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Indigenism: Ethnic Politics in Brazil
... The ILO 1957 Convention designed notions of Indian rights based on colonial perspectives that rendered indigenous peoples as less advanced in terms of stages of cultural evolution. Based on these assumptions, state policies reflected racist assimilationist perspectives that embedded Indian people into national policies designed to assimilate or exterminate them (Gomez, 2000;Hodgson, 2002;Mikulak, 2011;Ramos, 1998). The formation of the Indian by nation-states and by early human rights documents in the United Nations were pejorative, constructed largely from Western European pseudo-scientific notions about sociocultural evolution. ...
... The policy led to Brazil's mestiço population and to a new Brazilian national identity (Mikulak, 2011;Skidmore, 1995) valorizing the mulatto. In conjunction with the Brazilian government, the Indian Protection Service (SPI, founded in 1910) implemented a new state policy whose ultimate goals were to end Indian historical memory and identity, and to increase Indian labor, while aggressively controlling Indian activities and lands (Ramos, 1998;SPI, 1910). While the mulatto was ultimately the ideal Brazilian identity, Indians were problematic not only due to their isolation and resistance to Portuguese oppression, but also due to their status as wards of the state. ...
... The indigenous rights movement challenged 19 th century constructed notions of racial inferiority about Indians, and demanded that collective rights apply across the board to all indigenous peoples: their sustainable living, food security, social cohesion, and cultural identities (Hanchard, 2005;Mikulak, 2015;Ramos, 1998). The movement also added depth to social science studies of individual agency identity formation, and everyday praxis, assisting researchers and professionals working for the welfare of Indian peoples. ...
... Historically, hunger, food insecurity, food production, and economic self-sufficiency have been recurrent themes in Brazilian indigenist politics, associated with the colonial process of "pacification," which involves the attraction and fixation of an Indigenous group to an indigenist post or religious mission and, subsequently, opening of the greater part of their original territories for the implementation of developmentalist projects [1,2]. This policy, based in now antiquated notions of acculturation, was a primary orienting principle of the Brazilian indigenist agency (the Indian Protection Service [SPI] followed by the National Indian Foundation [FUNAI]), which always tended to the side of the government aspirations to develop and "integrate" Indigenous peoples into Brazilian market-oriented society [2][3][4][5]. ...
... Historically, hunger, food insecurity, food production, and economic self-sufficiency have been recurrent themes in Brazilian indigenist politics, associated with the colonial process of "pacification," which involves the attraction and fixation of an Indigenous group to an indigenist post or religious mission and, subsequently, opening of the greater part of their original territories for the implementation of developmentalist projects [1,2]. This policy, based in now antiquated notions of acculturation, was a primary orienting principle of the Brazilian indigenist agency (the Indian Protection Service [SPI] followed by the National Indian Foundation [FUNAI]), which always tended to the side of the government aspirations to develop and "integrate" Indigenous peoples into Brazilian market-oriented society [2][3][4][5]. In seeking to make Indigenous people economically self-sufficient, the government intervened in Indigenous economies by means of top-down agricultural (coffee, rice, sugarcane) and extractivist (natural rubber, Brazil nut) community projects. ...
... The A'uwẽ were in the crosshairs of the government's developmental policy, seen for their potential as rural labor to transform Indigenous lands into large producers of grains and cattle in the cerrado, a tropical savannah landscape typical of Central Brazil. As has been the case since its inception, FUNAI was completely in line with governmental developmental policy [2,3]. ...
Following boom-and-bust economic cycles provoked by Brazilian governmental attempts to integrate Indigenous peoples into national society, it is approximately since the beginning of the 2000s that Brazilian Indigenous peoples came to be viewed officially as “poor” and victims of “hunger.” Consequently, the national indigenist agency and other State entities started to conceive and implement diverse initiatives that ultimately injected money and resources into Indigenous communities. In 2019 we undertook an ethnographic study in three A’uwẽ (Xavante) communities in the Pimentel Barbosa Indigenous Reserve, Central Brazil, with the objective of analyzing how people understand and pursue food security. We propose that in the studied communities the complex network of A’uwẽ food reciprocity is a fundamental strategy for mitigating hunger and acute lack of food. We show that among the A’uwẽ, the hybrid economy that developed since the 1970s has proved resilient to dramatic transformations and uncertainty in the availability and characteristics of external government inputs.
... The recognition of Indigenous land rights emerged from a sustained dialogue between Indigenous leaders and environmental movements, leading to national policies and multimillion-dollar projects. However, these projects, often managed by non-Indigenous organisations, limited Indigenous participation as decision-makers (Fisher, 1994;Lima, 2021;Ramos, 1998). This tension underscores Brazil's dual aspirations: conserving its biophysical wealth to satisfy elite environmental ideologies while advancing development goals to align with Global North nations. ...
... Danhimipari, a village in the heart of the São Marcos Indigenous Reserve at the base of the enigmatic Serra do Roncador, was founded by what some anthropologists referred to as 'the wildest Indians' (Maybury-Lewis, 2009;Ramos, 1998). It is home to nearly 500 A'uwe people, the last group to be brought into Christian missions. ...
Elite environmentalism is inspired by Malthusian overpopulation scenarios, advocating for authoritarian action through top‐down conservation policies and celebrating ecomodernist climate adaptation/mitigation projects. In doing so, hegemonic mainstream environmentalism (HME) fails to address its colonial, authoritarian, saviorist foundations, which continue to motivate much of environmentalism. But there are also ongoing challenges to this by the work of Indigenous, feminist, anti‐racist, anti‐casteist, anti/de/post‐colonial thinkers and doers. In this work, we build upon such provocations, and through ethnographic stories of non‐elite communities, envision an alternative to HME. We propose a temporary analytical frame that advocates for non‐elite visions of environmentalism—non‐elite and more‐than‐colonial environmentalisms (NEMCEs). We witness the labour and aspirations of non‐elite communities (Indigenous and peasant) from Mato Grosso, Brazil, and Uttarakhand, India, as they pursue lives of defiance and dignity. Their stories reveal the unresolved contradictions at the heart of the capitalist, colonial and scientific worldview. Exploring the contentious identity positions of caste, class, indigeneity and gender, we examine land‐use change and ecological governance with the A'uwe Indigenous community in the agrarian heartland of the Brazilian cerrado and with lower‐caste agrarian families navigating the powerful manifestations of Hindu nationalism and neoliberal territorial management in the Indian Himalayas. These stories help us present a response to HME. They challenge its insidious reproduction of certain elite aspirations and institutions while claiming to support planetary visions of ecological well‐being. Additionally, these moments of non‐elite agency provide moments of hope.
... Orígenes directos de la pareja adámica, salvajes caníbales, bárbaros sin jerarquía, la infancia de la sociedad humana, primitivos, tribales -estos son algunos de los sustantivos atribuidos a los indígenas de Brasil (Ramos, 1998). El uso de los términos presentados en los documentos oficiales variaba según el interés político en el contexto en cuestión, es decir, a veces aparecían para justificar el pillaje de las tierras indígenas, a veces como argumento para las llamadas "guerras justas", que resultaron en la esclavización de grupos enteros para trabajar en granjas y plantaciones de caña de azúcar (Oliveira, 2016). ...
... En contra de las estimaciones, los pueblos indígenas siguen (re)existiendo desde hace más de 500 años. Con el surgimiento del protagonismo indígena en el Brasil contemporáneo, posibilitado a partir de la promulgación de la constitución de 1988, la interpretación de la historia ha sido reformulada por investigadores indígenas, así como por los propios descendientes y remanentes de los antiguos grupos indígenas (Ramos, 1998). En este contexto, podemos destacar el trabajo realizado por Rafael Freitas da Silva (2021Silva ( , 2022, en su investigación sobre la historia de la constitución de Río de Janeiro, centrándose en los Tupis que vivían en la región y el papel destacado que desempeñaron en las disputas entre portugueses y franceses.En el caso de los trabajos realizados por descendientes de grupos indígenas, cabe mencionar también las publicaciones de la antropóloga Francy Baniwa (2023) y lo que nos proponemos analizar en este texto, las de Célia Tupinambá (2023). ...
