Book

The Event Structure of Perception Verbs

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Abstract

Perception verbs - such as look, see, taste, hear, feel, sound, listen, and observe - present unresolved problems for linguistic theories. This book examines the predictability of relations between their semantics and syntactic behaviour, the different kinds of polysemy they exhibit, and the role of evidentiality in verbs like seem and appear. After an opening chapter explaining the nature of the issues, there is a concise introduction to Word Grammar. Chapter 3 considers the implications of the approach for a general theory of event structure, and looks at how Word Grammar can be applied to causation, argument linking, and the modelling of polysemy. Chapter 4 explores the polysemy of see; chapter 5 looks at relations between verbs of active perception like listen, and verbs of involuntary perception such as hear; chapter 6 explores the semantics of non-finite predicative complementation; and chapter 7 discusses verbs of appearance. Chapter 8 presents some conclusions.
... Among the languages which do not have a specific morpheme to indicate direct evidentiality, perception verbs are usually a prime choice to express that domain (Whitt, 2009(Whitt, , 2010(Whitt, , 2011. English copular verbs of perception constitute a fairly grammaticalized system, since they belong to the closed class of copular verbs (Gisborne, 2010;Mélac, 2014, pp. 179-182 and pp. ...
... Inference is encoded through a variety of lexical and grammatical means, including copular verbs of perception, modal auxiliaries, discourse markers, adverbs, tense and mood. Even though the description of inferential markers in English is starting to receive more attention (see Whitt, 2010 andGisborne, 2010 on the inferential value of perception verbs; Nuyts, 2001, Cappelli, 2007, and Kaltenböck, 2013 on epistemic-inferential cognition verbs; Nuyts, 2001 on epistemic-inferential modals and Mortensen, 2010 on inferential adverbs; Gurajek, 2010 pp. 54-74, andMélac, 2014 p. 203-306, for a more synthetic description of the whole inferential system of English), a comprehensive analysis of French inferential markers is not available yet. ...
... As for learners, they generally underuse copular verbs of perceptions, with some non-target-like constructions as is the case for the English learner of French in (15). Learners of English favour 'seem' over the copular verbs of perception, reflecting a lack of sensitivity to the source of information, which 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 could be due to the fact that the copular perception verb paradigm is less grammaticalized in French than in English (see Miller, 2008;Gisborne, 2010). ...
Article
Evidentiality, i.e. the linguistic encoding of the mode of access to information (direct perception, inference, hearsay), despite not being fully grammaticalized in English and French, is expressed through a variety of means. This paper seeks to determine how a relatively non-salient concept in the source and target languages can be acquired by L2 learners. Using an oral elicited narrative task, we determine what markers of direct perception and inference are commonly used by native speakers of French ( n = 10) and English ( n = 10) and L2 learners of those two languages (at three levels of proficiency, n = 10 per group), and at which level they emerge. Our results point to a much more frequent use of inferential markers than direct perception markers, to slightly different patterns of evidential marking in French and in English, and to a late emergence of evidential markers in the speech of learners, who display sensitivity to their discursive functions, with types and tokens increasing as a function of proficiency level.
... This research aims at examining the use of the perception verbs 'see ', 'hear', 'feel', 'smell', and 'taste' and their Modern Standard Arabic (henceforth MSA) counterparts, the verbs 'ra'a', 'sami'a', 'sha'ara ', 'shamma' and 'dhaqa', in contexts of inferential evidentiality. There has been various research that examined the polysemous aspect of perception verbs (see Alm-Arvius 1993, Gisborne 2010 for an extensive discussion about polysemy). There are works that dealt with perception verbs from a pragmatic perspective, mainly in terms of the relation between perception and cognition (Majid 2013, San Roque et al. 2018, Sweetser 1990). ...
... The study of perception verbs has been primarily focused on the aspect of semantic disambiguation and polysemy (Dik and Hengeveld 1991, Tobin 1993, Alm-Arvius 1993, Gisborne 2010. The core of my research agrees with the axiomatic assumption in Gisborne's (2010: 148) analysis that 'if there is a linguistic correlate for a semantic distinction, then that semantic distinction constitutes a case of polysemy'. ...
... This is the same starting point that other works on the application of perception verbs in evidential contexts in English adopt (see Whitt 2009Whitt , 2010aWhitt , 2010bWhitt , 2011. I have also capitalised on Gisborne's (2010: 140-148) categorical account of the propositional senses that can be summarised as Other than appealing to only the syntactic structure, Gisborne (2010) uses two other methods to tease out the various potential meanings that can be derived from the verb 'see'. The first method is analysing the lexical aspect, or Aktionsart, of the verb, that is analysing the structure of the verb in relation to time to underpin the stative or the non-stative aspect of the verb. ...
... In the linguistic domain, sensory verbs differ in terms of agentivity and intentionality/volition. E.g., to look conveys an agentive, intentional action; to see does not. In terms of their linguistic argument structure, to smell and to taste allow for both an agentive and non-agentive/experiencer-type interpretation (e.g., Gisborne, 2010). I discuss this more in the section entitled "Potential Complication: On the Meanings of Smell". of vision and taste differ both in terms of perceived subjectivity and ease of perceptual access, the olfactory domain has a more mixed status, and is also linguistically less robustly encoded in English and many other languages. ...
... After each text, 6 The first sentence (Eliza saw the muffin) uses to see instead of to look, to make the argument structural properties of the perception verbs (saw/smelled/tasted) as comparable as possible. The lexical semantics of the three verbs in the experiments all allow for an experiencer-based interpretation, unlike look at which is hardwired for only an agentive reading (e.g., Kopytko, 1990;Gisborne, 2010) and deserves to be investigated in future work. Thus, the verbs in the current studies are unified in not requiring their subjects to be intentional agents. ...
... A potential concern with Experiment 1 arises from the polysemy of the transitive verb smell in English (and many other languages): When used in a transitive sentence, as in the clause Eliza smelled the muffin, the verb to smell can have an agentive interpretation (e.g., a person sniffs the muffin on purpose) or an experiencer interpretation (e.g., a person simply breathes the air and thereby becomes aware of a smell), e.g., Kopytko (1990), Gisborne (2010), and Dziwirek (2016). Gisborne (2010) describes two meanings in terms of the agent vs. experiencer distinction; similarly, Kopytko (1990) uses the labels [+active, + intent] and [-active, -intent] for these two meanings (To taste is semantically ambiguous in the same way, but in the contexts tested in this paper, the agentive interpretation is more salient. ...
Article
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Perspective-taking is fundamental for language comprehension, including the interpretation of subjective adjectives (e.g., fun, tasty , and amazing ). To understand these adjectives, one needs to know whose opinion is being conveyed—in other words, who is the attitude-holder or perspectival center. Although the perspective-sensitivity of subjective adjectives has received considerable attention in prior work in formal semantics, potential effects of sensory modality (e.g., sight, taste, and smell) on the process of attitude-holder identification have not been systematically investigated. This paper reports a series of studies testing whether interpretation of subjective adjectives depends on whether they refer to the visual, olfactory (smell) vs. gustatory (taste) domains. The results provide evidence that sensory modality has a significant impact on the process of identifying the attitude-holder. This outcome suggests that perspective-sensitivity is highly context-dependent, and the observed modality effects align well with the biological and social properties of sight, taste, and smell.
... One of the discussions in the research is about dynamicity or Aktionsarten. According to Brinton (1988, in Gisborne, 2010, Aktiansarten is referred as actions which consist of: dynamism, telicity, and duration. Gisborne (2010) discuses dynamicity of perception verb in general. ...
