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Clitic placement in Western Iberian: A minimalist view
... For preverbal constituents, we sketch out an analysis of the interaction between preverbal subject positions in Galician and their associated clitic directionality, offering critical refinements to extant analyses. We examine these structures assuming a dedicated functional syntactic position for clitics of the type originally proposed in Uriagereka (1995a) and improved upon in Raposo and Uriagereka (2005) and Gupton (2010Gupton ( , 2012. Here, we examine novel introspective judgments gathered from Galician-speaking informants, but reference will also be made to experimental Galician data reported in Gupton (2010Gupton ( , 2014bGupton ( , 2017 and Gupton and Leal-Méndez (2013), noting how the data inform our understanding of the basic clausal structure of Galician as a predominantly SVO language. ...
... There are some notable differences in this hierarchy of projections as compared to the one proposed in (8, repeated as 16b) by Rizzi (1997Rizzi ( , 2013. Based on the fact that contrastive fronted constituents exhibit clitic doubling and finite enclisis (17) (Gupton 2014a, p. 200) He additionally proposes that the FP projection found in Uriagereka (1995aUriagereka ( , 1995b) and Raposo and Uriagereka (2005) is FinP, a proposal that we will return to shortly as we examine novel recomplementation data from Galician. FP plays a critical role in their analysis of clitic directionality: syntactic elements to the left of FP are understood to trigger enclitic word orders, while those in Spec, FP and to the right trigger proclitic word orders. ...
... FP plays a critical role in their analysis of clitic directionality: syntactic elements to the left of FP are understood to trigger enclitic word orders, while those in Spec, FP and to the right trigger proclitic word orders. 15 According to Raposo and Uriagereka's (2005) proposal, clitic pronouns (CL) are base generated as verbal complements for reasons related to function (for thematic role assignment within the vP, as in Baker 1988) and subsequently attracted to F • and adjoin to F = f • . Once in this configuration, a clitic must find a leftward leaning host within an immediately local domain. ...
An important line of research within a generative, formal approach to syntax in the early 21st century has centered on exploring phenomena related to the interface between syntax and other linguistic modules in human language. In this paper, we review the notion of interfaces and how they have been viewed within formal theoretical approaches to monolingual and bilignual competence and language acquistion, noting their relevance as they relate to language acquisition and bilingualism in the context of Galicia (Spain). We review a selection of Noun Phrase (NP) structures that implicate a syntactic interface: subject position, clitic directionality, and determiner clitic allomorphy. We provide a review of the relevant literature and the theoretical issues of interest as they relate to our understanding of these syntactic interfaces, reporting on our current theoretical understandings, persistent questions, and our view of the path forward as it relates to linguistic research on the Galician language.
... The only difference between German (21b) and Galician (23) is the projection FP. Following the account for clitic movement proposed by Raposo and Uriagereka ( 2005 ), clitics end up in a morphologically "active" left peripheral projection (Uriagereka, 1995a , b ). 6 We assume this analysis to be operative for imperative structures, returning to FP in section 5. ...
... Both of these verb forms are the same used in the subjunctive, which entails that they raise at least as high as T (and likely further to MoodP, FinP as in, e.g., Kempchinsky, 1998Kempchinsky, , 2009 ). We follow Raposo and Uriagereka's ( 2005 ) in assuming "active" left-peripheral FP to be the locus for clitics in Western Iberian. In (24) the clitic o is hosted by negation ( non ), allowing the verb to remain in T. 7 In affi rmative suppletive commands ( 25 ), we assume that the verb moves to f after checking its features on T in order to serve as the host for the clitic, perhaps as Last Resort. ...
... In a loose sense, we may think of U as a clitic-like element that requires a specifi ed/ pre-selected functional morpheme to appear alongside it. Following Raposo and Uriagereka ( 2005 ), the PF requirements for Galician clitics are constrained by structural locality such that a clitic in F may only be hosted by a leftward-adjacent specifi er ([Spec, FP]) or the next higher head. From the data provided in this section, we have two questions to answer: (1) How can U be considered a structural governor if it shares no features with lo ? ...
... The only difference between German (21b) and Galician (23) is the projection FP. Following the account for clitic movement proposed by Raposo and Uriagereka ( 2005 ), clitics end up in a morphologically "active" left peripheral projection (Uriagereka, 1995a , b ). 6 We assume this analysis to be operative for imperative structures, returning to FP in section 5. ...