La historia de la colonización está marcada por relaciones asimétricas, en que el relato oficial se construye únicamente desde el punto de vista del colonizador. Sin embargo, a pesar de más de quinientos años de funcionamiento de la maquinaria colonialista, la aparición en la escena pública de diferentes líderes indígenas ha ido cambiando el contexto brasileño. Uno de estos nombres es el de Glicéria Tupinambá, también conocida como Célia Tupinambá, descendiente de los tupinambá que habitó todo el litoral brasileño y que es una de las personalidades intelectuales indígenas que viene trabajando para arrojar luz sobre la otra cara de la historia. A partir de su texto "O território sonha" (El territorio sueña), publicado en la Antología afro-indígena por la editorial Ubu (2023), la autora nos lleva a indagar sobre el verdadero lugar de la mujer tupinambá, haciendo un contrapunto con el presentado en la literatura clásica. Otro punto importante planteado por Célia es el lugar del territorio en el conocimiento ancestral y lo que éste representa para su pueblo. Dicho esto, analizaremos la interpretación del mundo propuesta por Célia Tupinambá, teniendo como base la aprehensión de su producción discursiva. Los principales puntos a discutir son: la importancia del sueño en la relación con la Tierra y la personificación de los seres naturales como parte de la cosmología Tupinambá; la comprensión del funcionamiento de la sociedad jerárquica de su pueblo, distinguida entre autogobierno y alto gobierno; y, por último, la relectura de hechos históricos como la propia antropofagia. Por último, a partir de estos elementos, pretendemos evocar la contribución de Célia Tupinambá a la comprensión más allá de los moldes occidentalizados, especialmente en lo que se refiere a su relación con la naturaleza, así como su papel intelectual como fundamental para releer la historia atribuida a su pueblo.
... Historically, hunger, food security, food production, and economic self-sufficiency were recurrent themes in the Brazilian indigenist literature, associated with the process of "pacification, " which involved the attraction and fixation of an Indigenous group to an indigenist post or religious mission, and, subsequently, opening their original territories for developmentalist projects (Lima 1995;Ramos 1998). 1 This policy, based in now antiquated notions of assimilation, was a primary orienting principle of the Brazilian indigenist agency (SPI followed by FUNAI), which always aligned with government aspirations to develop and incorporate Indigenous peoples into the market economy (Davis 1977;Oliveira 1998;Ramos 1998Ramos , 1984. In seeking to make Indigenous people economically self-sufficient, the government intervened in Indigenous economies by means of top-down agricultural and extractive community projects. ...
... Historically, hunger, food security, food production, and economic self-sufficiency were recurrent themes in the Brazilian indigenist literature, associated with the process of "pacification, " which involved the attraction and fixation of an Indigenous group to an indigenist post or religious mission, and, subsequently, opening their original territories for developmentalist projects (Lima 1995;Ramos 1998). 1 This policy, based in now antiquated notions of assimilation, was a primary orienting principle of the Brazilian indigenist agency (SPI followed by FUNAI), which always aligned with government aspirations to develop and incorporate Indigenous peoples into the market economy (Davis 1977;Oliveira 1998;Ramos 1998Ramos , 1984. In seeking to make Indigenous people economically self-sufficient, the government intervened in Indigenous economies by means of top-down agricultural and extractive community projects. ...
Cultural understandings of well-being often differ from scientific measures such as health, happiness, and affluence. For the Indigenous A’uwẽ (Xavante) people in the tropical savannas of Brazil, special forms of intimate and antagonistic social relations, camaraderie, suffering, and engagement with the environment are fundamental aspects of community wellness.
Anthropologist James R. Welch transparently presents ethnographic insights from his long-term fieldwork in two A’uwẽ communities. He addresses how distinctive constructions of age organization contribute to social well-being in an era of major ecological, economic, and sociocultural change. Welch shows how A’uwẽ perspectives on the human life cycle help define ethnic identity, promote cultural resilience, and encourage the betterment of youth. They provide frameworks that people may creatively mobilize to responsibly and respectfully engage with others at different stages of life. They also motivate people to access and manage landscape resources essential to the social construction of good living. Through careful analysis, Welch shows how contemporary traditional peoples can foster enthusiasm for service to family and community amid dominant cultures that prioritize individual well-being.
This book is an essential resource for students and scholars interested in sociocultural anthropology, Indigenous cultures, health and culture, and human ecology.
... These policies led to the creation of internal frontiers, where land grabbing, deforestation, and resource extraction contributed to social conflicts and ideological struggles over the use and function of land (Schmink and Wood 1984). In this period, lasting until the 1980s, most Amazonian countries still viewed Indigenous peoples with a paternalistic attitude as inferior human beings who should be assimilated into the national labor force, as exemplified in the Brazilian "Indian Statute" of 1973 (Ramos 1998). ...
... In response to oppressive labor conditions, violence, and territorial displacement produced by these processes, diverse Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and other Amazonian peoples began to mobilize, beginning around the 1970s, claiming collective rights to land, livelihood, cultural autonomy, and democratic participation , while gaining attention and support from national and international social and environmental movements (Ramos 1998). The Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA) was founded in Peru in 1984, and includes member organizations in all Amazonian countries, as well as French Guiana. ...
This Report provides a comprehensive, objective, open, transparent, systematic, and rigorous scientific assessment of the state of the Amazon’s ecosystems, current trends, and their implications for the long-term well-being of the region, as well as opportunities and policy relevant options for conservation and sustainable development.
... These policies led to the creation of internal frontiers, where land grabbing, deforestation, and resource extraction contributed to social conflicts and ideological struggles over the use and function of land (Schmink and Wood 1984). In this period, lasting until the 1980s, most Amazonian countries still viewed Indigenous peoples with a paternalistic attitude as inferior human beings who should be assimilated into the national labor force, as exemplified in the Brazilian "Indian Statute" of 1973 (Ramos 1998). ...
... In response to oppressive labor conditions, violence, and territorial displacement produced by these processes, diverse Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and other Amazonian peoples began to mobilize, beginning around the 1970s, claiming collective rights to land, livelihood, cultural autonomy, and democratic participation , while gaining attention and support from national and international social and environmental movements (Ramos 1998 In the 1990s, the Buen Vivir (or "Living Well") philosophy emerged in Latin America as an alternative to the dominant model of capitalist development that had brought widespread poverty, inequality, and environmental destruction to the region (Gudynas and Acosta 2011;Vanhulst and Beling 2015). This philosophy is rooted in Indigenous Andean worldviews and languages (Sumak Kawsay in Kichwa, and Suma Qamaña in Aymara), focusing on the idea of collective well-being among humans, and between humans and nature. ...
This Report provides a comprehensive, objective, open, transparent, systematic, and rigorous scientific assessment of the state of the Amazon’s ecosystems, current trends, and their implications for the long-term well-being of the region, as well as opportunities and policy relevant options for conservation and sustainable development.
... Hoje estes trabalhos têm continuidade nos estudos realizados por João Pacheco de Oliveira (1999) sobre territorialização, Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima (1995) sobre o indigenismo como conjunto de ideais relativos à inserção de povos indígenas em estados nacionais e Stephen Baines (1991) para a relação entre grupos indígenas e a Fundação Nacional do Índio (FUNAI). Seguindo uma trajetória diversa -porque iniciou sua carreira no terreno da etnologia clássica -, Ramos (1998) dedica-se a explicar porque, tratando-se de uma população relativamente pequena, os índios representam a nacionalidade de maneira tão relevante. ...
... Leal dialoga com a propostade Stocking Jr. (1982). 11 À primeira vista,Ramos (1998) parece uma exceção que confirma a regra. O livro foi publicado nos Estados Unidos antes de o ser no Brasil. ...
... These policies led to the creation of internal frontiers, where land grabbing, deforestation, and resource extraction contributed to social conflicts and ideological struggles over the use and function of land (Schmink and Wood 1984). In this period, lasting until the 1980s, most Amazonian countries still viewed Indigenous peoples with a paternalistic attitude as inferior human beings who should be assimilated into the national labor force, as exemplified in the Brazilian "Indian Statute" of 1973 (Ramos 1998). ...