... According to Brinton (1988, in Gisborne, 2010, Aktiansarten is referred as actions which consist of: dynamism, telicity, and duration. Gisborne (2010) discuses dynamicity of perception verb in general. Some of his theories and approaches about perceptive verb are used in the research. ...
... The perceptive verb is an experiential verb which the type of stimulus experienced by the subject is a sensation that can be received by the five senses (Jackendoff, 1976). Gisborne (2010) divides perceptive verb into three kinds: listen-class, hear-class, and sound-class. ...
Article
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Perceptive verbs have important function, especially in Cognitive Linguistics perspective, because these verbs are directly related to real experience. Cognitive linguistics focuses on the study of the relationship between language, mind, and socio-physical experience. Thus, this paper discusses how the lexical-semantic characteristics particularly the dynamicity or aktionsarten of the verb look. The verb look itself consists of agentive and perceptive verb class. The dynamicity of agentive and the perceptive verb look were analyzed using the distributional method combined with several techniques. Most of the verb look constructions appear as phrasal verbs. At least, there are 17 phrasal verbs with look as the root and the constructions consist of at least 20 different meanings. The dynamicity test is also applicated for the phrasal verbs. The results of the research show unique lexical characteristics of the perceptive verb look and it influences the meaning as well as the construction of the verb. The relationship between lexical characteristic with its construction shows the schema of cognition processing language.
... To put verbs into perspective and show how they aid in the explanation of causative events, we discuss their semantics in both English and Ewe below, since it is evident in the literature that causation is at the heart of the majority of semantic analyses of verbs. The paper explores the sub-lexical analysis of verbs' meanings since they form the basis of the discussions of causation in the subsequent sections of this study; in particular, the classification of lexical relations allows us to explore the different associations we can find between (sub)events (Gisborne, 2010). With regard to the significance of a semantic profiling of verbs in the scheme of causative constructions, Gisborne (2010) again asserts that: ...
... The paper explores the sub-lexical analysis of verbs' meanings since they form the basis of the discussions of causation in the subsequent sections of this study; in particular, the classification of lexical relations allows us to explore the different associations we can find between (sub)events (Gisborne, 2010). With regard to the significance of a semantic profiling of verbs in the scheme of causative constructions, Gisborne (2010) again asserts that: ...
Article
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This paper seeks to outline and describe the features of Ewe causative verbs and how they encode causative events. It explores the sub-lexical analysis of verbs' meanings since they form the basis of the classification of causal relations that allow us to explore the different imports between sub-events and how these events are structured, and how the participants in the events are related to the description of the event itself acknowledges that establishing causal connections between events and their participants is one the principal means by which we structure our experience of our social and verbs and ther relational environment. Previous typological studies have focussed on event segmentation into syntactic and intonational units, as well as motion events. This study is descriptive in nature and focuses on causative verbs and their relational analysis with the causative events they construe. This paper identifies that just as English and other languages do, causation is at the heart of the majority of the semantic analyses of verbs'meaning relevant to argument realization to involve the causal structure of the events they encode.
... The model of inheritance adopted in the thesis is the 'default inheritance' one (e.g. Hudson 2007;Gisborne 2010;. General information is stored at higher levels, while more detailed information is specified at lower levels in the inheritance hierarchy. ...
... It is uncontroversial to associate 'semanticisation' with a kind of constructionalisation in which what is pragmatic in one source construction becomes a target construction's semantics, as proposed in §4.4.1. Gisborne's (2010) Word Grammar analysis of deontic may, for example, has suggested that subjectification (a subtype of semanticisation; see Ch. 5) happens not only to lexemes but also constructions, as it may involve argument-linking (see also Smirnova's (2015a) constructional argument in favour of 'secondary grammaticalisation' (see Ch. 3.5) therefore does not hold, as far as the data considered here go, because it overlooks fine-grained constructional properties such as performativity when they are supposed to be essential to her contextoriented model of constructionalisation. It is hypothesised here that only after a certain degree of 'bleaching', such as that of performativity in [bì 'only if' p, q], can we find robust, cross-linguistic regularities in language change that approximate cline-like representations that are commonly found in traditional grammaticalisation studies. ...
Thesis
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This thesis is a diachronic constructional exploration into late-stage grammatical change, defined as the creation of new grammatical constructions out of pre-existing grammatical ones, in Chinese. It argues that a multidimensional, constructional view on directionality in change, be it early or late stage, has advantages over a linear or unidirectional model, typical of the grammaticalisation approach. Chapters 1–3 lay down the groundwork for subsequent ones. Chapter 1 presents data and methodology. Chapter 2 discusses diachronic construction grammar, particularly the constructionalisation framework by Traugott & Trousdale (2013), and grammaticalisation. Chapter 3 introduces secondary grammaticalisation, which models late-stage grammatical change and assumes unidirectionality (that grammatical development proceeds in a highly contrained fashion) in the tradition of grammaticalisation, and evaluates its status within the constructionalisation framework. Chapters 4–7 constitute the major descriptive and analytical components of this thesis and propose three major generalisations. Chapters 4–5 show that modal and conditional constructions can develop into each other, manifesting bidirectionality rather than unidirectionality, both within and beyond Chinese. A prediction for bidirectionality is proposed: ‘the performative bidirectionality prediction’, which incorporates semanticisation via invited inferencing in the Invited Inferencing Theory of Semantic Change and diachronic construction grammar, and requires no special late-stage process such as secondary grammaticalisation or degrammaticalisation. Chapter 6 models a category change from quantifier to classifier as ‘realignment’, or change in inheritance links from one schema to another. Following realignment, multiple classifier constructions were created, one of which is contentful. Implicating constructions at different levels, the changes cannot be easily accounted for within a unidirectional model. Furthermore, a ‘typology of reinforcement’ in historical linguistics is proposed to predict similar kinds of change. Chapter 7 examines schema loss, using as an example an adverbial adjunct schema with the paraphrase ‘something adverse almost happened’. A ‘prototypicality-based’ account of schema loss is posited, which parallels schema formation and involves different degrees of schematicity. Chapter 8 concludes by proposing that any regularity in language change is to be found in processes of change from a multidimensional, construction-specific perspective.
... Investigation has been carried out both on the single domains of touch, taste, smell, hearing, and sight (e.g. Howes 2005;Gisborne 2010;Caballero & Diaz Vera 2013;Winter 2016;Digonnet 2016;Baicchi et al. 2018;Winter et al. 2018), but also on cross-modality or synesthetic phenomena (Cacciari 2008;Cuskley & Kirby 2013;Strik-Lievers 2015;Ronga 2016). Linguistic transfer between various senses seem to respect a hierarchy from those that have been historically 1 Temperature is physiologically held to be a separate sense from touch. ...
