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Current research on the nature of interlanguage (IL) representation focuses on properties of functional categories (Det, Comp, Infl, etc.), investigating the extent to which IL grammars diverge from the second language (L2). There are a number of claims that IL grammars are in some sense defective in the functional domain. Included in this category are proposals that learners are restricted to Li categories, features or feature values (Hawkins 1998a, b; Hawkins and Chan 1997; Liceras et al. 1997; Smith and Tsimpli 1995; Tsimpli and Roussou 1991), such that certain L2 functional properties are not attainable beyond the critical period. Even stronger are claims that IL representations are permanently impaired at least as far as certain properties of functional categories are concerned (Beck 1998; Eubank et al. 1997; Eubank and Grace 1998). Such claims for impaired IL grammars contrast with proposals that IL grammars are not defective, with L2 functional categories, features and feature values being in principle attainable (e.g. Duffield and White 1999; Epstein, Flynn and Martohardjono 1996; Schwartz and Sprouse 1994, 1996; White 1996). Previous proposals have concentrated largely on properties of clausal projections (IP and CP). In this paper, we examine the L2 acquisition of Spanish DPs, arguing against the position that representation of functional categories, features or feature values is restricted to LI properties or is otherwise defective. At the same time, we will show that there are indeed some problems associated with acquiring gender. We will suggest that these problems cannot be attributed to presence or absence of gender in the L1 and that they are not necessarily indicative of a representational deficit.
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... Within the minimalist framework (Chomsky, 1995), it is motivated by feature checking between the interpretable gender feature of the noun and the uninterpretable gender feature on the elements of the agreeing categories (e.g., determiners, adjectives, and pronouns; Carstens, 2000). Whether applied at the lexical or at the computational level, gender features prominently amongst the categories that appear to be challenging for adult learners (e.g., Bruhn de Garavito & White, 2002;Carroll, 1989;Franceschina, 2005;Tsimpli et al., 2005). TA B L E 1 Suffix-gender correspondences for prototypical endings in Greek. ...
... Syntactic mismatching is assumed to cause a relative failure in establishing agreement among the members of the NP, with learners, for example, producing (2a) or (2b), in which the determiner and the adjective do not match with the noun. Such a failure has been evinced either in offline (e.g., Agathopoulou et al., 2008;Bruhn de Garavito & White, 2002;Tsimpli et al., 2005) or online datasets (e.g., Dussias et al., 2013;Hopp & Lemmerth, 2018;Spino, 2022). Even though the results of these studies are inconclusive, the overall consensus suggests that L2 learners are capable of acquiring grammatical gender even when their L1 lacks such features. ...
... Consistent with prior research (e.g., Bruhn de Garavito & White, 2002;Chondrogianni, 2008;Tsimpli et al., 2005;White et al., 2004), our findings indicate that intermediate learners of Greek demonstrate significantly higher accuracy in establishing gender agreement in Det-N configurations, while errors are more prevalent in Adj-N dependencies within the corpus sample. Furthermore, our findings are consistent with those of Agathopoulou et al. (2008) regarding the influence of syncretism on patterns of phonological alignment. ...
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The article introduces triangulation to converge evidence from corpus and experimental data, by means of two case studies in second language (L2) learners of Greek. The first case study investigates the acquisition of gender agreement, while the second probes the development of relative clauses. In both studies, findings from the corpus are tested against online experimentation using eye-tracking and self-paced reading tasks, a combination that is scarce in research implementing triangulation. The findings suggest that methodological convergence yields both congruous and incongruous evidence. However, both types of evidence contribute to a nuanced understanding of the linguistic phenomena under study, as well as the different perspectives from which they are approached. The article concludes that such an approach to triangulation can significantly contribute to enhancing the reliability and validity of the findings, provided that methodological convergence has been achieved at the design level of the study.
... In this line, L2 learners of Spanish tend to operate with a default value, that is, they overgeneralize the masculine forms, so that when the gender value is not specified, the masculine is always the syntactic value assigned by default (Corbett & Fraser, 2002). However, this behavior tends to disappear as their level of proficiency increases (Bruhn de Garavito & White, 2002;White et al., 2004). Such a persistent problem has often been the focus of the maturational constraints debate, leading adherents of the CPH and, most specifically, proponents of a representational deficit account, to argue that some linguistic features that are not instantiated in the L1 cannot be fully attained if acquired after puberty. ...