... Both of these verb forms are the same used in the subjunctive, which entails that they raise at least as high as T (and likely further to MoodP, FinP as in, e.g., Kempchinsky, 1998Kempchinsky, , 2009 ). We follow Raposo and Uriagereka's ( 2005 ) in assuming "active" left-peripheral FP to be the locus for clitics in Western Iberian. In (24) the clitic o is hosted by negation ( non ), allowing the verb to remain in T. 7 In affi rmative suppletive commands ( 25 ), we assume that the verb moves to f after checking its features on T in order to serve as the host for the clitic, perhaps as Last Resort. ...
... In a loose sense, we may think of U as a clitic-like element that requires a specifi ed/ pre-selected functional morpheme to appear alongside it. Following Raposo and Uriagereka ( 2005 ), the PF requirements for Galician clitics are constrained by structural locality such that a clitic in F may only be hosted by a leftward-adjacent specifi er ([Spec, FP]) or the next higher head. From the data provided in this section, we have two questions to answer: (1) How can U be considered a structural governor if it shares no features with lo ? ...
... The former must be higher up in the hierarchy than the latter. In order to account for the cliticization facts, Kempchinsky adopts the analysis by Raposo & Uriagereka (2003). They assume a functional projection FP above IP which is headed by an abstract clitic f. f can be [-syntactic] or [+syntactic] and in the latter case [±morphological]. ...
... Various authors who use Raposo & Uriagereka's (2003) approach have noted that CLLDed constituents have to be in a separate intonational phrase above the FP (see among others, Ž. Bošković (2004) for Serbo-Croatian and Barbosa (1996Barbosa ( , 2000 for European Portuguese). Then the question is what position this could be. ...
... Emonds uses DS to host "iterative base-dislocations in languages such as English and French. 35 For a detailed analysis of the f -parameter see Raposo & Uriagereka (2003) Kempchinsky (2013: 320) The questions remains why the double does not stay in SpecFinP. Kempchinsky (2013: 320) states that "it is this chain of Agree relations that makes it possible for the CLLD dislocate […] to skip Spec,Fin -because this dislocate is in an Agree relationship with f in the head of Fin, via the clitic". ...
... Differently from phonological approaches to clitic alternations (see 2.1 above), left-peripheral approaches argue that clitic alternations as those observed in Western Iberian Romance languages do not arise as a result of a PF-fi lter triggered by the clitics, but rather as the result of verb-movement targeting a head in the left-periphery in this group of languages. One such analysis is presented and discussed in Raposo and Uriagereka (2005), who propose a clausal structure for Western Iberian as that shown in (13). Following previous work of the ir own (cf. ...
... Following previous work of the ir own (cf. Uriagereka 1995a, 1995band Raposo 2000, Raposo and Uriagereka (2005) claim that post-and preverbal clitic alternations in Western Iberian arise as a side-effect of the interaction between clitics and the feature-composition of a left-peripheral Fº projection that they propose. Under this analysis, postverbal clitics are the result of (i) the presence of morphological [+φ]-features in Western Iberian in a left-peripheral projection that they label Fº -cf. ...
... Turning to preverbal clitics, Raposo and Uriagereka (2005) account for this clitic pattern assuming that an adjacent element satisfi es the fusion condition of the clitics in Fº. Under their analysis, both the negative marker and Focus constituents target the FP projection they propose, and are thus suitable elements for the clitics in Fº to fuse to, which accounts for the preverbal clitic pattern we fi nd in (2) and (4) above. ...
This article examines the post- and preverbal clitic alternations (traditionally, enclisis and proclisis) found in Western Iberian Romance languages (WI), that is in Galician, European Portuguese and Asturian. These clitic alternations have been traditionally analyzed assuming clitics in these languages are phonologically enclitic - that is, as clitics requiring a phonological host to their left. Alternatively, other analyses have capitalized on a syntactically triggered verb-movement past the clitic to a projection in the left-periphery, blocked under certain conditions. Summarizing part of the research developed in Fernández Rubiera (2009), this article presents new data from different varieties of Asturian where postverbal clitics can also be found in the finite embedded context, a clitic pattern that speakers of Galician and European Portuguese report as marginal or ungrammatical. Empirical evidence from these varieties of Asturian supports an analysis of post- and preverbal clitic alternations in terms of syntactic movement to Finiteness (cf. Rizzi 1997, 2004) either as an instance of A'-movement or by X-movement of a closer head to this left-peripheral projection. In turn, this analysis can be naturally extended to explain the different interpretations that post- and preverbal clitics give rise to in the finite embedded contexts in which both options are grammatical for speakers of what I call Conservative Asturian (CAst). inally, I briefly show how the analysis proposed predicts crosslinguistic variation within WI in the finite embedded context, which I claim to be ultimately related to differences in the complementizer system in the languages under study.