... In response to oppressive labor conditions, violence, and territorial displacement produced by these processes, diverse Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and other Amazonian peoples began to mobilize, beginning around the 1970s, claiming collective rights to land, livelihood, cultural autonomy, and democratic participation , while gaining attention and support from national and international social and environmental movements (Ramos 1998 In the 1990s, the Buen Vivir (or "Living Well") philosophy emerged in Latin America as an alternative to the dominant model of capitalist development that had brought widespread poverty, inequality, and environmental destruction to the region (Gudynas and Acosta 2011;Vanhulst and Beling 2015). This philosophy is rooted in Indigenous Andean worldviews and languages (Sumak Kawsay in Kichwa, and Suma Qamaña in Aymara), focusing on the idea of collective well-being among humans, and between humans and nature. ...
In this chapter, we explore important interconnections between biological and cultural diversity in the Amazon, defined as biocultural diversity. Biocultural diversity considers the diversity of life in all its di- mensions, including biological, sociocultural, and linguistic aspects, which are interconnected and have co-evolved as social-ecological systems. This chapter focuses on the worldviews, knowledge systems, live- lihood strategies, and governance regimes of Amazonian peoples as documented in ethnographic, ethno- biological, and human ecology studies beginning in the mid-to-late twentieth century. The focus here is on Indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) across Amazonian countries and the territory of French Guiana. We synthesize important social and political processes that have led to the formal recog- nition of IPLCs’ lands and/or territories across the Amazon, notwithstanding persistent gaps, challenges, and obstacles to the recognition, consolidation, and protection of these areas, which will be discussed in other chapters of this report. The Amazon’s immense cultural diversity is manifested through approxi- mately 300 spoken Indigenous languages, expressed in worldviews and spiritual relationships with na- ture. IPLCs have played a critical role in shaping, protecting, and restoring Amazonian ecosystems and biodiversity under changing contexts, despite ongoing historic processes including genocide, disease, vi- olence, displacement, and conflicts between the conservation and development agendas. Amazonian peo- ples hold diverse and interconnected livelihood strategies, including agriculture and agroforestry, fisher- ies and aquatic management, hunting, resource gathering and extraction, and rural/urban market-based economic activities and wage-based employment in different sectors. These activities and practices are influenced to varying extents by seasonal and geographical variations, ecosystem features, cultural diver- sity, market forces, and public policies. We highlight the important role played by women in protecting agrobiodiversity, promoting food security and sovereignty in the Amazon. Policies aiming to conserve and use Amazonian biodiversity need to recognize the sociocultural and territorial rights of IPLCs, and be in- tegrative of Indigenous and local knowledge, languages, worldviews, and spiritual practices.
... This plan led to what can now be termed a genocide (Delrío et al. 2010) of the indigenous communities in Patagonia and was carried out in three stages (Pérez 2016): (1) the discursive "manufacture" of the internal "other" that portrayed Indians as a "savage" and materialized in Indian deportations and/or distributions as rural or domestic workers in any part of the country where needed, in slave-like conditions; (2) a stage that could be now considered as state terrorism, materialized in concentration camps for Indians (as in Valcheta, Rio Negro), constant persecutions, and land dispossession; and (3) a final stage of silencing and invisibilization of the Indians (for the invisibilization concept see also Lazzari 2003, among others). The process of invisibility was so strong that even the notion of mestizaje, so central to other national discourses in South America such as in Peru and Brazil (Ramos 1998;De la Cadena 2000), was absent in Argentina (Quijada 2004). Along this process, the Argentinean state oscillated between to fix the Indians to a certain territory, in order to control them (as in farm colonies) and deterritorialization. ...
... Like all other people around the world, indigenous communities have influenced their environments in many ways, and could even have altered their habitats to their own detriment over long periods of time (Burkert, 1996;Denevan, 1992;Diamond, 2005;Gomez-Pompa and Kaus, 1992;Krech, 1999;Pyne, 1997;Redman, 1999;Tuan, 1968). The political risk of simplistic representations of indigenous belief systems is that any mismatch between indigenous peoples' current environmental practices and the unattainable ideals of their tradition could lead to their being dismissed as having lost their cultural authenticity or the diverting of academic and public attention away from the most pressing issues faced by them (Brosius, 1997;Conklin, 1997;Conklin and Graham, 1995;Nadasdy, 2005;Ramos, 1998). ...
Using the rotating credit association created by a Lisu village, called the "village bank," this study explores the social forces that have shaped, limited, or activated the ethnic community's local environmental agency in southwest China. We argue that while the inherited elements of the Lisu indigenous beliefs could help local communities meet the ecological needs of our time, offering different ethics and perspectives to challenge the pursuit of material abundance based on extractive economic modes, the Lisu's social and economic behavior is not solely determined by their religious beliefs. In the post-Mao economic reform era, village banks have become a fresh way through which Lisu villages activated their environmental agency, trying to achieve a balance between environmental protection and poverty reduction. Lisu's "ambivalent" stance on environmental protection reflects the interactions between state-orchestrated development, NGOs, and the tension between maintaining tradition and reducing poverty.
... Thanks to solidarity transformed into social movements in Brazil in the context of the 1980s, at present there are affirmative actions to boost the struggle of ethnicity, related to the culture of each region and the person who chose Brazil to live in depending on their physical appearances. (RAMOS, 1998;OLIVEIRA, 2004). From this point of view, we seek to clarify this ethnic question in the perception of Haitians in the following graphs, which each have the frequency in blue and the percentage in orange (charts 3, 4, and 5). ...
This research aimed to analyze the relationship between Haitians in the Whatsapp group (Haitians in Brazil) from the perspective of solidarity during the pandemic of Covid-19 and the impacts of racial inequality in the Haitian immigrants' lives in Brazil. It sought to answer: how can the occurrence of solidarity among Haitians in the pandemic context be explained? The methodology of content analysis was opted for, used to analyze the data of 35 respondents, obtained in the first moment by a questionnaire composed of 14 questions and in the second moment by a short questionnaire of 4 questions. To obtain better results from a qualitative investigation like this, the theory of functionalism was used, which allows a complete and detailed analysis of solidarity. It is concluded that solidarity in the Haitian context happens through information exchanges for offers of low-cost jobs, rents, and food, especially during the fragile time of the pandemic of Covid-19.
... Much of the scholarship arrives at the consensus that this leads to adverse outcomes for Indigenous peoples, where the only divergence within the current literature is found in framings, for example where some scholars also focus on small holders' rights and rural Brazilians' ability to own and cultivate land sustainably (Hoelle, 2017;Rojas, de Azevedo Olival and Alves Spexoto Olival, 2021). This analysis belongs to a pattern of empirical trends over the past four decades that has highlighted numerous examples of how Brazil's political economy is dependent on the pressures of globalization (Garrett et al., 2021) and has thus led to undesirable rights violations occurring against Indigenous populations and consequently disregarding Indigenous people voices in Brazil's Congress (Ribeiro, 1975(Ribeiro, , 1977Davis, 1977;Vidal, 1986;Carneiro da Cunha, 1992;Ramos, 1998;Carvalho, 2000;Liverman and Vilas, 2006;Chisita, Rusero and Shoko, 2016;Villén-Pérez et al., 2021). ...
This chapter explores how livestreaming is a means to advocate for Indigenous rights and seeks to understand how Indigenous communal organizing is disseminated to distant others, focusing on researchers. Using video data analysis (VDA), it empirically explores a livestream on Instagram by the Huni Kuin showing a food distribution program. The key findings show that livestreams have both epistemological insights and rifts regarding the information that can be gained from distant witnessing. It argues that indigenous streaming is a positive, however, it's vital to remain reflexive as researchers when examining Indigenous livestreams. It postulates that we should understand streams as a form of witnessing rather than observation and sets out best practices for conducting empirical research on them. It conceptualizes a methodology for cataloguing livestreams by expanding on VDA and amalgamating it with critical auto-ethnographic reflections as a distant researcher. It concludes we should be sharing spaces as solidarity witnesses, and provision testimony in a form of knowledge transfers.
... 4 Cunha (2009). 5 To understand the concept of indigenism and its political repercussions, see: Ramos (1998) ;Niezen (2003). was deemed as the "rebirth of indigenous peoples towards law", whether from a domestic law point of view -in several Latin American countries -, or even from an international law point of view -especially within International Human Rights Law. ...