... Results from the quantitative analysis revealed that the L2 learners who did not establish a default value were more proficient and had a higher linguistic aptitude than the rest. This is line with previous studies (Bruhn de Garavito & White, 2002;White et al., 2004) that have found that as proficiency increases, the use of default gender decreases. ...
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Adult second language (L2) acquisition differs enormously from first language (L1) acquisition. Such a divergence results in adult L2 learners not being able to attain a native-like competence in their L2. Grammatical gender has been regarded as a complex linguistic feature, particularly to L2 learners whose L1 lacks this property. Some accounts maintain that after a maturationally constrained period that ends around puberty, learners cannot change the underlying representation of their L1 system, and as a result, some features become inaccessible (RDH-Franceschina, 2001; Hawkins & Chan, 1997). In contrast, other approaches contend that the access to Universal Grammar (UG) is not constrained, so the linguistic system of high-proficient learners is indistinguishable from the one in L2 native-speakers (MSIH-Lardiere, 1998a; Lardiere, 1998b; Prévost & White, 2000). Yet, little is known about how grammatical gender at bare noun production facilitates or constraints processing in an L2. This study, therefore, aims to test these two models and examine the role of proficiency and language aptitude on adult L2 processing. Three groups of participants —two groups of advanced English-speaking learners of Spanish split up in prepubescent and postpubescent learners, and a control group of Spanish monolinguals— were tested on the picture word interference (PWI) paradigm and the picture naming task (PNT). Data from comparisons among response latencies on gender congruent and gender incongruent pairs were gathered so as to look at gender facilitation effects. Results revealed that some late L2 learners can process gender in a native-like manner, for they showed a similar facilitation effect to the native-speakers. In addition, the late L2 learners with higher proficiency and higher aptitude showed a greater gender facilitation effect. These findings show that adult learners can still develop processing patterns similar to the ones exhibited by native speakers, which seems to suggest that the access to the universal principles that allows language development is still available after puberty.
... Nevertheless, and unlike their younger counterparts who acquire this grammatical category as early as three years old (Mariscal, 2009;Pérez-Pereira, 1991), grammatical gender is a challenging feature for adult L2 learners (see, among others, Alarcón, 2011;Carroll, 1989;Franceschina, 2001;Grüter et al., 2012;Hopp, 2012Hopp, , 2016Montrul et al., 2008;Sabourin et al., 2006). In particular, the L2 literature concurs that persistent gender errors in the L2 are more representative of failure to assign L2 words to the target-like gender category, or gender assignment, rather than failure to acquire abstract gender features in their L2 grammars (de Garavito and White, 2002;Grüter et al., 2012;Hopp, 2012Hopp, , 2016Kirova and Camacho, 2021;Montrul et al., 2008;White et al., 2004). ...
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The present study investigates how English learners of Spanish compute gender agreement in Spanish–English asymmetrical switches (i.e. el key vs. la key ‘the.masc/fem key’). Twenty-six English learners of Spanish at intermediate-to-advanced second language (L2) proficiency completed a forced-choice elicitation task involving two codeswitching environments: Spanish determiner–English noun switches (Task 1) and English–Spanish switched copula constructions (Task 2). English nouns occurring in these codeswitching environments are controlled for semantic gender in the case of human nouns and for the grammatical gender of the Spanish translation equivalent in the case of inanimate nouns. The study also explores whether L2 proficiency and codeswitching experience influence L2 learners’ gender decisions in codeswitching. Gender agreement was almost categorical with human nouns whereby female nouns are feminine and male nouns are masculine. A mixed-effects logistic regression analysis further revealed that participants were more likely to apply masculine gender to inanimate nouns in both tasks, while the majority of the participants performed below chance with feminine gender. We stress the importance of separating animate from inanimate nouns in experimental L2 research. We argue that L2 learners’ preference for masculine gender in codeswitching is a reflex of a probabilistic default gender driven by the L2 grammar, rather than evidence for the retrieval of the grammatical gender of the translation equivalent.
