.g., 7 perceived injustice), results and conclusions could vary dramatically on the basis of how such phenomena are defined and operationalized (Feather, 2012;Harris & Henniger, 2013;Hoogland, Thielke, & Smith, in press;Miceli & Castelfranchi, 2007;Smith & Kim, 2007). Thus, it is vitally important to delineate what is meant by the rather nebulous term "envy" in the context of the current work. ...
... Basic social psychological research indicates that perceived personal responsibility for an outcome is a key determinant of the perceived deservedness (or fairness) of that outcome (Feather, 1999), as well as emotional reactions to that outcome (Feather, 2006;van Dijk, Goslinga, & Ouwerkerk, 2008). For example, according to Feather's (2006Feather's ( , 2012 deservingness theory, resentment is likely to result when another person experiences an undeserved positive outcome, and joy (or schadenfreude) may occur when that person loses the undeserved positive outcomeeither way, a sense of justice and "balance" between the other person's actions and outcomes is restored (Feather, 2006;Heider, 1958;van Dijk, Ouwerkerk, & Goslinga, 2009). Furthermore, the literature on fairness and justice perceptions suggests that the process by which the distribution of resources was determined, or procedural justice, generally impacts evaluations of wealth to an even greater extent than distributive justice, or the overall distribution of resources (Tyler, 2011). ...
Conservatives and liberals disagree about the underlying motivations driving opposition to concentrated wealth. Liberals contend that such objections are often driven by legitimate fairness concerns, whereas conservatives frequently cite envy instead. Research and theory suggest that two particularly important contextual questions with respect to emotional reactions to wealth are its source (inherited or earned), and how that wealth is put to use, which could interactively and differentially influence liberals’ and conservatives’ reactions to affluent individuals. The current study aimed to empirically address whether liberals actually are more prone to envy than conservatives, both in general and in response to specific wealthy people of different backgrounds. Participants (N = 800) reported their reactions to ostensibly-real, wealthy entrepreneurs described in articles from a business news website. Liberals tended to respond with slightly more envy than conservatives across conditions, and controlling for several potential confounding factors, liberal political ideology was weakly positively correlated with dispositional envy. People across the political spectrum responded with greater envy in response to wealthy entrepreneurs who harmed others in the pursuit of wealth than entrepreneurs who did not harm others. However, liberals’ envy was increased more strongly by entrepreneurial harm-doing than conservatives’, and this difference was explained by greater perceived harm and unfairness. On the other hand, only conservatives reacted with greater envy to entrepreneurs who inherited their wealth rather than having earned it through hard work. Especially because, in addition to envy, liberals felt somewhat more resentment, moral disgust, and anger toward the wealthy entrepreneurs, further research will be necessary to fully understand the role of political ideology in reactions to affluent people.
... There may be cultural differences in the likelihood of transforming envy into schadenfreude. Research has shown that some people feel more pleased when "tall poppies" or high achievers (i.e., envied targets) fall from grace than others (Feather, 2012). Specifically, individuals who favor the fall of tall poppies tend to be lower in power and achievement values, and those who feel that the tall poppies were more deserving of the misfortune also tend to value equality more (Feather, 2012). ...
... Research has shown that some people feel more pleased when "tall poppies" or high achievers (i.e., envied targets) fall from grace than others (Feather, 2012). Specifically, individuals who favor the fall of tall poppies tend to be lower in power and achievement values, and those who feel that the tall poppies were more deserving of the misfortune also tend to value equality more (Feather, 2012). This suggests that individuals in cultures who are less achievementoriented and value equality are more likely to transform their envy into schadenfreude. ...
... 43 In contrast, envy and interpersonal friction may become amplified by assertions that the inequity was unfair or if the displayed modesty seems insincere. 44 The goal is to cultivate a widely shared authentic positive atmosphere that prevents temporary envy from becoming enduring, poisonous and self-destructive. 45 Of course, these strategies require craftmanship and can backfire if vacuous, uninformed or inaccurate. ...
... Feather (1989) found people experienced greater pleasure when a high achiever failed than if an average individual failed. People's perceived self-competence influenced their attitudes towards high achievers (Feather, 2012). Those with lower global self-esteem (Feather, 1989) and lower perceived self-competence were more likely to favor the fall of tall poppies (Feather, 1991;Feather & Nairn, 2005). ...