The recognition of indigenous peoples as subjects of rights by the 1988 Brazilian constitutional as well as the development of International Law opened the way for establishing, at least in a theoretical perspective, an “essential core of rights” of indigenous peoples, surpassing the historical integrationism. However, these norms vary significantly with a reality marked by the permanence of integrationist practices, asserted by the state, as is the case of “timeframe thesis”. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to critically analyse, landed on the fields of constitutional theory and legal sociology, the essential core of indigenous peoples’ rights in Brazil, pointing to the current issues that hinder or hamper its enforcement. Keywords: Indigenous peoples’ rights; Brazil; Indigenous Constitutional Law; Human rights.
... El tema ha sido explorado desde diversos ángulos. Varios autores mencionan de manera concisa el uso político y la apropiación de los medios de comunicación por los pueblos indígenas para la continuidad de sus luchas (Stavenhagen, 1997;Ramos, 1998;Arvelo-Jiménez, 2001, por ejemplo). Recordemos que los medios de comunicación y el uso de las tecnologías digitales han sido un gran apoyo para los movimientos sociales, y específicamente para los movimientos indígenas, porque juegan un papel determinante para el fortalecimiento de sus procesos de acción y cohesión socio-política (Sábada y Gordo, 2008 apud Gutiérrez et al, 2015). ...
El objetivo de este artículo es explorar los usos y resignificaciones que un colectivo multimedios ayuujk, en la Sierra Norte de Oaxaca, da a las tecnologías digitales y, específicamente, a la red socio-digital Facebook. La “indigenización de la modernidad” abre un marco amplio para poder entender los procesos de resignificación culutral y política que los jóvenes desarrollan al utilizar estas tecnologías. A través de una breve aproximación al caso mostraré cómo los usos particulares de la tecnología se vinculan con algunas características de los movimientos etnopolíticos, como la búsqueda de la autonomía o la revitalización de las lenguas originarias. Más allá de referirme a la noción de apropiación de la tecnología por parte de los pueblos indígenas, usaré algunas categorías alternativas que nos permiten mirarlos como agentes y no como sujetos pasivos de los procesos.
... Sin embargo, este reprodujo ideas estereotipadas y románticas sobre los pueblos indígenas y dejó que las jerarquías sociales no fueran mayormente cuestionadas. Ver, entre otros, Ramos (1998). de lo que Van Cott llama el «modelo multicultural» (2000, p. 265). ...
Movimientos de mujeres indígenas en Latinoamérica ilustra cómo, en las últimas décadas, las mujeres indígenas desafiaron varias formas de exclusión utilizando diferentes estrategias para transformar las organizaciones e identidades colectivas de los movimientos indígenas. A través de un análisis comparativo, este libro demuestra cómo el género y la etnicidad están presentes en los discursos de las mujeres que pertenecen a los movimientos indígenas del Perú, México y Bolivia. Las autoras exploran los contextos políticos y las dinámicas internas de estos movimientos y muestran cómo estos crearon oportunidades diferentes para las mujeres en cuanto a sus procesos organizativos y demandas específicas. Entre estos procesos se encuentran la creación de espacios autónomos al interior de organizaciones mixtas, el establecimiento de organizaciones independientes y lo que denominan el fenómeno del «paralelismo de género», que son organizaciones de mujeres que mantienen una afiliación a una organización mixta liderada por varones.
... Além disso, incidiram sobre essa região projetos de colonização pública, atraindo simultaneamente pessoas e empresas para um território tomado por densa floresta e povoado por inúmeros grupos indígenas, muitos não contatados até então (ALBERT, 1991). O resultado foi um verdadeiro genocídio dos povos indígenas atrelado à devastação da floresta, em um cenário de epidemias, conflitos territoriais e dizimação de populações inteiras (RAMOS, 1998). Outra consequência desse processo -subestimada pelo governo e seus financiadores externos -foi a sua repercussão negativa em vários segmentos da sociedade, redundando em um escândalo de proporções globais (WADE, 2016;2016a). ...
O principal objetivo de Vozes indígenas na saúde é evidenciar o protagonismo indígena na elaboração, estruturação e implementação da política de saúde indígena no Brasil. O livro se baseia nos relatos de diversas lideranças indígenas acerca de suas trajetórias de vida e de atuação no movimento social indígena, com ênfase no campo da saúde. Ao conjugar distintas realidades culturais, regionais e, ainda, refletir sobre questões de gênero, Vozes indígenas na saúde apresenta um panorama diversificado de narrativas individuais que percorrem experiências pessoais e memórias coletivas sobre a construção da política de saúde indígena no Brasil, ressituando o lugar desses atores no processo, ao explicitar suas múltiplas lutas, debates e embates.
... Her life experiences, as well as her university education in psychology, put her in a position of cross-ethnic organising, despite her monolingual Quechua-speaking grandmother. Victoria's narrative of initial euphoria in organising recalls Alcida Rita Ramos' discussion of crossethnic Indigenous activism in Brazil -the collective effervescence followed by the drudgery of ongoing organisational and bureaucratised work (Ramos 1998). Past the initial exhilaration, the women's singing project slowed in the face of different obstacles. ...
This article charts a yet unsuccessful attempt to have a gender-marked musical expression legally recognised as heritage: ‘women’s singing’ of Potosí, Bolivia. Drawing on interviews and ethnographic fieldwork in Bolivian contexts, the authors read the gender-marked status of this initiative as a symbolic site of intercultural disjunctures. Conflicting gender politics sit at the crux of this difficulty to assemble ‘women’s singing’ as a heritage object, contradictions between Bolivia’s persistent neoliberal state in which feminist discourses of gender equality reign within a development apparatus, and a plurinational state that originally emerged from social movements that brought Indigenous concepts into governing practices. Expanding on the topic of gender in heritage studies, this work points to critical applications of intersectionality, and uncovers useful openings that this concept lends to heritage studies in general. Through an intersectional lens, key inconsistencies are revealed between a liberal feminist agenda that focusses on empowering stand-alone women and Indigenous working class women’s mobilisation politics that cannot address gender inequalities without also engaging class and ethnic marginalisation. The case study shows how social justice mobilisations, central to political intersectionality, productively disrupt the compartmentalised approaches to rights that usually operate in bureaucratised governing entities.
... Se observa la promoción de un estilo de vida estereotipado, en donde lo indígena y rural pasaría por tareas características: la siembra y cosecha, hacer queso, pan, tejer a telar, pastorear, etc. De esta manera se construye un producto mercantilizable basado en la selección y acentuación de diferencias, dejando de lado otras, que no serían definidas como características o propias de estos grupos. En este sentido, y sumado a mi encuentro con familias dedicadas al turismo rural 9 , podemos decir que la orientación predominante de esta turistificación esencializa un modo de vida y superficializa su ethos, cuestiones que en cierto grado se reflejan en algunas perspectivas nativas, donde observamos usos estratégicos de estos rasgos "hiperreales" (Ramos, 1992 de las narrativas del "buen salvaje", a su vez contrario a un ser moderno y racional. Asimismo, se esencializa la cultura local, generando una imagen caricaturesca, pétrea y ficticia de los ricos trayectos de identificación de los pobladores y de la cultura como proceso socio histórico. ...
El artículo aborda el fenómeno del turismo en la ciudad de Tilcara, Quebrada de Humahuaca, Argentina. A partir de una etnografía realizada entre 2017 y 2019, se ofrece una descripción y análisis de tres perfiles que intervienen en la configuración del turismo, definidos en términos del locus predominante - no “puro” ni “único”- de los agentes y las agencias: el locus gubernamental, el privado y el comunal. El análisis despliega una mirada relacional y simbólica sobre el turismo, entendiéndolo como un espacio social de relaciones interculturales jerarquizadas, marcadas por traducciones culturales y disputas de saberes, donde se reelaboran alteridades históricas pre-existentes. De esta manera, el trabajo demuestra que una serie de agentes -a veces enfrentados, en colaboración o en contradicción, con posiciones heterogéneas y poderes desiguales -constituyen el turismo y configuran las fronteras que disputan y definen lo andino.
... Uno de los salones cuyo nombre es "Tradición y evolución" se enfoca en el diseño de los productos. Es claro que dentro de esta ideología y estos valores debe existir un lugar para las tradiciones (y su conservación), y es especialmente el lugar y el rol de los grupos "étnicos" (Ramos, 1998), mientras que otros grupos de artesanos pueden evolucionar. ...