... • ¿Se asigna el género por defecto? Se usará el masculino por defecto como se ha comprobado en otras investigaciones lingüísticas; (Bruhn de Garavito y White, 2002;Harris, 1991). ...
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En las dos últimas décadas se han propuesto una serie de modelos e hipótesis para determinar cómo influyen las lenguas previamente adquiridas en el proceso de adquisición de la L3. En algunas de estas hipótesis el orden y el contexto de adquisición de las lenguas previas juega un papel importante, por lo que la L2 sería la única fuente de influencia posible en el proceso de adquisición de la L3. En cambio, otros modelos otorgan un papel predominante a la proximidad entre las lenguas. En algunos de estos modelos se considera que las lenguas previas solo pueden tener un impacto positivo o neutro, mientras que en otros no se excluye la posibilidad de influencia negativa. En el presente trabajo nos centramos en el estudio del género de los sustantivos transparentes y opacos en la adquisición del catalán como L3 por parte de universitarios polacos con español como L2, y pretendemos dilucidar si la L2 es la única fuente de influencia posible en el proceso de adquisición del género de la L3, o si la L1 también influye.
... For monolingually Spanish-exposed children, grammatical gender emerges in production at approximately 1;6 (year;months) (Hernández-Pina, 1984;Lleó, 1998), and they master gender agreement in production by age 3 (Soler, 1984;Perez-Pereira, 1991;López-Ornat, 1997;Eisenchlas, 2003;Castilla and Pérez-Leroux, 2010;Mariscal and Auza, 2017). Spanish-English bilinguals, Spanish speakers with a developmental language disorder (DLD), and Spanish heritage speakers produce more gender errors than their age-matched monolingual peers, which suggests that their acquisition differs from that of typically developing, monolingually-exposed children (Bruhn De Garavito and White, 2002;Bedore and Leonard, 2005;Morgan et al., 2013;Cuza and Pérez-Tattam, 2015). ...
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This study examined grammatical gender processing in school-aged children with varying levels of cumulative English exposure. Children participated in a visual world paradigm with a four-picture display where they heard a gendered article followed by a target noun and were in the context where all images were the same gender (same gender), where all of the distractor images were the opposite gender than the target noun (different gender), and where all of the distractor images were the opposite gender, but there was a mismatch in the gendered article and target noun pair. We investigated 51 children (aged 5;0–10;0) who were exposed to Spanish since infancy but varied in their amount of cumulative English exposure. In addition to the visual word paradigm, all children completed an article–noun naming task, a grammaticality judgment task, and standardized vocabulary tests. Parents reported on their child’s cumulative English language exposure and current English language use. To investigate the time course of lexical facilitation effects, looks to the target were analyzed with a cluster-based permutation test. The results revealed that all children used gender in a facilitatory way (during the noun region), and comprehension was significantly inhibited when the article–noun pairing was ungrammatical rather than grammatical. Compared to children with less cumulative English exposure, children with more cumulative English exposure looked at the target noun significantly less often overall, and compared to younger children, older children looked at the target noun significantly more often overall. Additionally, children with lower cumulative English exposure looked at target nouns more in the different-gender condition than the same-gender condition for masculine items more than feminine items.
... Although child HS and L2L often exhibit varying degrees of optionality in their production and comprehension of gender agreement morphology, research has consistently revealed patterns in their variation. Across studies using experimental methods and corpus data, child HS are more accurate in gender agreement with masculine than feminine nouns (Anderson, 1999;Cuza and Pérez-Tattam, 2016;Goebel-Mahrle and Shin, 2020;Martinez-Nieto and Restrepo, 2022), with canonical than non-canonical nouns (Bruhn De Garavito and White, 2002;Shin et al., 2019;Goebel-Mahrle and Shin, 2020), and with lexical determiner phrases than with direct object clitics (Goebel-Mahrle and Shin, 2020). That child bilinguals favor the masculine over feminine gender and are more accurate with canonical nouns is consistent with research on adult HS and L2L (McCarthy, 2008;Montrul et al., 2008Alarcón, 2011Alarcón, , 2020Alarcón, , 2021Grüter et al., 2012). ...