The willingness to support (or denigrate) high‐profile individuals online was examined across cultures using the Tall Poppy Scale. A sample of 106 Chinese and 164 New Zealand Europeans answered an online questionnaire addressing their preference for high achievers to be rewarded or fail. Participants were asked whether they would vote to support reality TV contestants, and offered further information (about success or failure) on a debrief page. The Favour Reward scale predicted willingness to vote and support others. The Favour Fall subscale tended to predict time spent viewing achievement‐related information on a debrief page. The Chinese sample did not prefer reward of high achievers, instead favoring their fall, but spent less time per click on the debrief page, suggesting they disliked recognizing individual achievement.
... Başkasının üzüntüsüne sevinme ve kıskançlık arasındaki ilişkinin incelendiği daha sonraki araştırmaların sonuçları birbirleriyle tutarsızdır. Bazı araştırmacılar başkasının üzüntüsüne sevinme duygusunun altında kıskançlığın olduğunu vurgularken (Dvash ve Shamay-Tsoory, 2011;Piskorz ve Piskorz, 2009;Smith ve ark., 1996;Van De Ven, 2014) bazı araştırmacılar aksini savunmuştur (Feather, 2012;Feather ve McKee, 2014;Feather ve Nairn, 2005;Feather ve Sherman, 2002). Araştırma bulgularının birbi- ...
Crysel (2014) argued that Schadenfreude can be evaluated as a trait in the face of various unfortunate events in social life.
Accordingly, she developed a 12-item scale that consists of two dimensions: benign and malicious Schadenfreude. The
present study aims to adapt the Schadenfreude Scale Crysel developed for American culture to Turkish and to examine
its psychometric properties. The study’s sample is comprised of 379 university students (183 male, 196 female, Mage
= 20.6, SD = 2.48). The participants were given the Toronto Empathy Scale and Benign and Malicious Envy Scale to
test the validity of the Schadenfreude Scale. Item analysis, confirmatory factor analysis, and internal consistency were
respectively performed on the data obtained from the sample. The item analysis demonstrated the item-total correlation
values to be suitable (ranging from .27- .46). As a result of the confirmatory factor analysis, five models were generated,
and the obtained findings show the Turkish form of the scale to have adequate fit indexes and a factor structure similar
to the original scale. As expected, a positive correlation was found between Schadenfreude and malicious envy, whereas
a negative correlation was found between Schadenfreude and empathy. Also, the results revealed no relationship to be
present between benign envy and Schadenfreude. As a result, the Turkish form of the Schadenfreude Scale consists of
two factors and 11 items. According to the analysis, a variety of evidence was obtained showing the scale to be a valid
and reliable measuring tool. Hence, this scale can easily be used to determine the level of Schadenfreude in future
research investigating interpersonal processes, emotions, the self, and traits.
... Later, the good TP gained recognition through distinction, rank or wealth but did not necessarily attract envious (bad envy) attention. A recognized TP could become conspicuous through egregious activities (bad TP) changing the cutter's motivation from bad envy to deservingness [7]. ...
... For example, for St. Thomas Aquinas, I. Kant, John Portmann or Aaron Ben-Ze'ev. 14. Numerous psychological studies show that the more deserved someone else's misfortune is, the higher the level of pleasure felt by the observer of the other parson's suffering [3]. 15. ...
This paper was inspired by two ideas: (1) the concept of emotions as adaptive mechanisms, which was suggested by Aaron Ben-Ze’ev, and (2) Robert Solomon’s criticism of the distinction between “positive” and “negative” emotions which functions in social sciences. In the context of the above mentioned theoretical perspectives I consider the infamous emotion of pleasure-in-others’-misfortune in terms of possible benefits for the experiencing subject. I focus especially on supposed adaptive quality of pleasure-in-others’-aging.
... Nel secondo caso, ossia in quello in cui attribuiamo a cause interne il nostro svantaggio, abbiamo la possibilità di categorizzare tale svantaggio fra le sfide, sviluppando uno stato mentale più simile al desiderio di emulazione che all'invidia, dal momento che, nuovamente a ragione o a torto, sentiamo che, impegnandoci , potremo ottenere ciò che sentiamo mancare. Tale stato mentale viene sovente definito invidia «benigna» (Feather, 2012; Salovey, 1991; Smith, 1991, van de Ven, Zeelenberg & Pieters, 2009): è quella che, con le evocative parole di Benincà (1990) , può essere definita «l'invidia che può dire il suo nome». Rifacendoci ancora a Foster (1972), in questo caso non sperimentiamo risentimento nei confronti dell'altro e distress, orientandoci verso la competizione, orientamento correlato col versante costruttivo dell'invidia (che spinge a comportarsi in modo proattivo per conseguire obiettivi specifici, come elevare o consolidare il proprio status di fronte al concorrente o allo sfidante). ...