Article
Embodiment is central to the Cognitive Linguistics enterprise. The grounding of language in body experience is one of the major tenets of linguistic description at various levels of analysis. We receive the infor-mation of the world around us through the bodily sensations; i.e. we per-ceive, then process and conceptualize it. Research into the sensory do-mains has continued to elicit further examination of how we use meta-phoric and metonymic cross-modal conceptualization in language. Inves-tigation has been carried out both on the single sense domains of touch, taste, smell, hearing, and sight, but also on cross-modality or synesthetic phenomena. Linguistic transfer between various senses seems to respect a hierarchy from the lower (touch, taste, smell) to the higher senses (hear-ing and sight), even though some variation of this hierarchy has been noted. The present study is the first part of a two-fold analysis of cross-modal linguistic mappings that exist between the senses of taste and sight. The objective is to verify what collocations occur between the two do-mains: do they respect the hierarchy, and how frequent, or how strong are they? Corpus analysis of the construction of the adjective + noun type are in keeping with existing literature: the sensory domain that func-tions as source is understood as an adjective modifying another sensory domain, which is found in the form of a noun. This research concentrates on cross-modal pairs found through a corpus-based analysis of taste ad-jectives in the description of vision nouns, e.g. delicious colors. Linguis-tic data were retrieved from corpora that allow for comparison of the ac-tual usage and definition of these constructions. These include the Cor-pus of Contemporary American English (COCA), and the Mapping Meta-phor with the Historical Thesaurus of English. The experimental method-ology is in keeping with the usage-based approach of Cognitive Linguis-tics, considering frequency and relevance.
... In this section, we summarise some of the main findings of work on multiple sources in language change, and how these relate to the idea that language is a network of constructions. The extensive study of grammatical change in the grammaticalization tradition forms much of the foundation of work in DCxG, in which the notion of the construction as a conventionalised unit of form and meaning is central (Barðdal et al. 2015;Coussé, Olofsson, and Andersson 2018;Hilpert 2013); more recently, attention has focussed on the connections between constructions, with the foregrounding of the network metaphor (Diessel 2019;Sommerer and Smirnova 2020; see also Gisborne 2010;Hudson 2007 for studies of the language network in a related framework). In a network model of language, the nodes represent points at which multiple links often meetas a result, there has been increased interest in the multiple potential sources of new constructions. ...
Article
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Recent work in Diachronic Construction Grammar (DCxG) has foregrounded the importance of multiple sources of a particular construction, as well as promoting the idea that constructions are organised as a network of knowledge. The research presented in this article explores the ways in which multiple sources play a role at various stages in constructional change, and the effects of this on the structure of the language network. We aim to show how an account of language structure that focuses on links between constructions may be useful in tracking the various stages in the development of a new construction.
... All English CPVs are polysemous, with (at least) two logically independent readings (Gisborne, 2010). The relevant reading here is the attributary one, on which a CPV takes its stimulus subject and its predicate complement as logical arguments. ...
Article
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An extensive literature going back three quarters of a century holds that metaphorical mappings between sensory domains conform to a hierarchy of the senses, such that mappings from ‘low’ senses (touch, taste) to ‘high’ senses (sight, sound) are preferred over mappings in the opposite direction. Recent work has established that these directional preferences are partially explained by lexical factors. Theorists have also proposed that perceptual factors play a role in directional preferences, but without testing these factors directly and without controlling for the established effects of lexical factors. This article uses a novel construction, the verbal analogy (e.g., The picture looks like my music sounds ), to explore directional preferences while controlling for several crucial lexical factors. A naturalness rating experiment reveals local directional preferences, for mappings between touch and sound and between sight and sound. The experiment finds no evidence for a general preference for mappings in either direction of the purported hierarchy of the senses, suggesting that pervious empirical findings may have been mediated by the effects of lexical factors.
... Within the lexical network framework, Sato and Tanaka (2015) investigated the acquisition of English verbs of perception (e.g. see, listen, smell) by Japanese learners within the matrix of five domains (olfactory, taste, visual, auditory, and tactile) and three semantic phases (action, experience, and result) (Gisborne, 2010;Terasawa, 2008). For instance, the verb smell in the olfactory domain can be used in the following three semantic phases: ...
Article
The present study investigated the acquisition of L2 English memory verbs, memorize, remember, and recall, by Japanese learners within the framework of a lexical network. In the fields of psychology and cognitive science, the human memory has been conceptualized as consisting of three cognitive phases, namely input, retention, and output. In English, memorize and recall are used for the input and the output phases, respectively, while remember can be used across the three phases. In order to investigate the extent to which Japanese learners of English can appropriately make differential use of these verbs in relation to the above cognitive phases, a test called ‘‘the Memory Verb Acceptability Judgment Test’’ was administered on 173 Japanese university students grouped into three proficiency levels. The results showed that while they were able to accept memorize and recall with high accuracy for the input and the output phases, respectively, they tended to accept remember primarily for the retention phase, failing to fully accept it in the remaining two phases. This tendency was observed even among those learners whose average length of stay in English-speaking countries was 5 years. It was also revealed that basic-level learners tended to over-generalize memorize for the retention phase. Based on the overall results, theoretical and pedagogical implications of the lexical network approach are discussed.
... Na temelju takvih i sličnih primjeraGisborne (2010) tvrdi da su osjetilni glagoli koji se tradicionalno nazivaju glagolima pasivne percepcije ustvari amorfni, odnosno potkapacitirani kada je u pitanju agentivnost i aktionsart općenito. ...
Article
U ovome radu analizira se semantička uloga subjekta u konstrukcijama s osjetilnim glagolima iz kognitivnogramatičke perspektive, a prije svega njegova agentivnost. Naime temeljna kategorizacija osjetilnih glagola uspostavlja se upravo u odnosu na semantičku ulogu subjekta u konstrukcijama s osjetilnim glagolima, a glavna je značenjska odrednica subjekta, na temelju koje se osjetilni glagoli dijele na voljne ili glagole aktivne percepcije, nevoljne ili glagole pasivne percepcije te izokrenute osjetilne glagole, pritom upravo njegova agentivnost. Glavni je cilj ovoga rada preispitati općeprihvaćenu kategorizaciju osjetilnih glagola kao stativnih glagola ili glagola stanja, posebice kada su u pitanju glagoli poput vidjeti i čuti , koji se na temelju često pojednostavljenih i nepreciznih jezičnih testova svrstavaju u kategoriju glagola pasivne percepcije i stativnih glagola, a njihov subjekt često opisuje kao pasivni, nevoljni i neagentivni, što onda vodi prema nepreciznomu gramatičkom opisu i pogrešnome shvaćanju ne samo osjetilnih glagola već i drugih gramatičkih koncepata važnih za proučavanje glagola općenito poput događajne strukture konstrukcije ili aktionsarta , semantičkih ekstenzija glagola, sintaktičke okoline u kojoj se pojavljuju, prijelaznosti i sl. Analiza semantičke uloge subjekta u konstrukcijama s osjetilnim glagolima vida i sluha u ovome radu temelji se na metodologiji kognitivne lingvistike, odnosno kognitivne gramatike, s naglaskom na ideju utjelovljenja jezika (engl. embodiment ), koja uključuje i enciklopedijski pogled na značenje, koncept kanonskoga događajnog modela, čiji jezični odraz predstavlja prijelazna konstrukcija, te ideju radijalnih kategorija utemeljenih na efektu prototipa. Radna je pretpostavka ovoga rada da se osjetilni glagoli, kao i sve drugo u jeziku, ne mogu gramatički opisati, a da se u taj opis ne uključi i naša vlastita predodžba o ljudskim osjetilnim organima, njihovim mogućnostima i ograničenjima te načinu na koji funkcioniraju, odnosno da se ne analiziraju veze između tjelesnoga iskustva, općih kognitivnih sposobnosti čovjeka, konceptualnih struktura te samih jezičnih struktura.
... All English CPVs are polysemous, with (at least) two logically-independent readings (Gisborne, 2010). The relevant reading here is the attributary one, on which a CPV takes its stimulus subject and its predicate complement as logical arguments. ...