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Despite the growth of dual-language programs in the United States, few studies have examined how children acquire Spanish through immersion. This article compares how heritage speakers (HS) and English-fluent Spanish L2 learners(L2L) immersed in Spanish comprehend gender in direct object clitics, an area of Spanish grammar prone to bilingual effects. A total of 78 English- dominant children enrolled in a dual language school participated in the experiment: 24 HS (6 in 2nd grade, 10 in 4th/5th grade, 8 in 7th/8th grade) and 54 L2L (16 in 2nd grade, 20 in 4th/5th grade, 18 in 7th/8th grade). Participants completed a forced-choice task which tested their ability to select target-like clitic gender after hearing sentences such as ‘La niña está tocando la guitarra (feminine). ¿Qué hace?’ The girl is playing the guitar (feminine). What does she do? ∗ ‘Lo toca’ (masculine singular clitic)/ ‘La toca’ (feminine singular clitic) She plays it. Results did not reveal any significant differences at the p < 0.05 level between the HS and L2L groups with accuracy in clitic gender. We found that in receptive knowledge of masculine clitic gender, the HS and L2L children had very similar scores in the 2nd grade and showed a similar improvement in accuracy by the 7th/8th grades. However, we did not find a similar pattern of growth in children’s ability to select target-like feminine gender in either group. We discuss our findings and propose possible implications for immersion programs.
Chapter
Gender as a morphosyntactic feature is arguably “an endlessly fascinating linguistic category” (Corbett 2014: 1). One may even say it is among “the most puzzling of the grammatical categories” (Corbett 1991: 1) that has raised probing questions from various theoretical and applied perspectives. Most languages display semantic and/or formal gender systems with various degrees of opacity and complexity, and even closely related languages present distinct differences, creating difficulties for second language learners. The first three chapters of this volume present critical reviews in three different areas – gender assignment in mixed noun phrases, subtle gentle biases and the gender acquisition in child and adult heritage speakers of Spanish – while the next six chapters present new empirical evidence in the acquisition of gender by bilingual children, adult L2/L3 learners and heritage speakers of various languages such as Italian, German, Dutch or Mandarin-Italian.
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Grammatical gender presents persistent difficulty for adult learners of Spanish in L2 acquisition; however, there is a literature gap in L3 acquisition of gender, specifically of typologically different languages. In this project, we investigate the acquisition of Spanish gender agreement by Russian (L1)/Mandarin (L1)-English (L2) speakers of Spanish (L3) and compare the findings with English(L1) speakers of Spanish (L2). Studying these languages is particularly interesting because some exhibit an explicit gender system (Spanish and Russian) while others do not (English and Mandarin). In order to examine the effect of L1/L2 influence of these languages on L3 Spanish acquisition, 55 participants completed two tasks: a picture identification task and a grammaticality judgement task. Results indicate that advanced learners of Spanish of all L1 backgrounds performed at or near ceiling. All beginner learners performed better with canonically marked masculine nouns than noncanonical feminine nouns, thus corroborating previous findings. Regarding L1 influence, Russian participants outperformed the other two groups, especially in Task 1 (Picture Identification), thereby indicating that they may be transferring to some degree the grammatical gender system of their L1. Overall, this research provides evidence that multiple factors, including structural typology and L3 proficiency level, play a role in L3 acquisition.
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The present study examines Spanish gender agreement among beginner and non-beginner naturalistic and instructed native Russian learners of L3 Spanish. The project has two goals: first, to investigate whether the above groups differed in their target production and comprehension of gender agreement according to a series of morphological variables (gender class, type, and congruency) and secondly, to determine whether there was a relationship between accuracy and task completion times. A total of 49 native speakers of Russian learning Spanish as an L3, divided across two learner groups (24 instructed in Canada and 25 naturalistic in Mexico) and two proficiency levels (28 beginners and 21 non-beginners), along with a control group of 15 native Spanish speakers, completed several tasks. Results demonstrate that regardless of learning environment, native-like proficiency for gender agreement can be achieved at advanced levels. Differences were observed at the beginner level with the naturalistic group performing better with more difficult forms (e.g., feminine, non-canonical, and incongruent), indicating that at initial stages there is an advantage of naturalistic acquisition. Naturalistic learners had faster task completion times, though this did not correspond to higher accuracy levels. This study has important implications for the field of applied linguistics as it places importance on assessing gender acquisition across distinct learning environments.