The psychosocial literature on envy has been reviewed. After discussing its bases, we have discussed the differences between «benign» and «malign» envy, and among them and a number of other feelings, mainly jealousy and Schadenfreude (i.e., the malign joy for another's failure). After differentiating between dispositional and episodic envy, we have discussed the consequences of envy, both for the envious person and for his/her target. Moreover, we have discussed the relations between envy, politics, and marketing. The possible developments of this literature are discussed.
... Despite the advances in this domain, none of these studies examine whether status influences whether the emotion of schadenfreude is shared socially with others. Thus, we build on Feather's foundational contributions (e.g., Feather 1989Feather , 2003 by adding the social sharing of schadenfreude to the tall poppy literature. It is one thing to feel schadenfreude toward a higher status target, but sharing this emotion later with others is more risky if the person is indeed of higher status. ...
Despite growing interest in emotions, organizational scholars have largely ignored the moral emotion of schadenfreude, which refers to pleasure felt in response to another’s misfortune. As a socially undesirable emotion, it might be assumed that individuals would be hesitant to share their schadenfreude. In two experimental studies involving emotional responses to unethical behaviors, we find evidence to the contrary. Study 1 revealed that subjects experiencing schadenfreude were willing to share their feelings, especially if the misfortune was perceived to be deserved (i.e., resulting from unethical behaviors). Study 2 extends this work by incorporating schadenfreude targets of different status (CEO versus employee). Consistent with the “tall poppy syndrome,” subjects were more willing to share schadenfreude concerning high status targets than low status targets when the perceived severity of the target’s misconduct was low. This status effect disappeared at higher levels of perceived deservingness, however. Reported willingness to share schadenfreude was strongest at these levels but did not differ significantly between high and low status targets. These findings build on the social functional account of emotions, suggesting that sharing schadenfreude may signal normative cues to others regarding workplace behaviors that are deemed to be unethical.
... However they arise, the presence of feelings of injustice in at least some instances of envy adds another potent factor in creating conditions for schadenfreude if the envied person suffers a setback. The deservingness of a misfortune, generally, is a common reason why schadenfreude arises (Feather, 2006Feather, , 2014 Feather & Sherman, 2002; Feather, Wenzel, & McKee, 2013; Pietraszkiewicz, 2013; Van Dijk, Goslinga, & Ouwerkerk, 2008; Van Dijk, Ouwerkerk, & Goslinga, 2009; Van Dijk, Ouwerkerk, Goslinga, & Nieweg, 2005). For example, observers are likely to find misfortunes deserving and therefore pleasing if they are suffered by people who have achieved an advantage unfairly (e.g., Feather & Sherman, 2002) or by people who are seen as responsible for their own misfortune (e.g., Van Dijk et al., 2005). ...
In this article we address why and when people feel schadenfreude (pleasure at the misfortunes of others) in both interpersonal and intergroup contexts. Using findings from our own research programmes we show that schadenfreude is intensified when people are chronically or momentarily threatened in their self-worth, whereas it is attenuated when their self-evaluation is boosted; that malicious envy, but not benign envy, intensifies pleasure at the misfortunes of others; that these emotional responses are manifested in intergroup contexts via the same mechanisms; and that mere stereotypes, in the absence of any interaction or overt competition, are sufficient to elicit schadenfreude via such mechanisms. Together, these findings suggest that self-evaluation and envy both play an important role in evoking schadenfreude; people feel pleasure at the misfortunes of others when these misfortunes provide them with social comparisons that enhance their feelings of self-worth or remove the basis for painful feelings of envy.
... There is ample empirical evidence that people dislike, derogate, and reject deviants [16,31,32,33 , [34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41]. For example, Parks-Stamm [31] demonstrated that people's self-evaluations are threatened by confrontations with high-performing (and thus deviant) in-group members 2 [42][43][44]. She further demonstrated that people could protect their threatened self-concepts by excluding high-performing in-group members from their group. ...
... The discrepant findings might be resolved by distinguishing between different forms of envy that are either hostile or benign (e.g., Feather 2012;Salovey 1991;Smith 1991Smith , 2008van de Ven et al. 2009). We conceive of hostile envy as the type of envy that is associated with feelings of resentment relating to an undeserved positive outcome. ...