Preprint
An extensive literature going back to Ullman (1945) holds that metaphorical mappings between sensory domains conform to a hierarchy of the senses, such that mappings from ‘low’ senses (touch, taste) to ‘high’ senses (sight, sound) are preferred over mappings in the opposite direction (e.g. Williams, 1976; Day, 1996; Shen, 1997; Yu, 2003; Shinohara & Nakayama 2011). Recent work has established that these directional preferences are partially explained by lexical factors (Petersen et al., 2007; Winter, 2016, 2019). Theorists have also proposed that perceptual factors play a role in directional preferences, but without testing these factors directly and without controlling for the established effects of lexical factors (Shen, 1997; Shen & Gil, 2007; Shen & Gadir, 2008). This paper uses a novel construction, the verbal analogy (e.g. The picture looks like my music sounds), to explore directional preferences while controlling for several crucial lexical factors. A naturalness rating experiment reveals local directional preferences, for mappings between touch and sound and between sight and sound. The experiment finds no evidence for a general preference for mappings on either direction of the purported hierarchy of the senses, suggesting that pervious empirical findings may have been mediated by the effects of lexical factors.
... note, however, that mismatch is not always resolved, as change is not teleological). On this constructional view, invited inferencing and semanticization of inferences apply to not only individual morphemes, but also constructions (Gisborne 2010, Gisborne & Patten 2011, Smirnova 2015, Kuo 2020a. ...
Article
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This paper proposes that modal constructions can develop into conditional constructions in Mandarin Chinese and vice versa. Therefore, bidirectionality exists between these kinds of constructions diachronically. While bidirectionality is an apparent violation of unidirectionality, both directions of change are shown to be regular cases of procedural constructionalization, motivated by the fact that modal and conditional constructions can perform identical indirect speech acts (i.e. they are performatively equivalent) and instances of one may be morphosyntactically categorized as the other in Chinese (i.e. they are morphosyntactically vague). A crosslinguistically generalizable prediction is then proposed: bidirectionality is possible if instances of two constructions are performatively equivalent and morphosyntactically vague with respect to each other in certain contexts.
... In Talmy ' (2000b: 105). 2 The conceptualization involves an agent who 'volitionally projects his line of sight' (Talmy 2000b: 116) and is an active perceptual act (an activity-type predicate; Viberg 1984), rather than a passive experience. The observation regarding similarity of vision and motion rests on linguistic evidence showing motion and vision enter similar syntactic frames and occur with the same spatial expressions such as to and from (Gruber 1967, Jackendoff 1983, Slobin 2009, Gisborne 2010. ...
Article
The packaging of meaning in verbs varies widely across languages since verbs are free to encode different aspects of an event. At the same time, languages tend to display recurrent preferences in lexicalization, e.g. verb-framing vs. satellite-framing in motion. It has been noted, however, that the lexicalization patterns in motion are not carried over to the domain of vision, since gaze trajectory (‘visual path’) is coded outside the main verb even in verb-framed languages. This ‘typological split’ (Matsumoto 2001), however, is not universal. This article contains the first extensive report of verb-framing in the domain of vision based on data from Maniq (Austroasiatic, Thailand). The verbs are investigated using a translation questionnaire and a picture-naming task, which tap into subtle semantic detail. Results suggest the meanings of the verbs are shaped by universal constraints linked to earth-based verticality and bodily mechanics, as well as local factors such as the environment and the cultural scenarios of which looking is a salient part. A broader look across the whole Maniq verb lexicon reveals further cases of verbally encoded spatial notions and demonstrates a pervasive cross-domain systematicity, pointing to the language system itself as an important shaping force in lexicalization.
... (Slobin 2009: 197-198) For Gruber (1967), not just look but also see behaves like a verb of motion, as Jane saw into the room means something like 'Jane's gaze went into the room'. This analysis is echoed by Goldsmith (1979), Jackendoff (1983), and more recently by Broccias (2003) and Gisborne (2010), according to whom both look and see have an implicit theme argument (referring to a moving entity), corresponding to the gaze emitted by the subject referent -at least in people's "naïve view of physics" (Broccias 2003: 64), as discussed in the previous section. Thus viewed, a visual motion event is a kind of caused-motion event. ...
Chapter
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This study investigates visual motion expressions in Dutch, English, and French. As a translation corpus, I use Roald Dahl’s children’s book The Witches, which abounds in staring and peeping events, and its Dutch and French translations. Based on the hypothesis that languages’ constructional repertoires for physical motion are exploited for visual motion, one can predict, correctly, that Dutch uses its syntactically wide variety of path complement types in the domain of visual motion. It is tempting to assume that French, lacking looking verbs expressing path, would lose its generally verb-framed nature in visual motion descriptions. However, French appears to preserve some of its typological identity, by using causative path verbs such as lever ‘raise’ combined with an object meaning ‘one’s eyes/gaze’. In keeping with its verb-framed nature, French uses fewer visual path complements than Dutch and English, but it does have, and frequently uses, manner-of-vision expressions.
... The empirical claim of cognitive linguistics is that the whole of language will turn out to be just like the rest of cognition, albeit cognition under the functional pressures of communication; this claim conflicts diametrically with the Chomskyan claim (now greatly reduced) that language constitutes a distinct 'module' of the mind (Chomsky 2011). My own preferred version of cognitive linguistics is Word Grammar (Hudson 1984;Hudson 1990;Hudson 2007;Hudson 2010;Gisborne 2010;Duran Eppler 2011;Traugott & Trousdale 2013) but in this paper I avoid using any of the special notions or notations of this theory. ...
Article
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Elementary mathematics is deeply rooted in ordinary language, which in some respects anticipates and supports the learning of mathematics, but which in other respects hinders this learning. This paper explores a number of areas of arithmetic and other elementary areas of mathematics, considering for each area whether it helps or hinders the young learner: counting and larger numbers, sets and brackets, algebra and variables, zero and negation, approximation, scales and relationships, and probability. The conclusion is that ordinary language anticipates the mathematics of counting, arithmetic, algebra, variables and brackets, zero and probability; but that negation, approximation and probability are particularly problematic because mathematics demands a different way of thinking, and different mental capacity, compared with ordinary language. School teachers should be aware of the mathematics already built into language so as to build on it; and they should also be able to offer special help in the conflict zones.
... The following table demonstrates the types of sensory perception verbs (?alতawaas/?aliতsaas) in Arabic and the main dynamic and stative verbs. The above table shows that only perception stative verbs can encode evidential meaning as the action is performed naturally, involuntarily or ZLWKRXW WKH VSHDNHU ¶V LQWHQWLRQ VHH Viberg, 1984;Gisborne 2010, andGurajek, 2010). The following sub-sections of direct sensory evidentiality show the use of stative perception verbs with their evidential meanings: In the above two examples, the speaker has direct sensory evidentiality of the depicted situation. ...
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Evidentiality is a linguistic phenomenon that refers to the way by which the speaker encodes information. It is also a cross-linguistic category abundant in most world languages. There are two types of evidentiality: direct and indirect. Direct sensory evidentiality relates to the physical sensory evidence the speaker has acquired directly through his senses, such as visual, auditory, tactile, gustatory and olfactory, while indirect non-sensory evidentiality is associated with the types of inference the speaker has, i.e. assumptive and deductive, or reported evidence, such as quotative and hearsay. Assumptive evidentiality indicates that the speaker bases his/her evidence on personal and past experiences. Deductive evidentiality, on the other hand, is associated with the speaker’s deduction based on the results of the action or situation. Reported quotative evidentiality entails that the event was reported to the speaker directly from someone else. As for hearsay evidentiality, it dictates that the speaker has got the evidence through general/shared knowledge, rumour, gossip, and folklore. This book investigates evidentiality in Modern Standard Arabic.
