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Dynamic Capacity Development: What Africa Can Learn from Industrial Policy Formulation in East Asia

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Abstract

The essence of East Asian development experience should be sought in the methodology of policy formulation rather than individual policy measures whose applicability differs greatly across countries. East Asia approaches development as a joint process of political and economic factors. Policy formulation in East Asia is characterized by real-sector pragmatism, goal orientation, and aspiration for building the country's unique strength rather than removing general negatives. The problem of weak policy capability is overcome through focused hands-on endeavor to achieve concrete objectives, which we call dynamic capacity development, rather than trying to improve governance scores generally vis-à-vis the global standard. These features are sharply distinct from the dominant development thinking of Western donors which emphasize good governance and an early adoption of policies and institutions that copy international best practices. Examples of dynamic capacity development are presented, and four entry points for bringing this methodology to Africa are suggested.

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... The problem of weak policy capability is overcome through focused hands-on endeavors to achieve concrete objectives, rather than trying to improve governance scores generally vis-à-vis the global standard with no specific goals. We call this approach "dynamic capacity development" (Ohno 2013, Ohno & Ohno 2012. Dynamic capacity development aims at improving policy capability through acquiring knowledge and skills by solving specific problems while working toward achieving concrete goals. ...
... Like Doing Business rankings, WGI serve as useful benchmarks to help understand the relative level of governance of a particular country and institutional reforms required for its development. But, these indicators tend to suggest comprehensive reforms that may not be implemented by developing countries with scarce resources (see Ohno & Ohno 2012). Similarly, the technical specification of roads and bridges to be built, the lot size and administrative supports in an industrial zone, and other details which are normally left to consultants and contractors are the proper concern of Japanese aid officials. ...
... One significant thing about leadership in Korea was its capacity to bring the population to subscribe to its vision and nationalist ideology that projected national pride and extolled material advancement, and advanced the imperatives of duty, dedication, pragmatism, and innovativeness and competitiveness (Ohno and Ohno, 2009). It often deployed militarist approaches to inculcating ethical discipline and effectiveness. ...
... It is in the area of the economy that most studies have devoted attention to explain the reasons for the widening economic disparities between Ghana and South Korea from a 1957 level of near equal per-capita income (Werlin, 1991;1994;Kalu and Kim, 2014;Kim, 2015;Afesorghor, 2014). South Korea was considered a basket case in the 1950s, with inept and corrupt officials, heavy dependence on US aid for survival, and poor prospects for investment (Ohno and Ohno, 2009 Apart from South Korea having development-oriented and transformational leaders and Ghana having transactional and short-sighted leaders with little or no vision, other factors explain the disparities in the economic trajectories of both countries. First is the model of development chosen by both countries. ...
... It can be used as a scientific technique to identify contextual interfaces between quantifiable components connected to the subject or problem under investigation. As the approach targets quality rather than the number of responses, as small as two knowledgeable and experienced participants are frequently needed [6,57,58]. The approach is group-discussion-oriented and especially adequate for research areas with few experts [40]. ...
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Building Information Modelling (BIM) for life cycle sustainability assessment is an emerging development considered valuable given its importance in enhancing the environmentally friendly performance of buildings by delivering eco-efficient structures. However, despite its benefits, adoption is low. Thus, this study examines the key drivers of a building’s BIM-based life cycle sustainability assessment. An interpretive structural modelling approach and Matrice d’Impacts croises-multipication applique a classement (MICMAC) analysis were adopted for this study. Nineteen key drivers were categorized into a seven-level ISM model, which revealed that the successful implementation of the driving factors for BIM-based LCSA would increase its adoption and encourage users to be proactive in exploring solutions, exerting best efforts, and advancing its usage. The primary drivers, such as organizational readiness, personal willingness to use, procurement methods, and organizational structure, amongst others, are crucial for discussing BIM-based LCSA adoption strategies and making guidelines and design decisions to guide the process. This paper therefore contributes to the growing discussion on BIM from the viewpoint of an assessment of a building’s life cycle sustainability. The study concludes that organizational, governmental, and institutional support, as well as capacity development, are essential to driving BIM-Based LCSA.