El objetivo de este trabajo fue evaluar las variables de calidad del agua para el cultivo de tilapia roja (Oreochromis sp.) implementando tecnología biofloc. Se determinaron parámetros de temperatura, oxígeno disuelto, pH, amonio, nitritos y nitratos. Además, se identificaron las comunidades planctónicas y bacterianas, observándose que la calidad del agua se encuentra entre los rangos óptimos para el desarrollo de las tilapias, sin embargo, algunos parámetros durante la medición diaria superaron los límites máximos afectando la tasa de crecimiento, aumentando la mortalidad. Asimismo, los flóculos encontrados ofrecen alimento natural in situ, puesto que posee gran cantidad de microorganismos que favorecen al mantenimiento de la calidad del agua en el sistema así como mantiene el bienestar de los organismos cultivados
... The tradition of ethnographic fieldwork in modern China was mainly developed over the 1920s-30s by western-educated returnee scholars, and came under the strong influence of the Soviet paradigm of social evolution in the 1950s (Guldin, 1994). It has historically been closely bound up with the study of China's ethnically or spatially distinct minority populations and areas (Yen, 2012), the internal othering of which is integral to postcolonial nation building (Ramos, 1998). The methods of studying the internal other are now applied in studying the external other through FAS. ...
This paper argues for a ‘provincialised’ critical geography of area studies by tracing the spatial genealogy of three waves of Chinese world regional geography and foreign area studies. The shifting terrains have been shaped strongly by the continually reconfigured power-geometries and Chinese thinking of ‘the international’. The two coeval fields and knowledge production therein are situated in place-specific institutional contexts, which engender contingent disciplinary geographies and their enduring lack of dialogue. The contemporary regeneration of Chinese ‘world-writing’ brings its own identities and discourses, power relations and complex impacts to local-global epistemic (in)equality, which requires and rewards further critical mapping.
... Uno de los salones cuyo nombre es "Tradición y evolución" se enfoca en el diseño de los productos. Es claro que dentro de esta ideología y estos valores debe existir un lugar para las tradiciones (y su conservación), y es especialmente el lugar y el rol de los grupos "étnicos" (Ramos, 1998), mientras que otros grupos de artesanos pueden evolucionar. ...
. En el proceso de enseñanza-aprendizaje de los estudiantes especialmente en los grados
6º a 11º, en los cuales oscilan edades de 13 a 17 años en promedio, se observa una gran carencia en el
manejo de las emociones, en esta etapa donde se está definiendo básicamente los rasgos de
personalidad de los educandos, es primordial el enfoque de una educación orientada hacia las
emociones, no solo de los estudiantes sino también involucrar a los docentes, directivos docentes,
padres de familia y comunidad educativa en general. El manejo de las emociones incluye tener muy
presente el proceso cognitivo y el emocional, los cuales deben ir estrechamente relacionados, sin
embargo actualmente en algunas instituciones educativas el tema emocional esta carente inclusive
muchas veces nunca se ha tenido en cuenta, esto ha llevado a que cada vez tengamos estudiantes
temerosos, agresivos, con un alto grado de odio, frustración, ansiedad, estrés, depresión, jóvenes
habidos de amor, alegría, armonía e imposibilidad para manejar la inteligencia emocional. Este trabajo
se realizó en el Centro de Capacitación Santa Inés en los grados 6º hasta 11º y permitirá conocer el
¿Cómo? Y ¿Por qué ¿de las emociones de nuestros estudiantes en episodios de frustración, estrés
emocional, etc.
... Uno de los salones cuyo nombre es "Tradición y evolución" se enfoca en el diseño de los productos. Es claro que dentro de esta ideología y estos valores debe existir un lugar para las tradiciones (y su conservación), y es especialmente el lugar y el rol de los grupos "étnicos" (Ramos, 1998), mientras que otros grupos de artesanos pueden evolucionar. ...
La reflexología podal o Reflexoterapia ha ganado mucho terreno en el mundo actual como uno de los tratamientos más beneficiosos por su impacto y resultados en múltiples dolencias o enfermedades que aquejan al ser humano, países como Dinamarca, Reino Unido, España y Estados Unidos, tienen entidades que la categorizan y define su propia normativa, en función de sus políticas nacionales. Con este proyecto se busca dar a conocer la reflexología podal como actividad complementaria de la salud y la belleza, y aplicarla como idea de negocio o emprendimiento a desarrollar en la ciudad de Santiago de Cali.
... Uno de los salones cuyo nombre es "Tradición y evolución" se enfoca en el diseño de los productos. Es claro que dentro de esta ideología y estos valores debe existir un lugar para las tradiciones (y su conservación), y es especialmente el lugar y el rol de los grupos "étnicos" (Ramos, 1998), mientras que otros grupos de artesanos pueden evolucionar. ...
El objetivo de la investigación propone evaluar indicadores de sustentabilidad a través del
marco MESMIS. La construcción metodológica se realizó mediante técnicas participativas: entrevistas
semiestructuradas (N= 12), cartografía social (N= 12) y encuestas (N= 12), en dos fases simultaneas, estática
y dinámica, dentro de la fase estática se evaluaron las características socioeconómicas y biofísicas a nivel de
finca a partir de los aspectos familiares, agrícola, hídrico y pecuario y en la fase dinámica, se evalúa el
desempeño y comportamiento del área de siembra, volumen de producción e ingresos agropecuarios. Dentro
de los resultados de identificó y despejó matemáticamente 20 indicadores de sustentabilidad, dentro de los
atributos productividad, equidad, estabilidad, resiliencia, confiabilidad, adaptabilidad y autodependencia. Se
observa la medición de resultados de los agroecosistemas Asocrecer (61 %); Asoproapas (71 %) y El huerto
(74 %), equivalente a “moderadamente sustentables” lo que indica posiblemente, que la producción
campesina opera con pocos recursos de tierra, mano de obra, capital e información. Se concluye que el
MESMIS, es una estructura flexible y adaptable a diferentes condiciones económicas, técnicas y de acceso a
información, ya que se puede modelar los indicadores de medición con base en el contexto de cada territorio.
... Uno de los salones cuyo nombre es "Tradición y evolución" se enfoca en el diseño de los productos. Es claro que dentro de esta ideología y estos valores debe existir un lugar para las tradiciones (y su conservación), y es especialmente el lugar y el rol de los grupos "étnicos" (Ramos, 1998), mientras que otros grupos de artesanos pueden evolucionar. ...
El objetivo de la investigación propone evaluar indicadores de sustentabilidad a través del
marco MESMIS. La construcción metodológica se realizó mediante técnicas participativas: entrevistas
semiestructuradas (N= 12), cartografía social (N= 12) y encuestas (N= 12), en dos fases simultaneas, estática
y dinámica, dentro de la fase estática se evaluaron las características socioeconómicas y biofísicas a nivel de
finca a partir de los aspectos familiares, agrícola, hídrico y pecuario y en la fase dinámica, se evalúa el
desempeño y comportamiento del área de siembra, volumen de producción e ingresos agropecuarios. Dentro
de los resultados de identificó y despejó matemáticamente 20 indicadores de sustentabilidad, dentro de los
atributos productividad, equidad, estabilidad, resiliencia, confiabilidad, adaptabilidad y autodependencia. Se
observa la medición de resultados de los agroecosistemas Asocrecer (61 %); Asoproapas (71 %) y El huerto
(74 %), equivalente a “moderadamente sustentables” lo que indica posiblemente, que la producción
campesina opera con pocos recursos de tierra, mano de obra, capital e información. Se concluye que el
MESMIS, es una estructura flexible y adaptable a diferentes condiciones económicas, técnicas y de acceso a
información, ya que se puede modelar los indicadores de medición con base en el contexto de cada territorio.
... A agenda reivindicativa dessa associação coloca em evidência o descompasso entre a outorga de direitos pelo Estado-nação e a sua efetivação. Essa constatação ratifica o entendimento de Ramos (1998), quando afirmou que quem desrespeita ou negligencia esses direitos, via de regra, é quem deveria ser seu garantidor, o próprio Estado brasileiro. ...