... A gramática do português europeu moderno, de acordo com Raposo e Uriagereka (2005) e Galves (2001), licencia apenas construções de tópico com ênclise. Entretanto, a análise de dados do português europeu dos séculos XVIII e XIX, constantes no Projeto Tycho Brahe 1 , revela que, nesse período, a gramática dessa língua licenciava construções de tópico tanto com ênclise quanto com próclise (esta em menor quantidade). ...
... Abstract. The grammar of the modern European Portuguese, according to Raposo and Uriagereka (2005) and Galves (2001), only licenses topic constructions with enclisis. However, the analysis of the data from the European Portuguese of 18 th and 19 th centuries, at the Tycho Brahe Project, reveals that, in this period, the grammar of this language licensed topic constructions either with enclisis or with proclisis (this in fewer quantities); These data are probable evidence that the syntactic position of the topic has undergone reanalysis on the 18 th and 19 th centuries from the grammar of the 16 th century, deriving the modern European Portuguese grammar, that doesn't license topic constructions with proclisis. ...
... A colocação dos clíticos na língua portuguesa vem ocupando a atenção na área da sintaxe, porque a posição desses elementos na frase tem revelado características importantes, como, por exemplo, a diferença entre os constituintes quando eles ocupam a posição de foco ou de tópico. Alguns autores têm abordado o tema, ou numa abordagem fonológica (RAPOSO e URIAGEREKA, 2005), ou numa abordagem sintática (SHLONSKY, 2004), ou ainda numa abordagem morfo-sintática 2 (GALVES, RIBEIRO e TORRES MORAIS, 2005). ...
Universidade do Estado da Bahia (UNEB) edivaldaaraujo@uneb.br Resumo. A gramática do português europeu moderno, de acordo com Raposo e Uriagereka (2005) e Galves (2001), licencia apenas construções de tópico com ênclise. Entretanto, a análise de dados do português europeu dos séculos XVIII e XIX, constantes no Projeto Tycho Brahe 1 , revela que, nesse período, a gramática dessa língua licenciava construções de tópico tanto com ênclise quanto com próclise (esta em menor quantidade). Esses dados são uma provável evidência de que a posição sintática do tópico sofreu reanálise nos séculos XVIII e XIX a partir da gramática do século XVI, derivando a gramática do português europeu moderno, que não licencia construções de tópico com próclise. Abstract. The grammar of the modern European Portuguese, according to Raposo and Uriagereka (2005) and Galves (2001), only licenses topic constructions with enclisis. However, the analysis of the data from the European Portuguese of 18 th and 19 th centuries, at the Tycho Brahe Project, reveals that, in this period, the grammar of this language licensed topic constructions either with enclisis or with proclisis (this in fewer quantities); These data are probable evidence that the syntactic position of the topic has undergone reanalysis on the 18 th and 19 th centuries from the grammar of the 16 th century, deriving the modern European Portuguese grammar, that doesn't license topic constructions with proclisis. Palavras-chave: tópico, clítico, sintaxe, português europeu.
... Analyses that do provide mechanisms for deriving enclitic and proclitic word orders propose additional functional architecture to the left of the IP/TP level. Uriagereka (1995a), Raposo (1999), and Raposo & Uriagereka (2005) propose an F functional position structurally higher than T in the left periphery in their analyses of finite verb enclisis (see Uriagereka 1995aUriagereka , 1995b for more on F). Shlonsky (2004) also proposes an F projection in his clitic proposal. ...
... In essence, the latter two analyses propose (differing) feature-checking accounts for enclisis and proclisis, in , 2005) reformulation of checking theory as involving an Agree relation, and propose that proclisis results from some flavor of syntactic last-resort operation. 1 Raposo & Uriagereka (2005), however, propose that clitic movement/placement involves a type of PF--feature checking and that enclitic word orders result from a last-resort crash of (default) proclitic order at the interface. ...