... I argued this could be done with reasonable parsimony and without rendering the definition circular. Specifically, I proposed adding two things to long-term visionfirst, a commitment to economic inclusion, via investment in smallholder agriculture and/or labor-intensive manufacturing, and, second, the problem-driven learning suggested as a genuine universal by Ohno and Ohno (2012) and Oqubay and Ohno (2019) as well as by the Harvard state-capability group (Andrews, 2013;Andrews et al., 2017) and, on China, by Ang (2016). ...
Article
Sub-Saharan Africa faces an alarming long-term outlook. With a massive demographic dividend in prospect, few countries have the means to turn this to their advantage by rapidly expanding employment-intensive economic sectors. Economic analysis is facing up to this challenge, with new attention to structural change, technology absorption and the capabilities of firms. However, this article argues, it has not got to the nub of the problem. Two connected issues have been under-examined: the productivity breakthrough in agriculture without which employment-intensive manufacturing will not take off; and the weak producer incentives generated by prevailing rural social-property relations. While most economists are ‘Smithian’ in their neglect of property relations, political science research has done less than it might to help. Responding energetically to ‘bringing the state back in’, it has generated a rich body of evidence on the configurations of power that make regimes effectively developmental. But these findings remain crucially incomplete. In future, the focus should be on the political economy of bringing productivity-enhancing social disciplines to the countryside. An earlier version of the article was issued in the ESID Working Paper series in 2020.
... I argued this could be done with reasonable parsimony and without rendering the definition circular. Specifically, I proposed adding two things to long-term visionfirst, a commitment to economic inclusion, via investment in smallholder agriculture and/or labour-intensive manufacturing, and, second, the problem-driven learning suggested as a genuine universal by Ohno and Ohno (2012) and Oqubay and Ohno (2019) as well as by the Harvard group (Andrews, 2013;Andrews et al., 2017) and, on China, Ang (2016). ...
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Full-text available
The forthcoming final conclusions of the Effective States and Inclusive Development (ESID) programme are the impressive product of a decade of high-grade, multidisciplinary research steered by the ESID leadership at The University of Manchester. They are significant in their own right but also as the culmination of at least 20 years of cumulative work in a number of research centres that, as a whole, has radically improved the quality of academic and policy thinking about the governance, politics and political economy of development, not least in relation to the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. While celebrating this achievement, those who have been working in what might now be called the ESID tradition (hereafter 'we') should also be taking the opportunity to ask: what's next? To the extent that funding allows, what should be the top priorities for research in our tradition during the coming decade? This paper offers one answer, with particular reference to the part of the world whose future development seems least certain, sub-Saharan Africa (hereafter 'Africa'). My starting point is that we need to reflect broadly on the degree to which the social sciences generally are responding adequately to the challenge posed by future development trajectories in Africa, beginning with policy-oriented economics. The priority questions that more specialised research on politics and political economy should be asking should be derived from this. Sub-Saharan Africa faces an alarming long-term outlook. With a massive demographic dividend in prospect, few countries, if any, have the means to turn this to their advantage by rapidly expanding employment-intensive economic sectors. The best economic analysis is facing up to this challenge better than it was even a few years ago, with new attention to structural change, technology absorption and the capabilities of firms and other organisations. However, this paper argues, it is not clear that this thinking has yet got to the nub of the problem. The nub of the problem consists in two things: first, giving real effect to the changes in agriculture, without which employment-intensive manufacturing will not be able to take off; and second, focusing honestly on the perverse incentives generated by the prevailing social-property relations in agriculture. On the first issue, there is a continuing intellectual disconnect between the policy literatures on manufacturing and agricultural transformation, respectively. On the second, even the best discussion remains 'Smithian' (as per Brenner, 1977; 2007), in that it focuses on market opportunities and missing capabilities but neglects the changes in producer incentives-rooted in social-property relations-that are no less required if the necessary investments in productivity are to occur. It is hard to overstate the importance of getting policy and research to pay serious attention to these issues over the coming years. What next for the political economy of development in Africa? Facing up to the challenge of economic transformation 2 Mainstream economics has obvious blind spots when it comes to dealing with such matters. However, political economy research in the ESID tradition has helped less than it might have done. While our take on many significant issues in development has become vastly more sophisticated, we too have had our blind spots. Having responded energetically, and with good results, to 'bringing the state back in', we have lost sight of some of the critical interdependencies between state forms and prevailing social-property relations. At its best, 'political settlements' analysis has recognised these linkages, but it has been drawn by its interest in industrial policy, narrowly conceived, to neglect the social-property relations in agriculture as completely as mainstream economics. In setting future priorities for political-economy research, this should be corrected. On the one hand, we should give renewed attention to the important ways in which, following Hyden and Chabal among others, the strengths and limitations of African states reflect the kinds of socioeconomic systems in which they are embedded; states should not be expected to work as they do under capitalism until economies become capitalist. On the other, we should reconsider the qualities that make regimes 'developmental', placing far greater emphasis on their willingness and ability to enable productivity-enhancing social disciplines in the countryside. In looking for transferable lessons from Asia and elsewhere, we should be giving broader attention to the political processes and social changes that preceded industrial success.