Schadenfreude, or pleasure in another person’s misfortune, has been linked to a cognitive appraisal that other deserves the misfortune. In the present study we develop a structural model that links schadenfreude to global self-esteem, pain of inferiority, hostile and benign envy, resentment, perceived deservingness, and sympathy. We also examine the effects of ingroup/outgroup membership on schadenfreude and test for the invariance of our structural model between these two conditions. Participants (n = 170) responded to a hypothetical scenario that manipulated ingroup/outgroup membership and perceived deservingness in relation to other’s initial success and subsequent failure. Results supported a structural model that showed invariance. They also showed that more schadenfreude was reported when the outgroup member failed and more sympathy and anger when the ingroup member failed. These results provide an integrated structural approach to the analysis of schadenfreude.
Building on research on star performance, gender, and situational constraints, we introduce a longitudinal process model explaining the gender gap in star emergence. We argue that star emergence is less likely for women than men due to stardom's association with men and masculinity. As a result, situational constraints are more likely to insulate women's performance in terms of knowledge, skills, and abilities development and evaluation (e.g., access to vicarious deliberate practice, biased standards), motivation (e.g., competition intensity, negative interpersonal behavior), and opportunity (e.g., access to high potential tasks, partner supportiveness in the extra‐work environment). We theorize that these factors lead to insulation cycles that reduce the likelihood of women emerging as stars over time. We also offer propositions about mitigators (e.g., strategic diversity goals and influential sponsors) that might attenuate these insulating effects. Finally, we discuss theoretical implications of understanding gender gaps in star emergence (e.g., performance insulation as gender inequity, the importance of a longitudinal perspective, insulation cycles, and star longevity) and practical implications for organizations to create equitable environments for star emergence (e.g., focusing on performance equity and facilitating gender inclusivity). We conclude that greater insight into the role of gender in star performance can also contribute to the broader understanding of gender gaps in organizations.
Public shaming has moved from the village square and is now an established online phenomenon. The current paper explores whether online shaming is motivated by a person's desire to do good (a justice motive); and/or, because it feels good (a hedonic motive), specifically, as a form of pleasure at witnessing another's misfortune (schadenfreude). We examine two key aspects of social media that may moderate these processes: anonymity (Study 1) and social norms (the responses of other users; Studies 2–3). Across three experiments (N = 225, 198, 202) participants were presented with a fabricated news article featuring an instance of Islamophobia and given the opportunity to respond. Participants' concerns about social justice were not directly positively associated with online shaming and had few consistent indirect effects on shaming via moral outrage. Rather, justice concerns were primarily associated with shaming via participants' perception that the offender was deserving of negative consequences, and their feelings of schadenfreude regarding these consequences. Anonymity did not moderate this process and there was mixed evidence for the qualifying effect of social norms. Overall, the current studies point to the hedonic motive in general and schadenfreude specifically as a key moral emotion associated with people's shaming behaviour.
Laughter is an ambiguous phenomenon in response to both positive and negative events and a social signal that coordinates social interactions. We assessed (i) who laughs and why, and (ii) if the type of laughter and whether the observer approves of it impact on facial mimicry as a proxy for shared laughter. For this, 329 participants watched funny, schadenfreude and disgusting scenes and then saw individuals who purportedly reacted to each scene while participants' facial expressions were recorded and analysed. Participants laughed more in response to funny than in response to schadenfreude scenes and least in response to disgust scenes, and laughter within each scene could be explained both by situational perceptions of the scenes as well as by individual differences. Furthermore, others’ laughter in response to funny scenes was perceived as more appropriate, elicited more closeness and more laughter mimicry than others' laughter in response to schadenfreude and especially in response to disgust scenes. Appropriateness and closeness as well as individual differences could explain laughter mimicry within each scene. This is in line with the notion that laughter is not per se an affiliative signal and that different types of laughter have distinct social implications.
This article is part of the theme issue ‘Cracking the laugh code: laughter through the lens of biology, psychology and neuroscience’.