... In this paper I have examined clitic directionality with a variety of preverbal elements in main clauses, subordinate clauses, and recomplementation in Galician. I have examined Raposo & (2005) interface analysis for cliticization in Western Iberian Romance, focusing in particular on clitic directionality when preverbal subjects, wh-elements, fronted focus elements, and topicalized XPs appear in Galician. I have shown that, f preverbal constituents trigger enclisis they cannot appear in Spec, FP. ...
Full text can be found here: http://www.lingref.com/cpp/hls/14/paper2671.pdf
... In section 1, I introduce the relevant data from the subordinate [+finite] context in Western Iberian, showing that an enclitic pattern may arise. In section 2, I discuss Raposo & uriagereka's (2005) analysis for clitic placement in Western Iberian Romance, concluding that it does not predict the enclisis shown in section 1. next, I present in section 3 Haegeman's (2006aHaegeman's ( , 2006b) typology of subordinate clauses in terms of central and peripheral, showing in section 4 that her typology may be connected to the availability of enclitic and proclitic alternations in this context in Western Iberian Romance. In section 5 I provide the analysis that explains the clitic patterns shown in section 1, concluding this article with a summary in section 6. ...
... (i) if there is a right-adjacent head to the clitics (i.e., no specifier intervenes), right-fusion applies, thus obtaining proclisis -[clitics + Xº] 5 ; else, (ii) if there is a left-adjacent head or (suitable) 6 XP to the clitics, left-fusion 4 I will just concentrate on the relevant parts of Raposo & uriagereka's analysis for this discussion. I refer the reader to Raposo & Uriagereka (2005) for the motivation behind the analysis they propose. ...
... In this article, I have shown that the [+finite] subordinate context in Western Iberian Romance -that is, Asturian, Galician and European Portuguese-licenses postverbal clitics -in section 1, a clitic pattern that previous analyses to clitic placement alternations in this group of languages neither predict nor account for (cf. Raposo & uriagereka [2005], reviewed in section 2). Building on Viejo's (2008) intuitions that clitic placement alternations in this context in Asturian give rise to differences in interpretation, I claimed following Haegeman's (2004Haegeman's ( , 2006aHaegeman's ( , 2006b typology of subordinate clauses -in section 3-that those embedded contexts where postverbal clitics are licensed in Western Iberian Romance be best analyzed as peripheral subordinate clauses -as opposed to central ones, showing how Haegeman's cues regarding this typology in the subordinate context may be extended to capture the same observations in the group of languages considered-in section 4. ...
I n this paper 1 , I discuss the distribution of clitic pronouns in the su-bordinate context in Western Iberian Romance –a cover term used here to include Asturian, Galician and European Portuguese. I show that, contrary to standard descriptions, we do find enclisis –and not just procli-sis– in this context in these three languages, a clitic pattern that previous analyses in the generative literature neither predict nor can account for. The main goal in this paper is to show that the (en)clitic patterns can be captured assuming a cartographic approach to the left-periphery (cf. Rizzi (1997, 2004), Benincà and Poletto (2004)) to be at play in these languages, thus building on the analysis developed in Fernández-Rubiera (2006) to ac-count for clitic placement alternations in the matrix context and extending it to explain the enclitic patterns found in the [+finite] subordinate one. 1 I would like to thank the many people in the Department of Spanish and Portuguese at Georgetown university, the Seminariu de Filoloxía Asturiana at the universidá d'uviéu, and the Instituto da Lingua Galega, for their help and discussion of the data: Michael Ferreira, Vivaldo Santos and Ana Delgado for the Portuguese data, Xulio Viejo for Asturian and Rosario Álvarez for Galician. Also, special thanks go to Héctor Campos for bringing to my attention Haegeman's references and to Elena Herburger for comments on this paper. needless to say, I am solely re-sponsible for all errors and misinterpretations.
... (2) a. Digo [qu'ayúdame] CAst say 1SG that-help 3SG-IND -me CL required verb-movement targeting a head in the left-periphery, namely Fº in Raposo and Uriagereka (2005), and Focusº/Topicº in Benincà (2006). I close this chapter concluding that none of these analyses predicts the availability of postverbal clitics as that in (2a) above. ...
... phonological status of the clitics in WI, and those that I call "left-peripheral approaches", such as Raposo and Uriagereka (2005) for Galician and European Portuguese and Benincà (2006) for Medieval Romance, which argue that those clitic alternations are not triggered by PF-filters, but rather related to the verb undergoing movement to the left-periphery. ...