A criação, em 2008 e 2010, da Associação dos Acadêmicos Indígenas da UnB (AAIUnB) e do Centro de Convivência Multicultural dos Povos Indígenas (Maloca-UnB) constitui ações políticas interétnicas que interpelam a estrutura elitizada da universidade. A análise se embasa nos conceitos de interculturalidade, ação política indígena, corpo-território e epistemicídio. A revisão documental, a observação e as entrevistas abertas facilitaram a coleta de dados empíricos. Como resultado se destaca que a presença indígena é fundamental para a institucionalização, não sempre dinâmica, de políticas universitárias que garantam a permanência de sujeitos epistêmicos historicamente marginalizados do ensino superior. Palavras-chaves: Maloca-UnB. AAIUnB. Lei de Cotas.
... Per un approfondimento sui processi storici che hanno contribuito alla costruzione della categoria di "indigeno", qui accennati solo sinteticamente, cfr. Ramos (1998) e Pacheco de Oliveira (2016). 9 ...
Nell'ambito del movimento indigeno brasiliano, negli ultimi anni, si è assi-stito all'affermazione di giovani rappresentanti il cui protagonismo si esten-de nelle arene politiche nazionali e internazionali soprattutto in relazione alla difesa delle terre di occupazione tradizionale da minacce socio-ambien-tali di intensità crescente. I dati etnografici raccolti, prevalentemente durante una recente campagna di denuncia e sensibilizzazione che ha percorso l'Europa, messi a confronto con le riflessioni teoriche dedicate allo studio dei movimenti indigeni brasi-liani hanno permesso non solo di fare luce su tratti di discontinuità rispetto al passato, ma di scorgere contributi inediti che i popoli indigeni possono offrire nell'ambito del dibattito sulla giustizia ambientale. L'analisi di reto-riche e pratiche delle attiviste e degli attivisti offre, in particolare, stimolanti suggestioni per decolonizzare gli immaginari occidentali relativi al rapporto con l'ambiente. Keywords: Movimento indigeno brasiliano, popoli indigeni, Brasile, leader indigeni, conflitti ambientali Introduzione 1 "Millions of African Americans, Latinos, Asians Pacific Islanders, and Native Americans are trapped in polluted environments because of their race and colors" (Chavis 1993, p.3). Le parole scelte da Benjamin Chavis per introdurre il volume curato da Robert Bullard, che raccoglieva le primigenie riflessioni dedicate al movi-* lenzigrillini@unisi.it 1 Ringrazio i/le referee anonimi/e per i preziosi suggerimenti, che mi hanno per-messo di valorizzare alcuni aspetti dell'articolo, e soprattutto Ana Maria Rabelo Gomes per averlo letto e commentato in bozza. Queste pagine sono dedicate a mio padre che se n'è andato mentre le stavo scrivendo; proprio grazie a lui ho scoperto il Brasile molti anni fa.
... When national presidents like Jair Bolsonaro still view Amerindians as primitive and obstacles to development, it becomes imperative for indigenous peoples to assert their humanity, their cultural sophistication and their right to control over their territory. It should be evident by now how asserting radical alterity might be a logical political response in this context despite the risks of strategic essentialism (Ramos, 1998); but also that it would be dangerous to rely only on this without engaging at least to some extent with the political economy of indigenous autonomy and extractive capitalism in the region. This combination has usually come easily to indigenous activists, even if others have not listened to them and persist in locating them in essentialised categories. ...
Recent anglophone ontological anthropologies have an important Latin American intellectual and political history that is rarely fully acknowledged. This article outlines some of that history, arguing that debates about the politics of this ‘ontological turn’ should be read in the context of a tension between political economy and cosmological approaches that have been a feature of Latin American anthropology in some form since the early 20th century, and that are deeply implicated in histories of conquest and colonialism, including internal colonialism. This conceptual history helps to explain both the desire of some scholars to avoid a certain kind of politicisation and the argument that methodological and theoretical innovation within anthropology is political in itself. But it also means that ontological anthropology encounters some of the same challenges faced by indigenous movements confronted with similar choices.
... El doble efecto que ha tenido este proceso ha sido la etnificación de políticas y demandas, por un lado, y por otro, e íntimamente ligado al anterior, la aparición de nuevas identidades que han permitido formular exitosamente por esta vía reivindicaciones de diferente tipo. Es lo que Alcida Ramos (1998), estudiando la imagen que construyeron los movimientos indígenas en Brasil cuando se burocratizaron en la década de los noventa, ha conceptualizado como la construcción del "indio hiperreal", un indio modelo perfecto que merece ser defendido y, por consiguiente, financiado por la sociedad civil, tanto nacional como internacional: ...
El contenido de esta obra es una contribución del autor al repositorio digital de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador, por tanto el autor tiene exclusiva responsabilidad sobre el mismo y no necesariamente refleja los puntos de vista de la UASB. Este trabajo se almacena bajo una licencia de distribución no exclusiva otorgada por el autor al repositorio, y con licencia Creative Commons-Reconocimiento-No comercial-Sin obras derivadas 3.0 Ecuador
Em um país profundamente marcado pela diversidade étnica e cultural, a coexistência de múltiplos sistemas normativos sempre se estabeleceu de maneira tensa e desigual, sendo historicamente subordinada à hegemonia de um modelo jurídico estatal de matriz colonial. Assim, torna-se imprescindível refletir sobre as possibilidades de reconhecimento e valorização dos sistemas normativos indígenas, que expressam, de forma legítima, modos próprios de organização social, resolução de conflitos e produção de justiça. Desse modo, este estudo tem como objeto a análise das práticas jurídicas tradicionais dos povos indígenas brasileiros, bem como das tensões e contradições que emergem quando tais sistemas são confrontados com o direito estatal, ainda fortemente ancorado em paradigmas monoculturais. Além disso, busca-se compreender os desafios institucionais, políticos e epistemológicos para a construção de um modelo de justiça pluralista, que seja capaz de acolher, com respeito e legitimidade, os direitos coletivos e as epistemologias jurídicas indígenas. O objetivo, portanto, é refletir criticamente sobre os caminhos possíveis para a descolonização da justiça no Brasil, a fim de que se reconheça, de forma plena, a autonomia normativa dos povos originários. Em outras palavras, pretende-se evidenciar como a justiça, enquanto prática social e política, pode ser resignificada para além das fronteiras do positivismo jurídico ocidental, abrindo-se para o diálogo intercultural e para a ecologia de saberes. A partir dessas considerações, coloca-se como pergunta norteadora: como o Estado brasileiro pode, de fato, descolonizar sua estrutura jurídica, reconhecendo e respeitando os sistemas normativos indígenas, sem, contudo, submetê-los aos filtros assimilacionistas e homogeneizantes do direito oficial? Teoricamente, fizemos uso dos trabalhos de Almeida (2008; 2013), Borrows (2010; 2016; 2019), Cunha (1998; 2013; 2016; 2018), Dallari (1988), Dussel (1982; 2000), Guevara Gil et al. (2021), Kymlicka (1995; 2001), Marés (2013), Quijano (1992; 2000), Roach e Borrows (2019), Santos (2002; 2014; 2016; 2017; 2020), Silva (2008; 2016), Tully (1995), Walsh (2005; 2019), Wagner (2004; 2013), Estatuto do Índio (1973), entre outros. A pesquisa é de cunho qualitativa (Minayo, 2007), bibliográfica e descritiva (Gil, 2008) e com o viés analítico compreensivo (Weber, 1948). Os achados revelaram que os sistemas normativos indígenas, apesar de juridicamente marginalizados, seguem exercendo papel fundamental na mediação de conflitos, na organização social e na produção de justiça em suas comunidades. Observou-se que tais sistemas são baseados em valores como coletividade, oralidade, espiritualidade e territorialidade, o que os distancia do modelo jurídico ocidental centrado na norma escrita e no individualismo. Além disso, ficou evidente que o direito estatal, ao desconsiderar essas formas plurais de justiça, perpetua um colonialismo jurídico que nega o reconhecimento pleno da autonomia indígena. Por fim, identificaram-se experiências concretas de articulação intercultural que apontam caminhos viáveis para um pluralismo jurídico radical e respeitoso.