... Once again this proof apparently fails to test the stativity of root modals, as the unexpected grammaticality of (53) As in (51), however, I believe that (53) is a new evidence to support the proposal that the state denoted by the modal cannot be independently selected by the matrix 30 See García Fernández, Krivochen & Bravo (2017) for a different representation of the syntactic relationship between the auxiliary of the progressive periphrasis and the auxiliaries of root modal constructions. 31 See, among many others, Higginbotham (1983), Guasti (1993), Felser (1999), Rodríguez Espiñeira (2000, Gisborne (2010). 32 In English it is possible to find a full infinitive in the complement clause, that is, an infinitive accompanied by the infinitival marker to. ...
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This paper examines the actuality entailments of Spanish past perfective root modals. I wil side with those authors that maintain that the phenomenon is syntactic. Nevertheless, the emphasis will not be on scope differences between projections, but on the fact that the root modal periphrasis is an example of restructuring structure. More precisely, I will claim that root modal periphrases may be included among the constructions with a low level of restructuring. This point of view will take me to propose that these periphrastic structures give rise to a complex event which behaves as a non-homogeneous predicate with regard to temporal-aspectual meaning.
... For the question of polysemy in perception verbs, see also the discussion in Gisborne (2010). 9 The abbreviations used are A for auditory, G for gustatory, O for olfactory, T for tactile, and V for visual. ...
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This paper examines the semantic and morphosyntactic complementation patterns of perception verbs in Brazilian Portuguese. Using the framework of Functional Discourse Grammar, five semantic complement types are identified. It is subsequently shown that these five types are in an implicational relationship, such that the set of semantic complement types that a certain perception verb in Brazilian Portuguese may take occupies a contiguous segment on a hierarchy of semantic complement types. The morphosyntactic complements of perception verbs in Brazilian Portuguese include noun phrases, finite, and non-finite clauses, the latter comprising progressive1 and infinitival forms. The second part of the study shows that the choice for one of these types can to a high extent be predicted from the semantics of the complements, using the same hierarchy of semantic complement types.
... However, a review by John Goldsmith (1979) suggests that Van Develde"s arguments falter upon closer inspection: "While most of Van Develde"s specific points are well-founded, it seems to me that there is a baby which we risk tossing out along with the bathwater if Van Develde"s observations are interpreted as he suggests they be" (1977, p. 347). 9 It must be pointed out that perception verbs have also been investigated in Jackendoff (1983) and Gisborne (2010). These contributions are not discussed here due to space constraints and becauseto a lesser or greater degreethey both reflect Gruber"s main thesis. ...
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Abstract The categorization of motion verbs in THINKING-FOR-SPEAKING (TfS) research paradigm entails some theoretical problems that need to be addressed. This conclusion is motivated by the examination of motion verb types listed in Berman & Slobin (1994, p. 198) for Spanish and English narrators of ‘the frog story’ (Mayer, 1969). These lists show a range of semantically different verb types including verbs describing MANNER VIA MOTION (e.g., climb), CAUSE VIA MOTION (e.g., push), PATH VIA MOTION (e.g., come), SOUND-EMISSION (e.g., buzz), and ACTION (e.g., knock). We argue that in the absence of any clear theoretical framework for why, how and whether these verbs should be categorized as motion verbs, TfS research runs the risk of slipping into inconsistency. To this end, interdisciplinary insights about the behavior of motion verbs in English suggest that SEMANTIC COERCION – the process whereby non-motion verbs are coerced into the expression of motion meanings – merits more attention in TfS research than it currently receives. The notion of MOTIONIZATION is offered as a first step in this direction.
... Within the list of studies that approach perception verbs and their polysemy from a crosslinguistic perspective are works by Evans & Wilkins (2000), Ibarretxe-Antunano (1999, San Roque et al., (2014), Vanhove (2008), and Viberg (1983). In addition, different methods and sources have been used to study perception verbs, as exemplified by Divjak (2015), Gisborne (2010), Jansegers, Vanderschueren & Enghels (2015), Johnson &Lenci (2011), andWhitt (2010). Focusing on the verb 'to see' are works by Alm-Arvius (1993) for English, Sjöström (1999) for Swedish and Usoniene (2001) for Lithuanian. ...
... 1.1. ANLAM AŞINMASI VE SÖYLEM İŞARETLEYİCİLERİ Bilişsel dilbilim açısından, algı eylemlerinin anlam değişikliğine uğraması beklenen bir durumdur (Sweester, 1991;Gisborne, 2010). Anlam değişmesi sürecinde, sık kullanılan birimler önce temel anlam içeriklerini yitirmeye, anlam içeriğinden uzaklaştıkça da farklı dilbilgisi ya da söylem işaretleyicileri (Takahashi, 2010;Stefanowich ve Gries, 2003) olmaya doğru evrilmektedirler. ...
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Özet: Görsel algı eylemi olan bakmak eyleminin buyrum ve istek çekimli biçimleri anlam aşınması sonucu algı anlamı aktarmaktan uzaklaşarak birer söylem işaretleyicisi işlevleriyle kullanılmaya başlamıştır. Ruhi (2011) Sözlü Türkçe Derlemi verisi ile yaptığı çalışmada, 2. tekil buyrum biçimlerinin (bak, bak-sana) öncelikli olarak söylemde konuşucu için dikkat çekmek amaçlı bir dikkat çağırısı ve vurgulama işlevi gösterdiğini, 1. tekil (bak-ayım) ve 1. çoğul (bak-alım) istek biçimlerinin ise konu başlatma ve konuşma sonlandırma işlevleriyle kullanıldıklarını belirler. Bu çalışma, sözlü birleşeni de olan daha büyük kapsamlı derlem (Türkçe Ulusal Derlemi) verisinden bakmak eyleminin buyrum biçiminin örneklerin sunduğu görünümlerini saptamayı ve dikkat ve ünlem işlevlerinin çeşitlenmelerini, kullanım bağlamlarını incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Söylemdeki görünümler ile sayısal değerlerin birlikte incelenmesi daha ayrıntılı sözeylem çalışmaları için temel veri setlerini sunacaktır. (to cite :Aksan, Mustafa & Umut Ufuk Demirhan (2017) Bakmak Eylemi ve Söylem İşlevleri: Eşdizimlilik Örüntülerinin Gösterdikleri. Dil ve Edebiyat Dergisi, 14(2), 85-107. )
... Seeing that p, in this sense at least, is a mental state only if knowing that p is a mental state. This is the Bpure epistemic^-use of 'S sees that p'-ascriptions (see Gisborne 2010;cf. French 2012cf. ...
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According to Duncan Pritchard’s Philosophical Issues, 21(1), 434–455, (2011, 2012, 2015)version of epistemological disjunctivism, in paradigm cases of perceptual knowledge, one’s knowledge that p is grounded in one’s seeing that p, and one can, by reflection alone, come to know that they see that p. In this paper, I argue that the epistemic conception of introspective indiscriminability is incompatible with epistemological disjunctivism, so understood. This has the consequence that theories of the nature of sensory experience which accept the epistemic conception of introspective indiscriminability—such as phenomenal character disjunctivism and certain forms of naïve realism—are inconsistent with epistemological disjunctivism, so understood. I then argue that proponents of epistemological disjunctivism face a formidable challenge explaining in what sense, if any, one can have purely reflective knowledge of their factive rational support.