... Unlike the "traditional approaches" just reviewed, "left-peripheral approaches" argue that clitic alternations as those observed in Western Iberian Romance languages (WI) do not arise as a result of any PF-filter triggered by the clitics, but rather as the result of verb-movement targeting a head in the left-periphery in this group of languages. Two such analyses are Raposo and Uriagereka's (2005) (R&U henceforth) for Galician and European Portuguese, and Benincà's (2006) for Medieval Romance languages (MR). R&U, following previous work of their own (cf. ...
... This is under the assumption that the negation marker is placed at the edge of vP in Germanic (Zeijlstra, 2004) and within TP in Romance (Pollock, 1989), and that we can also distinguish between VP-or TP-adjoined adverbs. We also assume that clitics left-adjoin to T (following Kayne, 1991, et seq.; see also Pollock, 1989;cf., i.a., Uriagereka, 1995;Raposo and Uriagereka, 2008;Manzini, 2023, for other analyses). Importantly, Subj-Neg-(V) and Subj-Adv-(V) 7 diagnostics were only used for Germanic when the subject can be shown not to be in the CP-domain, such as in the sentences below, where yes/no questions and topicalisation signal that the subject is not located in SpecCP: Non-topical subjects are excluded from these two diagnostics as well, on the grounds that only topical subjects have been argued to raise outside the vP in Germanic, with non-topical subjects remaining low (Diesing, 1992;Fernald, 2000;Mohr, 2005;Kratzer and Selkirk, 2007). ...
... These diagnostics crucially assume that overt subjects are placed in the TP-domain. For Romance, this is not uncontroversial, particularly in light of approaches that analyse overt subjects in Romance null-subject systems as being topical and thus located within CP (e.g., Barbosa, 1995;Ordóñez, 1997;Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou, 1998;Raposo and Uriagereka, 2008). I pursue a conservative route in this thesis and treat overt subjects as being in the SpecTP position, in line with previous acquisition literature (e.g., Guasti, 1993;Bel, 2003;Villa-García, 2014), but the consequences of this assumption are worth exploring in future research (building, for instance, on Grinstead, 2004;Villa-García, 2014). ...
This thesis explores the acquisition of functional categories from a neo-emergentist perspective (following Biberauer, 2011, et seq. and Biberauer and Roberts, 2015). The central proposal is that syntactic development is neither guided by a maturational program nor by innate categories. This line of thinking, which impoverishes Universal Grammar, is not just conceptually desirable (per Chomsky, 2005, et seq.), but enriches the explanatory power of the resulting theory in significant ways.
Firstly, the thesis presents a corpus study on ten children across five languages (Catalan, Italian, Spanish, German and Dutch) in the CHILDES database and it aims to probe the acquisition of the CP-, TP- and ‘Split CP’-domains. Two key generalisations reveal themselves from this investigation: whilst CP-structures emerge early (either simultaneously with, or less clearly, earlier than TP-structures), further internal elaboration within CP (a Split CP-domain) systematically emerges late. I argue that these empirical generalisations mean no extant theory of syntactic development assuming innate categories is adequate for this dataset. This is because the findings generate theoretically contradictory requirements: they show that some representation of the CP must emerge early, but it cannot be formally cartographic-type until a later stage. Their simultaneity is inherently incompatible with contemporary maturational (and continuity) approaches, which posit universal categorial sequences of fixed (often cartographic) granularity (e.g., Friedmann et al., 2021).
I interpret this result to stress the analytical strengths of ontologically more ‘flexible’ approaches, which pursue emergent categories and allow for changes in mental granularity (in the spirit of Song, 2019). In light of this, I develop a neo-emergentist account of the developmental patterns: the suggested framework probes Biberauer and Roberts’s (2015) emergent categorial hierarchy in the context of the acquisition of functional categories, whilst incorporating theoretical insights from Biberauer’s (2019) Maximise Minimal Means (MMM) model and Bosch’s (2022) adaptation within Dynamical Systems Theory. I show that this approach explains the patterns, and is both more theoretically parsimonious and more empirically restrictive relative to competing hypotheses, the latter of which tend to undergenerate or overgenerate.
The picture is completed by a formalisation of Biberauer and Roberts (2015) and categorial development, with the aid of the mathematical fields of Category Theory and Dynamical Systems Theory, adapting Ehresmann and Vanbremeersch’s (2007, 2019) model of Evolutive Systems to syntactic acquisition. I suggest that such a framework provides a useful interdisciplinary bridge with the study of evolving complexity in natural systems and that some of the theoretical and neo-emergentist results revealed by the corpus study are expected given the adoption of Evolutive Systems.