This paper explores conflicting representations of Japanese fishing practices in a joint venture company in the Pacific. Western and Islander representations frequently included suspicions that Japanese management was cheating their local partner and engaging in illegal and ecologically destructive fishing practices. In contrast, Japanese self-identified as as socially and ecologically responsible in contrast to the callous disregard for employment security and destructive industrial fishing methods used by Americans. Analysis of these different perspectives shows underlying conflict about whose development assistance is best, with Islander perspectives demonstrating postcolonial reactions to their continued subordination in the world system.
The article addresses the topic of intimate relationships between colonial officials and indigenous women in German Togo (1884–1914), which occurred in the ideological context stimulated by Cultural Darwinism, and the issue of socio-political consequences of such relations, both in the colony and in the homeland. In its analytical part, I draw on the conceptual distinction between “whiteness” and “blackness” – understood as biological phenotypes – as well as between “whiteness” and “Whiteness” – the latter term denoting a sociocultural system in which people of white complexion are more likely to experience privilege and preferential treatment in comparison with their darkskinned counterparts. The fact that “Whiteness” has been historically “porous” and Western imageries about Africans “flexible” – ranging from brutal racism to romanticization – presented numerous possibilities for certain individuals to “become white” by “acting White”, including the sphere of intimate relationships. In the context of the dominant Darwinian discourse – namely, the perceived threat of racial “degeneration” – the mixed marriages and their offspring became politicized in Germany, and a series of – largely ineffective – legal measures were taken to impose a stricter metropolitan control over the conduct of German colonial officials.
Constitutional Policies Contemporary Chalengers
En este trabajo propongo la noción de soberanías Yanomami basado en las intervenciones de Davi Kopenawa en el Programa de Índio, show radiofónico organizado por la União das Nações Indígenas (UNI), entre 1980 y 1990. Estas soberanías se caracterizan, en primer lugar, por exigir al gobierno la demarcación y protección de territorios indígenas para así evitar las invasiones de los garimpeiros. Asimismo, esta lucha implicó la producción de redes con diversos actores sociales, desde líderes indígenas hasta aliados transnacionales. Finalmente, Kopenawa buscó promover la soberanía de los conocimientos y prácticas ancestrales de su pueblo en la esfera pública brasileña. En este sentido, Kopenawa forjó alianzas con el Programa de Índio, entre 1980 y 1990, para configurar soberanías territoriales, interdependientes y onto-epistémicas desde una perspectiva Yanomami.
In Paraguay’s Chaco region, cattle ranching drives some of the world’s fastest deforestation and most extreme inequality in land tenure, with grave impacts on Indigenous well-being. Disrupting the Patrón traces Enxet and Sanapaná struggles to reclaim their ancestral lands from the cattle ranches where they labored as peons—a decades-long resistance that led to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and back to the frontlines of Paraguay’s ranching frontier. The Indigenous communities at the heart of this story employ a dialectics of disruption by working with and against the law to unsettle enduring racial geographies and rebuild territorial relations, albeit with uncertain outcomes. Joel E. Correia shows that Enxet and Sanapaná peoples enact environmental justice otherwise: moving beyond juridical solutions to harm by maintaining collective lifeways and resistance amid radical social-ecological change. Correia’s ethnography advances debates about environmental racism, ethics of engaged research, and Indigenous resurgence on Latin America’s settler frontiers.
The book presents a new materialist understanding of acts of deliberate destruction of the built environment and, specifically, of the politics of aggressive spatial containment and regularization of urbanity employed within the conflict in Israel/Palestine. Building on recent scholarship on slow violence and urbicidal policies, it discusses the different dimensions of the violence against the urban space, as well as exposes the complex material-semiotic character of the urban territory and of its destruction. By referring to the concepts of “ethno-territoriality” and “the right to the city,” the book aims to generate an enhanced understanding of problems situated at the overlap of urban studies and investigations of state-sponsored violence, focusing specifically on issues related to urban warfare.
Adopting a new materialist perspective, the book is a searing examination of political violence in our times. The volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of political science, international relations, cultural studies, and urban studies. It will also appeal to NGO professionals and activists across the world.
In this article we investigate the modes in which transgressive Indigeneities folded in the so-called indio político (the figure of the Indian as activist) inhabit the politicisation of the Indigenous in Argentina. For this purpose we dwell on the circumstances and effects of self-recognition, recognition and misrecognition of the indio político along the curve of indigenous politicisation that goes from the seventies to the present. In particular, we focus on the discourse of an indigenous political organisation during the conjuncture of social and political mobilisation that preceded the last dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983), on one hand, and on the discourses and performances during the trials of State terrorism (ongoing since 2003) in a context characterised by de-indigeneisation, on the other. We conclude with some remarks on the contextual modalisations of the transgressive subjectivities we call indio político.
Victims of epidemics, slavery, genocide, and countless other episodes of violence during the colonial enterprise in Brazil, which continues decades into the 21st century in some regions, Indigenous peoples face health inequities resulting from a five-century history of social marginalization and vulnerability. Since the late 1990s, the health and well-being of Indigenous peoples in the country have benefited from progressive legislation that values sociocultural diversity within a public primary healthcare subsystem attending to Indigenous peoples living in federal Indigenous lands. However, these transcultural ideals remain elusive in practice. The Indigenous Healthcare Subsystem continues to suffer from numerous systemic problems, including low quality of local services, lack of health professional training for work in intercultural contexts, and unpreparedness for attending to health emergencies involving Indigenous peoples living in voluntary isolation. Being Indigenous in Brazil in the 2020s implies greater chances of higher infant mortality, lower life expectancy, suffering from undernutrition and anemia during childhood, living with a high burden of infectious and parasitic diseases, being exposed to a swift process of nutritional transition, and experiencing a surge in chronic violence. Community case studies have shown the importance of close patient follow-up over long periods of time, the heavy burden of disease due to nutrition transition since the mid-1980s, the relevance of international reference curves for evaluating Indigenous child undernutrition, and failures of primary healthcare provided to Indigenous populations. Improvements in national health information systems in Brazil beginning in the early 2000s have shown external causes, perinatal diseases, infectious and parasitic diseases, and respiratory diseases to be the leading causes of death among the country's Indigenous population.
The Amazon is rapidly approaching its tipping point, which could turn a once enchanted tropical rainforest into a dry, carbon-emitting savannah. This will have catastrophic impacts well beyond the South-American continent and its inhabitants. The region is facing a nowadays familiar challenge of combating climate change and promoting social justice. International climate governance is proving ineffective , as it fails to incorporate the long term wellbeing of local communities. Demands for justice have led to calls for more polycentric climate governance. This approach aims to provide a culture-specific and place-based approach to dealing with the possible consequences of climate change for social justice and sustainable livelihoods. This article examines the scope for introducing Intercultural Polycentric Climate Governance (IPCG) to the Amazon. We select two examples of subnational climate governance and indigenous peoples' participation in the Amazon as our case studies: the State of Acre in Brazil and the regional department of Ucayali in Peru. Both are seen as pioneers of intercultural climate governance in their national contexts, and both have established indigenous working groups geared to promote the provision of intercultural fairness within their regional governance mechanisms. We conducted a qualitative content analysis, both of our interviews and relevant policy documents. Our study highlights three challenges for successful IPCG: 1) overcoming intercultural injustices; 2) increasing meaningful participation; and 3) filling governance gaps. Our findings reveal that there is still some way to go to meet these outcomes. Bridging polycentricity and interculturality, diverse systems of knowledge and their adherents need to be better appreciated and incorporated as part of the process of reassessing the purpose of IPCG. Only then, will we see the handling of the future of the enchanting Amazon in a holistic way: so much more than mere carbon storage.
This paper uses the themes of language rights, language choice, and language risk to consider linguistic insecurity in the Northwest Amazon (Upper Negro river) region of Brazil. Because the region is home to a large number of languages (c. two dozen), the idea of preserving this diversity is a popular theme in discourses about language in the Upper Negro river. I argue that the ideologies underlying the goal of preserving ‘diversity’ as a concept are not, in fact, the same ones that have sustained the presence of these languages thus far, especially as concerns the Tukanoan languages of the Uaupés basin (Jackson, J. E. 1983. The Fish People: Linguistic Exogamy and Tukanoan Identity in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press). Paradoxically, the reification of ‘diversity’ as a characteristic of the Northwest Amazonian Indigenous population has tended to promote homogenisation among groups that have historically valued differentiation from one another. In examining ideologies and practices surrounding each of the three themes of this issue, I suggest that discourses of ‘diversity’, applied at the local level, can create complex outcomes for the languages they are used to promote.