... The basic assumption of the theory is that language (and the rest of cognition, which language is embedded in) is a symbolic network. The theory is presented in Hudson (2007Hudson ( , 2010 and also in Gisborne (2010). I present such notions as the theory needs in the course of the paper when they become relevant. ...
... The gradualist tradition is in line with cognitive assumptions about the organization of lexical and grammatical categories, and although it is usually not explicit, most (functionalist) work in grammaticalization is consistent with many of the research results of the cognitive tradition. Indeed, there is now an emerging body of work in diachronic construction grammar, such as Gisborne andPatten (2011), Israel (1996), Patten (2010), Traugott (2003), Trousdale (2008), and Patten (2010), which brings the functionalist and cognitive traditions together in exploring language change. ...
Article
Smells are often said to be ineffable, and linguistic research shows that languages like English lack a dedicated olfactory lexicon. Starting from this evidence, I propose an account of how we talk about smells in English. Our reports about the way things smell are comparative: When we say that something smells burnt or like roses, we characterise the thing's smell by noting its similarity to the characteristic smells of certain odorous things (burnt things, roses). The account explains both the strengths and limitations of our smell discourse, and has implications for philosophical discussions of the relation between language and appearances.
Article
According to the resemblance account of ‘what it's like’ and similar constructions, a sentence such as ‘there is something it's like to have a toothache’ means ‘there is something having a toothache resembles’. This account has proved controversial in the literature; some writers endorse it, many reject it. We show that this conflict is illusory. Drawing on the semantics of intensional transitive verbs, we show that there are two versions of the resemblance account, depending on whether ‘resembles’ is construed notionally or relationally. While well-known criticisms of the resemblance account undermine its relational version, they do not touch its notional version. On the contrary, the notional version is equivalent to various accounts usually interpreted as rivals to resemblance. We end by noting that this resolution of the controversy (a) explains why ‘like’, which is a comparative, appears in a construction that concerns the properties of events and (b) removes any pressure to suppose that ‘like’ is ambiguous between a comparative and a non-comparative sense.
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Verbs of perception describe the actual perception of some entity and it is emphasized by earlier researchers that lexicon in languages is conceptually-oriented and is necessary for our daily communicative needs. In this paper, we demonstrate and explain, which among the perception verbs have the higher frequencies of all the five senses (vision, hear, smell, taste, touch) by using a Telugu corpus and self-rating task. This study shows a greater lexical differentiation when compared to studies done using English corpus and other languages. Based on our analysis–vision, followed by hear are the most commonly used verbs in daily communicative needs by the Telugu speakers as compared to touch, taste, and smell; The inconsistency in usage of other senses are not identical to the vision and hear in other studies, it may be due to sampling and methodological variations in the corpus of different language, but in common these two senses play a key role in perception verbs. The study of Telugu perception verbs may give more interesting facts and insights into the cognitive linguistics paradigm.
Article
This study aims at describing the meaning extensions and functions of the object-oriented see type verbs ‘görünmek’ and ‘gözükmek’ in Turkish in terms of the evidential status and epistemic stance they encode. The observations of this research are based on corpora obtained from Turkish National Corpus.The results indicate that görün- and gözük- share some common features in terms of their functions in discourse. They are both used evidentially with indirect evidence. TNC corpus in general shows that görün- in Turkish presents a dichotomous structure from subjective to intersubjective forms. The subjective forms ‘görün-, gibi görün’ have the highest usage of the objective personal pronoun ‘bana’ and the possessive form ‘gözüme’ indicating the involvement of the speakers/writers to the situation presented. When speakers/writers present their utterances in intersubjective point of view, they prefer the parenthetical forms such as ‘görünen o ki’ without any objective personal pronouns involved. This suggests that speakers/writers do not take the responsibility of the truthiness of their utterances in intersubjective mode.
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This paper presents a corpus-based contrastive analysis of French sentir, Spanish sentir, and Hungarian érez 'feel'. These basic-level multimodal perception verbs (i.e. verbs encoding multiple sensory modalities) have many semantic features in common, but they operate in different linguistic and sociocultural contexts, and Hungarian érez differs from its Romance counterparts concerning its etymology as well. Based on 500-500 random concordance lines extracted from the TenTen corpora, I have examined the verbs' semantic and formal properties, taking into account not only their primary contextual meanings but also features such as epistemicity, figurativity, the degree of grammaticalization, and the constructions they occur in. By doing so, I have extended the seminal study of Enghels and Jansegers (2013)-who looked into the degree of equivalence between French sentir, Spanish sentir, and Italian sentire-to a genealogically and typologically different language and to novel aspects of analysis. The quantitative results highlight important differences in usage and also point to promising future perspectives in the investigation of multimodal perception verbs.
Article
This study explores semantic relevance between internally-headed relative clauses (RCs) and main clauses in Korean, and argues that semantic relevance is caused by the encoding strategy of an internally-headed RC, which is shared by perception-verb complements. An internally-headed RC is distinguished from a gap RC in that the head noun appears in the RC as a full noun. Previous studies have argued that, along with the difference in the position of the head noun, semantic relevance is also required for an internally-headed RC. After showing that descriptions of semantic relevance in previous studies have explanatory limitations, we re-examine semantic relevance by focusing on the encoding strategy of internally-headed RCs, which is shared by complement clauses. The findings show that semantic relevance is required for internally-headed RCs that formally resemble perception-verb complements. After defining semantic relevance as describing a temporary state and as representing causal, temporal and concessive meanings, we explain the former with a perception requirement and the latter with a ‘perception–reaction’ relation between an internally-headed RC and a main clause.
Chapter
The chapter is a study of the system of olfactory expressions in Georgian, Megrelian, and other Kartvelian languages, including questions of etymology and semantic extensions. Olfactory expressions in the Kartvelian languages are explored with Viberg (1984) as a point of departure, making a division into activity, experience and copulative (source-based) expressions. The study largely relies on data from text corpora of Standard Georgian as well as Georgian dialects. The Kartvelian languages are shown to exhibit specific olfactory terminology, but show numerous examples of expressions being used in several perception modalities. Keywords: olfactory perception, etymology, Georgian, Megrelian
Article
The collocation I feel like has attracted American media attention for reportedly being newly ubiquitous (Baker 2013, Smith 2015, Worthen 2016). While I have proposed that it is becoming an epistemic marker in North American dialects of English (Brook 2011: 65), I have made this prediction of (it) feels like as well. The present study artificially restricts the conventional envelope of variation to evaluate what distinguishes these two phrases in vernacular Canadian English. I feel like is the more frequent by far, but (it) feels like shows a specialization for metaphorical subordinate clauses rather than concrete ones. I interpret this as a case of persistence (Torres Cacoullos and Walker 2009). Before the arrival of the like complementizer, the only predecessors to ’(it) feels like were (it) feels as if and (it) feels as though , and both as if and as though have a preference for metaphoricality (Brook 2014). I feel like was also preceded by options with ’ as if and as though , but counterbalanced with that and Ø, which prefer concrete subordinate clauses (Brook 2014). The results attest to the value to be found in (cautiously) conducting a microscopic study of a corner of the envelope of variation.