... I argued this could be done with reasonable parsimony and without rendering the definition circular. Specifically, I proposed adding two things to long-term visionfirst, a commitment to economic inclusion, via investment in smallholder agriculture and/or labour-intensive manufacturing, and, second, the problem-driven learning suggested as a genuine universal by Ohno and Ohno (2012) and Oqubay and Ohno (2019) as well as by the Harvard group (Andrews, 2013;Andrews et al., 2017) and, on China, Ang (2016). ...
Article
The forthcoming final conclusions of the Effective States and Inclusive Development (ESID) programme are the impressive product of a decade of high-grade, multi-disciplinary research steered by the ESID leadership at the University of Manchester. They are significant in their own right but also as the culmination of at least 20 years of cumulative work in a number of research centres that, as a whole, has radically improved the quality of academic and policy thinking about the governance, politics and political economy of development, not least in relation to the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. While celebrating this achievement, those who have been working in what might now be called the ESID tradition (hereafter ‘we’) should also be taking the opportunity to ask: what’s next? To the extent that funding allows, what should be the top priorities for research in our tradition during the coming decade? This paper offers one answer, with particular reference to the part of the world whose future development seems least certain, sub-Saharan Africa (hereafter ‘Africa’). My starting point is that we need to reflect broadly on the degree to which the social sciences generally are responding adequately to the challenge posed by future development trajectories in Africa, beginning with policy-oriented economics. The priority questions that more specialised research on politics and political economy should be asking should be derived from this. Sub-Saharan Africa faces an alarming long-term outlook. With a massive demographic dividend in prospect, few countries, if any, have the means to turn this to their advantage by rapidly expanding employment-intensive economic sectors. The best economic analysis is facing up to this challenge better than it was even a few years ago, with new attention to structural change, technology absorption and the capabilities of firms and other organizations. However, this paper argues, it is not clear that this thinking has yet got to the nub of the problem. The nub of the problem consists in two things: first, giving real effect to the changes in agriculture without which employment-intensive manufacturing will not be able to take off; and second, focusing honestly on the perverse incentives generated by the prevailing social-property relations in agriculture. On the first issue, there is a continuing intellectual disconnect between the policy literatures on manufacturing and agricultural transformation respectively. On the second, even the best discussion remains ‘Smithian’ (as per Brenner, 1977; 2007), in that it focuses on market opportunities and missing capabilities but neglects the changes in producer incentives – rooted in social-property relations – that are no less required if the necessary investments in productivity are to occur. It is hard to overstate the importance of getting policy and research to pay serious attention to these issues over the coming years. Mainstream economics has obvious blind-spots when it comes to dealing with such matters. However, political-economy research in the ESID tradition has helped less than it might have done. While our take on many significant issues in development has become vastly more sophisticated, we too have had our blind spots. Having responded energetically, and with good results, to ‘bringing the state back in’, we have lost sight of some of the critical interdependencies between state forms and prevailing social-property relations. At its best, ‘political settlements’ analysis has recognised these linkages, but it has been drawn by its interest in industrial policy, narrowly conceived, to neglect the social-property relations in agriculture as completely as mainstream economics. In setting future priorities for political-economy research, this should be corrected. On the one hand, we should give renewed attention to the important ways in which, following Hyden and Chabal among others, the strengths and limitations of African states reflect the kinds of socio-economic systems in which they are embedded; states should not be expected to work as they do under capitalism until economies become capitalist. On the other, we should reconsider the qualities that make regimes ‘developmental’, placing far greater emphasis on their willingness and ability to enable productivity-enhancing social disciplines in the countryside. In looking for transferable lessons from Asia and elsewhere, we should be giving broader attention to the political processes and social changes that preceded industrial success.