La temática de la gestión del agua ha tomado, en estos últimos años, una importancia considerable. Consecuentemente, se han realizado estudios desde diferentes perspectivas metodológicas y disciplinarias. Las causas del fenómeno son múltiples. Por un lado, el calentamiento climático y otros problemas ecológicos a escala mundial han puesto en evidencia el riesgo del agotamiento de los recursos naturales, entre ellos el agua. Por otro lado, el fracaso relativo de las políticas de privatización de los servicios de suministro de agua en áreas urbanas de muchas metrópolis del hemisferio Sur se ha traducido en una distribución inequitativa e ineficiente del recurso, motivando la aparición de movimientos sociales en defensa del derecho al acceso al agua y culminando en la anulación, muy mediatizada, de varios contratos.
Pataxó Hãhãhãe (Maxakalian) has not been spoken fluently since the 1920s. In the late 1970s and early 80s, recordings of roughly 100 words were made by Maria Hilda Paraíso, Aracy Lopes da Silva, and Greg Urban, with the last documented speaker, Bahetá, in Bahia, Brazil. A primer was developed from these recordings (Silva et al. in Lições de Bahetá: Sobre a Língua Pataxó Hãhãhãe, 1982) that continues to be of great symbolic value to the Pataxó Hãhãhãe. It is also the only access that many have had to their heritage language. In this context, fluency is not a practical goal. In this chapter, based on a year of fieldwork (2014–2015) and my ongoing collaboration with the Pataxó Hãhãhãe, I argue that rather than focusing on measurements of fluency or speaker numbers, it is more useful to understand current language use and revitalization as they relate to broader semiotic processes. For Pataxó Hãhãhãe, revitalization is part of a semiotic reindigenization in a context of Indigenous erasure and anti-Indigenous racism that works to locate Pataxó Hãhãhãe language and identity in the present and reshape what it means to be Indigenous in the Brazilian Northeast.
Bajo la idea de globalización del ayahuasca se caracterizaría espacialmente el fenómeno de expansión del uso del yagé desde Suramérica hacia el resto del mundo. Sin embargo, esa expansión se ha acompañado más recientemente de la configuración de la idea de una comunidad ayahuasquera internacional. Como “comunidad imaginada”, este espacio se produce y se hace socialmente efectivo a través de imágenes, metáforas y prácticas de representación particulares que, considero, requieren ser pensadas. En ese sentido, mi intención en este artículo es explorar algunas características de la producción simbólica que crea y recrea la comunidad ayahuasquera internacional, y ciertos imaginarios poderosos que la conectan con la Amazonia y sus habitantes. Me interesa así mismo, profundizar en la manera en que se referencian los circuitos internacionalizados del ayahuasca, y cómo aparecen lugares emblemáticos que se han convertido en referentes para esta comunidad. A partir de allí intento caracterizar algunos efectos que tiene la globalización del ayahuasca en los países de la cuenca amazónica.
A partir de las políticas públicas del Estado argentino en relación con las poblaciones indígenas y afrodescendientes, examinamos de qué manera las políticas culturales de las provincias de Formosa y Santa Fe, especialmente durante 2003-2015, tendieron a visibilizar y revalorizar las performances “ancestrales” de estos pueblos. Analizaremos cómo, frente a las interpelaciones multiculturales por performativizar las identidades étnico-raciales ante la sociedad hegemónica, los/as performers fueron estimulados/as a seleccionar, recrear y espectacularizar determinadas sonoridades, movimientos e imágenes inscriptas tanto en repertorios corporizados como en archivos; pero también, cómo en estos procesos de recreación sonoro-corporal de las memorias se construyen nuevos archivos, con la intención político-cultural de resguardar y legitimar una determinada versión de las posiciones identitarias étnico-raciales puestas en juego.
The “controversy over the Yanomami” has affected central issues, both epistemological and ethical and political, for the discipline and practice of anthropology, particularly concerning the ethics of field research; the way to use research data to support certain theoretical hypotheses; the relationships between popularization and politicization of research and, more generally, the responsibility of anthropologists with respect to both the uses of their studies in the public sphere and towards the human subjects with whom they work. In this article, I examine some key moments of the “controversy”. In particular, I try to reconstruct the way in which the image of the Yanomami as the “last primitive society” was initially consolidated, inside and outside anthropology, and, in this sense, I compare the ethnographies of Chagnon and Lizot. In the paper, I also place particular emphasis on the different ways in which ethnographers have textually marked their positioning in the field as “proof” of the “authenticity” of their representations of the Yanomami world. In the last part, I summarize the effects of the “media storm” on American anthropology, which were caused by the accusations of ethically inappropriate, if not completely execrable, behavior addressed to Chagnon and Lizot in Darkness in El Dorado, the book-report by journalist Patrick Tierney.
Ante el fracaso que significó la “Guerra del Agua” para el proceso de privatización de los servicios básicos en Bolivia, el gobierno emprendió una etapa de revisión de las políticas públicas, normas y del marco institucional desarrollados en el sector, dando inicio a una nueva fase en el proceso de privatización: la fase de negociación y elaboración de nuevos instrumentos legales (Crespo, 2003:35), a fin de replantear y rediseñar la estrategia gubernamental para concretizar paulatinamente las políticas públicas fijadas. En ésta etapa la cooperación internacional y el gobierno boliviano asumen la tarea de impulsar la constitución de Sociedades de Economía Mixta24 (SAM) en el país, modelo de sociedad comercial aceptado como tipo de Entidad Prestadora de Servicios de Agua Potable y Alcantarillado (EPSA) que, si bien estaba reconocido ya en la Ley No 2029, no contaba con ninguna experiencia práctica en la actividad de prestación de servicios básicos.
This article explores governance and power relations within the guaraná (Paullinia cupana) global commodity chain (GCC) of the Sateré-Mawé, an Indigenous group of the Lower Amazon, Brazil. The paper draws on ethnographic work and joint field research in Pará, Brazil and pursues an interdisciplinary approach combining economic geography and anthropological interest in ontological diversity. It describes the guaraná value chain in commodity chain terms, and discusses issues of narrative, transformation, and power in the community of values associated with the chain. Guaraná is a ritual beverage of central importance to Indigenous cosmology and is now a commodity traded within the global Fair Trade network. We found that the commodity chain is the result of not only economically, but also politically motivated Indigenous and European actors. It has a simple organization and is based on inter-personal business relations, with neither retailers nor producers controlling the chain. In this context, diverse actors, including Indigenous and non-Indigenous agents, cooperate in a joint project despite their, at times, differing values. These values are discernable in the narratives and discourses braided around the chain. This paper identifies the values at work and the tensions and dissonances produced as they rub against each other. It argues that, far from making the chain unmanageable, the tensions are creative and help the chain’s participants to bridge between Brazil and Europe.
Este libro pretende analizar la polisemia que contiene el concepto o categoría indio para el indigenismo brasileño del siglo XX.
Comenzando en 1910 con la creación del Serviço de Proteção ao Índio hasta el fin del régimen tutelar con la promulgación de la Constitución de 1988, se expondrán las diferentes representaciones realizadas por el imaginario colectivo brasileño en su relación interétnica con su más íntima otredad: los pueblos indígenas. El indigenismo será aquí el protagonista, es decir, tanto el ejercicio de imaginar a los pueblos indígenas dentro de unos parámetros históricos y culturales concretos herederos de una larga tradición, como su dimensión performativa en los diferentes contextos del contacto interétnico, violentos o no, de resistencia o de negociación.
Por ello se transitará por una buena parte de los actores productores de ese indigenismo, desde instituciones, militares, sertanistas, antropólogos, activistas y misioneros, para desgranar cómo se ha ido formando la visión que la sociedad brasileña ha tenido tradicionalmente de lo indio a partir de las herencias coloniales y su continua búsqueda de construcción identitaria, en ese desencuentro permanente entre la idealización europea y la, a veces menospreciada y otras romantizada, realidad tropical. ¿Interactuamos y diseñamos el mundo a partir de cómo la representamos? ¿Estamos eternamente condenados a estar sometidos por nuestro imaginario?
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