Schadenfreude is a social emotion involving feelings of satisfaction or joy arising from learning about other people’s misfortunes. Although it is regarded as universally prevalent there has been very little research about it. While it used to be posited immoral, recent scholars have considered it to be meaningful and have undertaken research about it. In this essay, Chinese and international studies were reviewed, concepts and measurements of Schadenfreude were summarized, and an interactive process model (IPM) was proposed. The strength of the model lies in that it integrated factors of both parties in interaction (the self and the others) based on an interactive perspective and it clarified the process of and the changes after the occurrence of Schadenfreude based on a process perspective. According to the model, researchers should pay attention to the contexts and interactions before and after the occurrence of Schadenfreude. The model may also assist our understanding of studies on other social emotions. Key words: Schadenfreude, interactive process model, social emotion
The Tall Poppy Scale was used to examine individual differences in: 1) the appreciation of high achievers; 2) associated online behaviours. A sample of 165 New Zealand Europeans completed a decisional self-esteem scale and the Favour Reward and Favour Fall scales. Participants were then offered a debrief screen providing information about achievements or failures, and their interactions with the debrief screen were tracked. Participants with lower decisional self-esteem preferred that high achievers failed. Those expressing an interest in the failure of high achievers spent more time and clicked more on the debrief screen. Schadenfreude – interest (or pleasure) in the misfortune of others - was demonstrated behaviourally online.
A small body of research has investigated the relationship between an immoral disposition and schadenfreude. Less work has investigated the relationship between immoral behavior and schadenfreude. The aim of the present study was to separate out dispositional and behavioral attributions by both manipulation and measurement and thereby to investigate individual pathways to schadenfreude. Participants (Study 1: N = 281, Study 2: N = 271) were presented with a scenario that described a single immoral act or multiple immoral acts. The latter resulted in greater attributions to dispositional immorality. Importantly, dispositional immorality attributions were found to predict schadenfreude, but behavioral immorality attributions had no independent effect on schadenfreude. The pathways to schadenfreude were partly mediated by condemning emotions directed at the person but not by condemning emotions directed at the behavior. These findings expand our understanding of the psychological processes that underlie schadenfreude.
We explore why people feel the socially improper emotions of schadenfreude (pleasure at another person’s or group’s misfortune) and gluckschmerz (pain at another person’s or group’s good fortune). One explanation follows from sentiment relations. Prior dislike leads to both schadenfreude and gluckschmerz. A second explanation relates to concerns over justice. Deserved misfortune is pleasing and undeserved good fortune is displeasing. A third explanation concerns appraisal of the good or bad fortunes of others as creating either benefit or harm for the self or in-group. Especially in competitive situations and when envy is present, gain is pleasing and loss is displeasing. Both emotions have important implications for understanding human relations at the individual and group levels.
Although it is well-established that an objectively deserved misfortune promotes schadenfreude about the misfortune, there is a small body of research suggesting that an undeserved misfortune can also enhance schadenfreude. The aim of the present study was to investigate the processes that underlie schadenfreude about an undeserved misfortune. Participants (N = 61) were asked to respond to a scenario in which a person was responsible or not responsible for a negative action. In the responsible condition, two independent routes to schadenfreude were observed: deservingness of the misfortune (traditional route) and resentment towards the target. More importantly, results showed that when the target of the misfortune was not responsible for the negative action, the relationship between schadenfreude and resentment towards the target was mediated by the re-construal of an objectively undeserved misfortune as a ‘deserved’ misfortune. The study further found that expressing schadenfreude about another’s misfortune makes one feel better about oneself without affecting moral emotions. The findings expand our understanding of schadenfreude about undeserved negative outcomes.
After a brief overview of the general causes and consequences of injustice, the various justice principles (allocation, procedural, retribution, restoration, outcome characteristics) that have been identified in studies of injustice in family relations are presented. The largest body of research focuses on injustice in heterosexual relationships, with a majority of studies on the distribution of housework, indicating a societal shift from a specialized toward a more egalitarian distribution of family responsibilities. We summarize reports of consequences of injustices in distributions and efforts to install justice in the couple. A short compilation of studies of injustice over the course and in the aftermath of separation and divorce follows. A review of some first studies of distributional justice in same-sex couples indicates more flexible and egalitarian distributions than in heterosexual relationships. The final section concerns justice among kin, that is, justice among siblings, and differential treatment of parents like sibling favoritism and shows one more time, that the consequences of injustice do not stop at the unfairly treated individual, but spill over on the relationships of the involved persons.
This article relates relative deprivation (RD) theory to a program of research that began with studies of observers’ judgments of “tall poppies” or high-status people and that subsequently focused on perceived deservingness and its relation to discrete emotions. The article reviews early and more recent research from this program and its theoretical basis. The author proposes some implications for RD theory that include a more detailed consideration of how deservingness and entitlement might affect RD at the individual and group levels; how resentment relates to perceived deservingness; how other discrete emotions might blend with resentment; how the analysis could be extended to relative advantage; how to account for the role of envy; and the need to develop a motivational analysis for the link between RD and possible outcomes of RD such as collective action. The author concludes that ideas from deservingness theory have much to offer future developments in RD theory and research.