... They were guided by principles of urgency, outreach and expediency, principles that are not widely observed in the governance of low-income countries (Henley, 2010;2015). As Routley (2014: 171) emphasises, citing Evans (1998) and the Ohnos (Ohno and Ohno, 2012) among others, the only generally shared feature of Asian models of development success to date, including China, is the absence of a model, a focus on urgent action to address problems and a willingness to employ trial and error in the search for applicable solutions. ...
Conference Paper
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Currently available concepts of the developmental state are not fit for the purpose of making sense of the diversity of regime types in Africa today. Extant concepts bear too many of the marks of their origins in a very specific set of debates about then newly industrialising countries in East Asia in the 1980s. In view of the comparative evidence now available on both Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, it is time to revisit the question, paying attention only to genuinely generic features. This paper proposes a concept of what should count as a developmental state, or rather developmental regime, in Africa. This says: 1) policy content matters-but with the qualification that raising productivity in peasant agriculture is an essential first step; 2) sound policies come from an iterative, problem-solving type of policy process; and 3) a precondition for all of this is a political settlement or elite bargain that allows a national leadership to focus on things beyond winning the next short-term political struggle. The concept, including the causal hierarchy linking policies with the quality of the policy process, and in turn with the political settlement, is illustrated with reference to Rwanda.
... In the top-down approach policy makers should intervene in some policy culture in the local state. For example, Ohno quoted, lack of coordination among cabinet members in statue and gaps in budgeting and execution also weaken the intensive training [29]. ...
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These papers present the push and pull policies as two sides of the same coin and these become the force that drives and encourages the outflow of talent towards a goal. Like many developing countries, Iran has suffered from the phenomenon. The main objectives of this study are examined the key policy factors in cultural, economic and political conditions that contribute to Iranian talented people migration. The principal aim of this study is to propose ideas that can contribute to specific changes in public policies, to curb further outflow and may encourage Iranian expatriates to return to their homeland. This study, however, examines in depth the policy interventions related to the migration of talented Iranians. Interviews were conducted on educated talented Iranians living in six industrialized advanced nations to obtain their views on reasons for their migration. A predominant theme emerging from the study is that unfavorable political conditions have been the key reason for the migration of talented Iranians from their homeland.
... However, scholars like [11] and [12] argues that the concept of the developmental state also exists as an abstract generalisation which is usually photosynthesised from specific East Asian cases on how they form a productive developmental state. The approach has been criticised by [13] - [15] due to its closed similarities to the dissimilar East Asian states experiences. ...
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Over the past fifty years in developing world, the role of the state intervention in promoting economic growth and social progress has been a subject of disputing among political elites, international development experts and policy analysts. Recognition of the economic growth success of East Asia has led to new thinking on what developmental states idea should be accomplished. The observable optimism performance of East Asian Tigers on the contextual of developmental states is keen in the fact that economic growth can be achievable when states commitment is concerned with respect to capitalist based economy. Since Tanzania is in a unique position of possessing some resources in which other East Asian Tigers did not posses thou their commitment and high standard of responsibility were imperative to their success. It is in this line therefore this paper attempts to draw attentions of Tanzanian Elites and Policy makers on how they can learn from the story of development states in East Asia so as to invent it into the development agenda in building sustainable development for the people of Tanzania.