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Speaker-meaning (parole) has been given scant attention in the context of both Cognitive Linguistics and Construction Grammar in the belief that it offers no systematic means to understand the linguistic system (langue). The overall goal of my endeavor here is to punctuate and perturb this disconnect by claiming that it is actually speaker-meaning what provides the most promising avenues of inquiry as regards the connection between mind and language. Regrettably, the picture of the human mind created by neuroscience, psychology, and cognitive science thus far is that “[we] are machine[s], that [b]iology and other people have programmed [and that] are in constant need of enhancement.” (Di Paolo et al., 2017: 1). On this view, humans are defined as “quasi-automaton[s], driven by biological impulses and the external environment” (Di Paolo et al., 2017: 1). In contrast, the present account defends an idea of mind whereby representation is not “an irreducible psychological kind” (Hanna, 2015: 3), which presupposes an active role of perception as a means to explain intentionality. The main consequence of this proposal is that the content of language does not necessarily reflect a pre-existing intentional content of thought. This is why intentional content is considered in this book as an expression of the extended mind (comprising environmental and bodily processes), and not a brain-only phenomenon. As a result, language is used as a tool to reconstruct both perceptual and representational categories during specific events. Since language is an object that “comes about as the result of shared norms, values, and conventions in a socially definable community” (Seuren, 2009: 66), its purpose is to enable agents to either attune or disattune in a social reality. As we shall see in the rest of this book, representation is not privately “structured and ‘stored’ in individuals’ bodies” (Enfield, 2015: 103; Kockelman, 2017), but a collective phenomenon for the shared construction of the meaningful, that is, “something that is significant beyond itself, and subject to normative evaluation according to that significance” (Haugeland, 1995: 232).
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In this article, I am interested in the relationship between the experience of mental pain, the sensations and emotions it engenders and its verbal representations in autobiographical writings. I have attempted to provide an account of the verbalization of mental pain by analyzing the constructions feel like + NP, feel like / as if + propositional content. These constructions enable the subject to represent his or her experience in terms of an irreal experience and, by mobilizing a comparison, to highlight an important aspect of mental pain.
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This paper argues that reading is a source of knowledge. Epistemologists have virtually ignored reading as a source of knowledge. This paper argues, first, that reading is not to be equated with attending to testimony, and second that it cannot be reduced to perception. Next an analysis of reading is offered and the source of knowledge that reading is further delineated. Finally it is argued that the source that reading is, can be both transmissive and generative, is non-basic, once was a non-essential but has become essential for many people, and can be unique.
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This paper uncovers evidence for two linked levels of morphosyntactic change occurring in Canadian English. The more ordinary is a lexical replacement: with finite subordination after seem, the complementizer like has been overtaking all the alternatives ( as if, as though, that, and Ø ). On top of this, there is a broader syntactic change whereby the entire finite structure (now represented primarily by like ) is beginning to catch on at the expense of infinitival subordination after seem . Drawing on complementary evidence from British English and several partial precedents in the historical linguistics literature, I take this correlation to mean that like has reached sufficient rates among the finite strategy to have instigated the second level of change, to the point that it has ramifications for epistemic and evidential marking with the verb seem . I propose that the best model of these trajectories is a set of increasingly large envelopes of variation, one inside the next, and argue that the envelope might itself be an entity susceptible to change over time.
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The period from ages 18 to 25 is sometimes called ‘emerging adulthood’ (Arnett 2000, 2004) since it has come to be characterized by major life transitions. Linguistically, this means that lifespan change in the individual (Sankoff 2004, 2018) might be particularly likely during these years (Labov 2001: 447; Bigham 2012: 533; Kohn 2014: 20). Addressing a need for more real‐time sociolinguistic research on early adulthood, we employ data from a panel study of a single speaker, ‘Clara’ (b. 1986), interviewed every 12 to 18 months between the ages of 16 and 30 (Tagliamonte 2005, 2012: 274–276). We examine four linguistic variables that differ according to level of the grammar and social salience in Clara's community (Toronto, Canada). For each variable, Clara's rates of the variants shift to match those of subsequent age cohorts in the community around her as she gets older and joins the workforce. These findings attest to emerging adulthood as a sociolinguistically formative period. More generally, they emphasize the inseparability of individuals and their linguistic surroundings.
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Through the study of a general corpus (Corpus of Contemporary American English—COCA) and a specific corpus (Smell by R. Jha), this paper aims to explore the linguistic expression of the olfactory domain. Considering the essential lack of specific terms in this domain, the ability of metaphor and metonymy to compensate such a shortfall of vocabulary is addressed. These conceptual mechanisms prove to be apt at structuring and expanding the limited lexicon in the olfactory domain, an expansion that seems crystallised in the recurrent metaphor a smell is an invader.
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We propose an account of linking patterns that does away with intermediary mechanisms such as thematic or actor/undergoer hierarchies, instead, constraints on word classes, defined by both syntactic and semantic criteria, encode generalizations between semantic roles and syntactic arguments, We show that the generalizations a linking theory needs to capture can be modeled via the same mechanisms as other lexical generalizations, using conditions specified within the hierarchy of word classes. Each condition provides a partial specification of the mapping between semantic roles and syntactic arguments. We argue that this constraint-based. verb-class-based view of linking offers several empirical advantages: partial regularities and exceptions are easily accommodated, fine-grained semantic distinctions relevant to linking are countenanced, and cross-cutting similarities between semantic and syntactic verb classes are economically captured.*
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Our intent here,in the face of a persistent tradition of studying control in purely syntactic terms,is to reiterate the fundamental importance of semantics in the control problem, and to articulate some of the semantic factors more precisely than has heretofore been possible. After presenting familiar obstacles to a theory of control based on syntactic binding,we make a threeway distinction between 'unique control' (usually called OBLIGATORY CONTROL),'free control', and 'nearly free control' (the last two falling under traditional NONOBLIGATORY CONTROL). We show that in a very large class of cases of unique control,the controlled VP denotes an action and the controller is the character who has the onus for that action. This analysis is applied to four major classes of control verbs and their nominals,as well as a class of adjectives,showing that semantic role reliably identifies the controller,and syntactic position does not. Through a formalization in terms of CONCEPTUAL STRUCTURE,we begin to be able to explain much of control directly from the lexical decomposition of the matrix verb. Several classes of exceptions to the conditions on unique control are treated as cases of coercion,in which extra conventionalized semantic material is added that is not present in syntax.*
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In this corpus-based article we explore the development of evidential meanings in English verbs of appearance, together with their acquisition of evaluative meanings. We explore the relationship of these semantic changes to the question of whether there is an increase in subjectivity diachronically, and we show that subjectivity is orthogonal to both develop-ments: an increase in subjectivity appears rather to go with the spread of small clause constructions.
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This book explores the difference between words however defined and structures however constructed. It sets out to demonstrate over three volumes - of which this is the first - that the explanation of linguistic competence should be shifted from lexical entry to syntactic structure, from memory of words to manipulation of rules. Its reformulation of how grammar and lexicon interact has profound implications for linguistic, philosophical, and psychological theories about human mind and language. The book departs from both language specific constructional approaches and lexicalist approaches to argue that universal hierarchical structures determine interpretation, and that language variation emerges from the morphological and phonological properties of inflectional material. This volume applies this radical approach to nominal structure. Integrating research in syntax, semantics, and morphology, the volume argues that nominal structure is based on the syntactic realization of semantic notions such as classifier, quantity, and reference. In the process, this volume seeks to do away with lexical ambiguity and type-shifting. Among the topics the volume considers are the interpretation of proper names, the mass-count distinction, the weak-strong interpretation of quantifiers, partitive and measure phrases, and the structural representation of the definite article. In the process, the volume explores inter-language variation through the properties of the morpho-phonological system. The languages discussed include English, Chinese, Italian, and Hebrew.