This study investigated effects of like/dislike relations on schadenfreude and other discrete emotions in the context of plagiarism. The predicted emotions were derived from a structural analysis of how the appraisal of deservingness affects emotional reactions to positive or negative outcomes for self or other. One hundred forty-six undergraduate participants responded to scenarios in which either hypothetical self or other (a classmate) plagiarised information from the internet for a class assignment and either received a high grade (undeserved outcome) or a penalty (deserved outcome). Hypothetical self was represented as either high or low in self-esteem, other as liked or disliked. As predicted, liking relations moderated perceived deservingness. Schadenfreude (or pleasure) occurred when the disliked classmate received a deserved penalty for detected plagiarism but not when he/she suffered an undeserved positive outcome. This difference was reversed for the emotion of disappointment. Effects on other discrete emotions such as guilt and resentment are also reported.
In order to move toward a more accurate, complete, and integrative theory of the causes of emotions, empirical evidence relevant to a recently proposed appraisal theory was examined, and hypotheses from several alternative appraisal theories were compared and tested. Given questions that focused on the cognitive causes of emotions rather than their phenomenological contents, 182 subjects rated the appraisal determinants of emotion experiences that they recalled. Results suggest that appraisals of unexpectedness (not unexpected/unexpected), situational state (motive-inconsistent/motiveconsistent), motivational state (aversive/appetitive), probability (uncertain/ certain), control potential (low/high), problem source (non-characterological/characterological factors), and agency (circumstances/other person/self), differentiate a large number of widely-discussed emotions. These results are used to formulate a revised, empirically grounded, and more comprehensive model that specifies which appraisals cause 17 different emotions.
In two experiments we demonstrated that a self-evaluation threat intensifies schadenfreude. Moreover, we showed that a self-evaluation threat predicts schadenfreude in both threat-related and threat-unrelated domains and when controlling for feelings of envy and dislike towards the target and evaluations of the misfortune in terms of deservingness. These findings indicate that another's misfortune may be pleasing because it satisfies people's concern for a positive self-view and a sense of self-worth.
Nietzsche (1887/1967) suggested that the emotional pain individuals feel about their in-group's inferiority leads them to feel the pleasure of schadenfreude when a successful out-group fails. To test this idea, 2 studies examined a fictitious competition between real universities. Individuals' pain about their in-group's inferiority explained schadenfreude at the failure of a successful out-group better than dislike of the out-group, interest in the domain of competition, illegitimacy of the out-group's success, and illegitimacy of the in-group's inferiority. In addition, emotions regarding the out-group's success (i.e., envy, dislike-based anger, and illegitimacy-based anger) were weaker explanations of schadenfreude than the pain of in-group inferiority and anger based in this pain (which Nietzsche referred to as ressentiment). Thus, schadenfreude has more to do with the inferiority of the self than with the success of others. As well as providing evidence for a specific form of prejudice grounded in group-based emotions, this research also revives displacement explanations of prejudice toward 3rd parties.
This paper presents alternatves to Mowrer's concepts of fear, hope, relief, and disappointment. The 4 concepts which are presented are not defined as increments or decrements in the fear response (as in Mowrer) but are developed within the framework of a motive-expectancy-value model. Fear motivation is defined as motivation to avoid a negative incentive or punishment, hope motivation as motivation to approach a positive incentive or reward, motivational relief as reduction in fear motivation following nonconfirmation or partial confirmation of an expectation of punishment, and motivational disappointment as reduction in hope motivation following nonconfirmation or partial confirmation of an expectation of reward. This alternative conceptualization makes a clear distinction between congnitive expectations and hope and fear motivation in that an expectation is assumed to be a necessary but not a sufficient condition of motivation. Some research implications are considered. (33 ref.)
This study investigated conflicts between beliefs about deservingness and beliefs about entitlement. Eighty-nine nurses in a psychiatric hospital rated schizophrenic and personality disorder patients on 28 bipolar adjective scales and then responded to scenarios in which an aggressive action by these patients was followed by either a positive or negative response from a nurse. Results showed that participants’ ratings of deservingness and positive affect about the nurse’s response favored the schizophrenic patient over the personality disorder patient when each patient was treated positively. These differences were smaller and in the reverse direction when each patient was treated negatively by the nurse. These results imply that differences in these variables were more likely to occur when basic entitlements concerning care and support were met. Further multivariate analyses showed that deservingness mediated the effects of anger and sympathy on reported positive affect about the nurse’s response and significantly enhanced prediction beyond patients’ perceived responsibility for the aggressive episode.