... Given the diversity of the countries studied, developmental state scholars differ in the precise concept of a developmental state and the conditions which allow such an entity to emerge (Routley, 2014). Nevertheless, there is a general agreement that economic development is a paramount concern for the developmental state and its elites cultivate progrowth state-society relations and deploy the relevant bureaucratic measures to achieve such a goal (see Hsieh, 2011;Ohno & Ohno, 2012). One of the most important bureaucratic tools available to the developmental states is the deployment of a set of industrial policy to promote technological growth and economic progress. ...
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... Building a developmental state and reform are multi-faceted processes that require multiple stakeholders and actors collaborating and co-ordinating concurrently. In the developmental state the role of private organisations is well recognised (Hirata, 2002;Ohno and Ohno, 2012). For example, the Asian Tigers nurtured a strong government-business relationship that helped them develop economically. ...
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Public sector reforms continue to preoccupy governments all over the world, compelled by the need to 'get the state right' through better policy development and implementation. Developing countries see this as the path to a developmental state. This article examines Ghana's quest to build such a state through its new public sector reforms, originally hailed in hyperbolic terms. We argue that the rejection of a top-down and bottom-up synergy in favour of an exclusively top-down approach dooms this effort to failure.
... This more pragmatic approach concentrating on the feasibility of interventions is in some ways very welcome, in terms of development agencies getting to grips with the limitations of their interventions (Dahl-Ǿstergaard et al., 2005). Politics is, in our understanding, about much more than feasibility, yet it is in danger of becoming used in such a manner within a development context as illustrated in recent work by Ohno and Ohno, 'Here, the politics of development refers broadly to what can be done under the political landscape of the country as well as the administrative capacity of the government, whereas the economics of development refers to what should be done in terms of policy content to move the economy to higher level given its initial conditions.' (Ohno and Ohno, 2012, p.225). Whilst Ohno and Ohno are not writing on PEA this understanding of the role of politics as feasibility -what can be done -does seem dominant in much of the PEA literature. ...
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... The GRIPS policy dialogue team strongly supports the expansion of policy scope of Ethiopia accompanied by enhanced policy capability. This is in line with Dynamic Capacity Development, the idea we put forward in another paper that internal capabilities should be selectively and strategically built up to attain concrete industrial objectives rather than generally and randomly (Ohno and Ohno, 2008). It should be emphasized that causality between policy capability and policy scope is mutual. ...
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Amidst the COVID 19 Pandemic, the entire world has transformed in many aspects. The services sectors are affected largely. The Global educations sector is geared up towards complete transformation. Educational institutions faced many challenges but the way they have overcome them is a real case example. Many USA’s academic institutions have implemented the Hyflex format. Hylex is a combination of Hybrid and flexible. Our Indian educational institutions have adopted various online platforms and the teaching-learning process has been digitized in a true sense. The role of students, as well as teachers, is getting changed tremendously in the new normal. Keywords: Hyflex, Pandemic, transformation, global education
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Chapter
Africa has entered a new era of economic growth after decades of sustained efforts to promote reforms. During the 1980s, it was recognized that the economic strategies implemented during the first two decades of the post-colonial period had largely failed. Economies were stagnant or in decline, core institutions were eroding, and there was a steady outflow of intellectual talent and financial resources. An economic recovery became apparent in the mid-1990s and has strengthened over the past 15 years, matching the last sustained period of growth in Africa that began in the mid-1950s (Radelet, 2010). Accompanying the economic downturn was political stasis and decay. Competitive party systems eroded and few countries were even minimally democratic in 1990. The economic and political quandary heightened concerns about the legitimacy, efficacy and even coherence of the nation-state systems bequeathed to Africa by colonialism (Joseph, 1999; Herbst, 2000).
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Asia has become a global center of manufacturing during the last quarter of the 20th century. First, Japan was the only major exporter of manufacturing goods from Asia. Then, yen was rapidly appreciated after The Plaza Accord in 1985, and newly industrialized economies (NIES) such as Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore emerged as exporters of relatively standardized goods. Japanese manufacturing firms also started to shift their production facilities mainly in ASEAN countries.
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