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In most standard dialects of English, there is a gap in the paradigm of the verb BE where we expect to find amn't. But how do we know that this gap exists, since learners have no positive evidence that amn't is ungrammatical? It is even more puzzling since there is no gap when the subject is inverted (aren't I . . . ?). Familiar explanations for this gap fail; in particular, it cannot be the result of conservative acquisition strategies. The explanation offered here is based crucially on a combination of multiple-default inheritance and function-based morphology, as embodied in word grammar. The gap is due to a Nixon-diamond conflict between two competing values for the same morphological function required by the categories negative and first-person. The inverted form is supplied by stipulation because of the functional pressure to supply a 'casual' form. Various dialect alternatives to the Standard English pattern are also considered. The success of this explanation shows that language must use default inheritance, multiple nonorthogonal inheritance, and morphological functions.
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Hudson's claim that there is no need to recognize a hierarchical structure with clauses and phrases grouping words together, in addition to the dependency relations which need to be shown between words’ is discussed. It is argued that ‘higher nodes’ are needed in order to get the right semantic interpretation of certain types of constructions and in order to formulate correctly the English subject-verb agreement rule. The existence of idioms is also mentioned as an argument for the postulation of higher nodes.
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I argue that dependency is necessary in syntax, but constituency is not. That is, there is no need to recognise a hierarchical structure with clauses and phrases grouping words together, in addition to the dependency relations which need to be shown between words. Consequently there is no need for ‘daughter-dependency’ rules in a so-called ‘Daughter-dependency grammar’, but the position of sister-dependency rules is assured, and in fact identified with the subcategorisation role of pan-lexical entries for words.
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In order to counter Dahl's objections I introduce more theoretical background on ‘’panlexicalism the model of language which I presupposed in the earlier article. With this background I am able to dispose of some of his objections, at least to my satisfaction: those concerned with idioms, with nouns that refer, and (perhaps) with multiple modifiers. However I accept his arguments about coordinate structures, so my claim must now be rephrased: the only phenomenon for which units larger than words need be recognized by postulating ‘’higher nodes is coordination. I add an appendix containing a revised definition of dependency, which requires modifiers to fill optional slots in the structure of their heads.
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We present an analysis of the argument linking of the commercial transaction frame in English, Russian and Japanese. The commercial transaction frame is semantically quite complex, in that there are two transfers in opposite directions (money goes from buyer to seller and goods go from seller to buyer). Also, the three languages examined have verbs linking either buyer or seller to subject position, and either money or goods to object position; the remaining two participant roles are linked to obliques. We use Croft's analysis of causal structure in argument linking to model the variation and constraints on linking. The model uses an underlying uniform representation of the commercial transaction frame, built in turn on the transfer of possession frame, and allows for different construals of the event in different languages. The choice of oblique cases or adpositions for the oblique participant roles are motivated by the use of the case/adposition in other semantic frames. English and Russian construe the commercial transaction frame in essentially the same way. Japanese construes one aspect of the frame differently, leading to different argument linking patterns in that language.
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The goal of this paper is to account for the observation that in a broad range of genetically unrelated languages we find two classes of direct objects based on their syntactic and semantic properties. Specifically, we find splits in object case marking, object position, or the ability of the object to trigger verb agreement. This split always correlates with specificity or definiteness of the object, and in a subset of languages it also correlates with delimitation or boundedness of the event. We propose that this split in object properties is determined by the presence or absence of a feature [Quantization] on the object DP. This feature, which formalizes Krifka's characterization of the countability of nominals and events, may also be present on either the verb or object agreement (Agr-O). The observed cross-linguistic variation is attributed to the language specific choice between these two heads as follows: When [Quant] is a feature of the verb, it is interpretable and independently encodes delimitation/boundedness of the event. However, when [Quant] is a feature of the functional head Agr, it is an uninterpretable feature which only enters into a checking relation with a definite/specific direct object.
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The notion of subjectivity explored here concerns expression of self and the representation of a speaker's perspective or point of view in discourse. Subjectivization involves the structures and strategies that languages evolve in the linguistic realization of subjectivity and the relevant processes of linguistic evolution themselves. This volume reflects the growing attention in linguistics and related disciplines commanded by the centrality in language of the speaker. An international team of contributors offers a series of studies on grammatical, diachronic and literary aspects of subjectivity and subjectivization, from a variety of perspectives including literary stylistics, historical linguistics, formal semantics and discourse analysis. The essays look at the role of the perspective of locutionary agents, their expression of affect and modality in linguistic expressions and discourse, and the effects of their phenomena on the formal shape of discourse. This volume demonstrates how deeply embedded in linguistic expression subjectivity is, and how central to human discourse.
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Tenny's Aspectual Interface Hypothesis (Tenny, C., 1994. Aspectual Roles and the Syntax-Semantics Interface. Kluwer, Dordrecht) claims that aspectuality, especially telicity, is relevant to argument linking, but this claim does not account for the stative/dynamic contrast, which Tenny (1994) cannot explain. There is however evidence that the stative/dynamic contrast can be established over how semantic relations link to syntax. The claim that this aspectual contrast can be derived over the linking of semantic relations in turn accounts for the failure of the English verb SEE to be marked for an aspectuality, and for the aspectual polysemy of English verbs of appearance. The differences between these two verbs offers justification for Jackendoff's (Jackendorff, R.S., 1990. Semantic Structures. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA) semantic tiering hypothesis and for a view of argument linking which treats it as an unmediated relationship between the semantic arguments of a verb and its syntactic valents.
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Recent work in a variety of different theoretical traditions has tended to emphasize the close match between syntax and semantics (Dixon 1991; Langacker 1987, 1990, 1995; Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1991, 1992; Wierzbicka 1988). It is very easy to be left with the impression that, if only we could analyse the relevant syntactic and semantic structures correctly, this match would be total. The following are fairly typical statements: The picture that emerges is that a verb's behavior arises from the interaction of its meaning and general principles of grammar. Thus the lexical knowledge of a speaker of a language must include knowledge of the meaning of individual verbs, the meaning components that determine the syntactic behavior of verbs, and the general principles that determine behavior from verb meaning. (Levin 1993: 11)
Article
In this article I argue that both bare infinitival and participial complements of perception verbs in English are clausal constituents headed by the functional category Aspect, and differ only with respect to their aspectual value. Further, I argue that perception verbs license aspectual complements by virtue of being able to function as event control predicates, that is, they allow a control relation to be established between their own and the event argument provided by the predicate of the complement clause. It is shown that the entire cluster of syntactic and semantic properties that characterize direct perception constructions follows from the proposed analysis, in conjunction with independently motivated principles of grammar.
Article
There is a widespread current assumption that the semantic relations underlying linguistic constructions reflect the way human beings ineluctably, and hence universally, perceive events and situations. This assumption will be questioned in this paper. To make the point, a linguistic construction purportedly expressing the instrumental case will be examined. It will be convenient here to juxtapose my treatment of this construction with the one proposed by case grammarians, and by Fillmore in particular. However, the discussion has implications for semantic relations in any linguistic theory, whether they appear there as semantic roles, thematic relations, theta roles, or whatever. These implications will be discussed in the final section.(Received June 01 1987)(Revised November 08 1988)
Article
This paper explores the fit between syntax and semantics in one small corner of English. It addresses two related questions: To what extent is the distribution of bare infinitive (BI) complements, as in (1) and (2) below, semantically motivated? (1) I saw/heard Mary slam the door. (2) I made/let John cross the street.