The research described in this chapter is concerned with tall poppies that are viewed impersonally from a distance rather than with tall poppies that are seen as rivals in situations where there is a struggle for achievement or power. The research is conducted to identify some of the variables that affect the attitudes toward tall poppies and the reaction to their fall. It investigated not only attitudes toward specific tall poppies who are high achievers but also attitudes toward tall poppies in general. This chapter describes some of the main sources for the theoretical ideas that guided the research program. The research program on tall poppies has involved both experimental and correlational studies. The chapter describes studies that used vignettes or scenarios in which the initial status of the stimulus person is experimentally manipulated and where this status declined as a result of performance or other factors. In addition, later studies investigated deservingness in more detail and cross-cultural differences. A second group of studies examined attitudes toward tall poppies in general and the correlates of these attitudes. These studies examined generalized attitudes toward high achievers, using a specially constructed scale called “the Tall Poppy Scale.” A third group of studies in research program has examined attitudes toward tall poppies that are highly visible public figures.
This study tested the hypothesis that schadenfreude (or pleasure in another's misfortune) would be more closely related to resentment and a wish to correct a perceived injustice than to envy, and that sympathy would involve different processes. Participants were 184 undergraduates who responded to scenarios in which a student with a record of either high or average achievement that followed high or low effort subsequently suffered failure under conditions where there was either high or low personal control. Results showed that resentment about the student's prior achievement could be distinguished from envy. Schadenfreude about the student's subsequent failure was predicted by resentment and not by envy. Sympathy was not predicted by either resentment or envy. Deservingness was a key variable in the models that were tested.
This study used deservingness theory to investigate the effects of assigned status on reactions to a high achiever's success and on both pleasure or schadenfreude and sympathy following the high achiever's failure. Deservingness was manipulated by varying the amount of effort, high or low, associated with performance outcome. Participants were 251 undergraduates who role-played a student whose academic performance status was either low, average, or high. Results showed that lower assigned status was associated with more resentment and less pleasure concerning the performance outcomes of both role-player and high achiever, and with more reported schadenfreude and less sympathy for the failed high achiever. Schadenfreude was also predicted by resentment and displeasure related to the deservingness of the high achiever and by a wish to denigrate the high achiever.
This chapter describes how a structural model of deservingness governed by a principle of balance may be applied to the analysis of emotions relating to deserved or undeserved outcomes of other or of self. In each case perceived deservingness/undeservingness is assumed to mediate both general emotional reactions such as pleasure and dissatisfaction and discrete emotions such as sympathy, resentment, disappointment, and guilt, depending on outcome (positive, negative), the evaluative structure of action/outcome relations, and whether outcomes relate to other or to self. Evidence from studies of reactions to success or failure, and reactions to penalties for offences, supports the analysis, as does earlier research on tall poppies or high achievers. The theoretical analysis is then related to the wider psychological literature on justice and emotions, especially to appraisal theory as exemplified in Weiner's approach. Also discussed are issues concerned with reciprocal relations between affect and deservingness, thoughtful versus automatic processing, new extensions of balance theory, and variables such as like/dislike relations, ingroup/outgroup relations, and perceived responsibility that would moderate perceived deservingness/undeservingness, thereby influencing the emotions that are assumed to be activated in each case.
Two studies are described that investigated a proposed distinction between deservingness and entitlement. Deservingness was assumed to relate to the evaluative structure of actions and their contingent outcomes and entitlement to an external framework involving rights, rules and social norms. Study 1 investigated reactions to scenarios in which a student running for election in a national student organization exerted either high or low effort, was either eligible or ineligible for election by virtue of age, and was either elected or not elected. Study 2 investigated reactions to a scenario in which a stimulus person suffering from an illness had to decide how much money to leave in a will to a son, nephew, or friend who provided him with either help or limited help. In both studies, student participants (n = 134 in Study 1, n = 236 in Study 2) completed ratings of deservingness and entitlement, as well as other measures. Results of both studies supported the distinction between deservingness and entitlement. Whether an outcome was deserved depended on amount of effort in Study 1 and on amount of help in Study 2. Results are also reported for other justice variables and for reported affect in Study 1, and for the amount allocated in the will in Study 2. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Three studies are reported that concerna attitudes towards a person in a high position (the tall poppy) and towards, the tall poppy's fall. The studies were developed in relation to theoretical analyses concerned with value systems, envy, social comparison, and other psychological processes. In Study 1,531 students in South Australian high schools responded to scenarios in which either a high achiever or an average achiever experienced failure. Results showed that subjects reported feeling more pleased about a high achiever's fall than about an average achiever's fall, more pleased when a high achiever fell to the average position on the performance scale rather than to the bottom, and more pleased and friendly towards a high achiever who fell to the average position than towards an average achiever who fell to the bottom. In Study 2, 361 university students responded to scenarios in which a high achiever or an average achiever cheated at an examination. Results showed that the students were more punitive towards the high achiever who transgressed than towards the average achiever and more pleased about the high achiever's fall. In Study 3, 205 adult subjects completed a Tall Poppy Scale, an extended version of the Rokeach Value Survey, the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, and a measure of political preference. Results for a global measure of tall poppy attitudes indicated that negative attitudes were more likely to occur among subjects who were low in global self-esteem, who assigned less importance to values concerned with achievement and social power, and who were more to the left in their political preference.
This study used deservingness theory (Feather, 1999) to investigate how perceptions by a low status observer that his or her low status is deserved or undeserved affects the observer's envy and resentment towards a deserving or undeserving high achiever, and schadenfreude and sympathy when the high achiever suffers a subsequent failure. Deservingness was manipulated by varying the amount of effort, high or low, that led to a low achievement or a high achievement. Participants were 197 undergraduates who role-played a deserving or undeserving low performing student. In this role they first responded to a scenario involving either a deserving or undeserving high achiever and then to a subsequent epilogue in which the high achiever suffered failure. Results showed that resentment about the role-player's low performance affected both envy and resentment towards the high achiever, and that both resentment about the high achiever's success and a wish to denigrate the high achiever fuelled schadenfreude about the high achiever's subsequent failure. Schadenfreude was not predicted by envy. Resentment and denigration were negative predictors of sympathy.
This study tests a model relating perceived legitimacy of a promotion committee's decision to the deservingness and entitlement of a male or female candidate for promotion and to resentment about the decision. University students responded to scenarios in which deservingness was manipulated by information about the quality of the candidate's performance; entitlement was manipulated by information about an affirmative-action policy. Results showed strong positive effects of perceived deservingness on perceived legitimacy, which were partially mediated by resentment. Perceived entitlement was also a positive predictor of perceived legitimacy. Gender bias occurred, especially in regard to resentment and when the male candidate was promoted. The study extends deservingness theory to a new area and provides evidence for the distinction between deservingness and entitlement.
A study is described that tested a model (Feather in Eur Rev Soc Psychol 17:38–73, 2006) relating emotions to the appraisal of outcome deservingness for self or other person. Outcome deservingness was assumed
to depend on the evaluative structure of action/outcome relations (Feather in Values, achievement, and justice: studies in
the psychology of deservingness. Kluwer/Plenum Publishers, New York, 1999b). The study tested predictions about relations between this structure and the emotions of pleasure, admiration, pride, resentment,
anger, sadness, sympathy, guilt, regret, disappointment, and surprise. The study used a hypothetical scenario involving an
applicant for a position in an organization where the applicant could either be other or self. Results that focused on planned
comparisons and the action by focus interactions supported the analysis for both the positive outcome and the negative outcome
conditions and they were consistent with the hypothesis that the appraisal of outcome deservingness would mediate at least
in part the type of emotion that was reported when a positive or negative outcome followed a positive or negative action.
Results were discussed in relation to the social psychology of justice and the emotions.
KeywordsDeservingness–Action/outcome evaluations–Discrete emotions–Self and other perspective
This research investigated situations involving the police and public citizens in which both committed offenses and were punished. Participants responded to either a scenario describing police violence against a "green" protester (n = 177) or one describing dangerous driving by detectives leading to injury of juveniles in a car chase (n = 149). Results showed that information about following orders mitigated participants' reactions to offenses committed by authority figures. The perceived seriousness of the offenses committed by police authorities was negatively related to participants' level of right-wing authoritarianism and positively related to the importance participants assigned to universalism values. These relations were opposite in direction for the public offenders who refused to obey a police order. Other relations supported a social-cognitive process model in which values, responsibility, seriousness, and deservingness are key variables.