This empirical and theoretical exploration endorses the pursuit of the idea that syntactic categories (including cartographic ones) are emergent. Insofar as neo-emergentism is shown to meet the challenge presented by the empirical paradigm in this thesis, a comprehensive treatment of emergent category formation might begin to be within sight. All that is necessary for these otherwise problematic patterns to fall into place is the adoption of a neo-emergentist approach to categories, and the abandonment of maturation and innate categories. I maintain this is the way forward, with interesting ramifications following as a result.
... Galician shares with European Portuguese a set of embedded-root asymmetries for clitic placement called "clitic second". These constraints hold that, in the general case, root clauses require enclisis except in the presence of negation, a moved wh-phrase and some quantifiers (Raposo & Uriagereka 2005 (1995)) 4 Importantly, such clitics differ from ethical dative clitics in that the addressee is not interpreted as an "affectee", nor indeed as having any relationship to the event described beyond being an audience to its description (Álvarez Blanco 1997;Uriagereka 1995a). They also differ from true ethical clitics in their (non-)participation in clitic doubling and the fact that multiple allocutive forms can appear in a single clitic cluster (Álvarez Blanco 1980;Carbón Riobóo 1995;Uriagereka 1995a;Haddican 2019;Huidobro 2022). ...
... This need not concern us. See Uriagereka (2005) for discussion. ...
Despite recent growth in formal work on allocutive marking, little work to date has considered the nature of cross-linguistic differences in the syntax of allocutive varieties, and what relationships, if any, exist among them. This paper summarizes recent formal results describing four kinds of variation across allocutive languages: (i) variable root-sensitivity; (ii) variation in allocutive morpheme placement; (iii) differences in allocutive morpheme type; and (iv) variation in interactions with clause typing and complementizers. We propose that the sole formal property unifying allocutive varieties is exponence of addressee features licensed by a silent Addressee DP. We further propose that variation in the properties of allocutive morphemes considered here reflect four principal loci of variation: (i) the position in which the silent Addressee DP may participate in allocutivity; (ii) the variable presence of a projection introducing an allocutive pronoun; (iii) the variable non-silence of a bound allocutive pronoun and/or the head introducing the Addressee DP; and (iv) agreement with other C-field heads. The analysis suggests that allocutivity involves greater formal heterogeneity than has been described previously in the literature. Principal aspects of cross-linguistic variation nevertheless can be modeled in terms of a limited set of formal options elsewhere motivated.
... Notice that in (43) the clitic is postverbal (i.e. an enclitic), which is the most common case in Galician and Portuguese. Regarding this issue, Raposo / Uriagereka's (2005) proposal states that enclisis results from a last resort operation, which consists in verb movement to a left-peripheral F head. Such a movement occurs whenever there is no element inside the clause, i.e. inside IP. ...
... In this proposal I consider that preverbal subjects are not dislocated in Western Iberian, following the experimental evidence in Gupton (2014). Nevertheless, this author, as well as Fernández-Rubiera (2009), concedes that preverbal subjects may be dislocated, basically in the same contexts where enclisis is triggered in Western Iberian languages, considering a syntactic-based account for clitic placement in the line of Raposo / Uriagereka (2005). Another possible way to interpret Gupton's evidence supposes that preverbal subjects are never dislocated, by adopting a morphophonological account for clitic placement (cf. ...
This text analyses the here dubbed D-construction in Galician and European Portuguese, composed of a determiner phrase (DP) followed by a demonstrative pronoun and a main clause. This quite unexplored construction is described as a strategy to promote a referent into the sentence topic and at the same time contrasting it to other salient members of a partially ordered set, by means of the analysis of its pragmatic and prosodic aspects. An existing analysis supposing an
appositive role for the demonstrative is argued against, thus strengthening the idea that DP and demonstrative do not form a single constituent. By means of a series of intuition tests, the D-construction is characterised as an instance of Hanging Topic Left Dislocation of a kind found in Germanic languages. Finally, a unified account
is put forward for Galician and Portuguese, whenever the structure includes a coreferent clitic in the main clause. In this case the DP is assigned a position in a Frame projection (FrameP), whereas the demonstrative is a base-generated topic in the left periphery, connected to the clitic by long-distance agreement. In European
Portuguese, where the structure may also occur without a resumptive clitic, the demonstrative can move into Spec,IP. Either of these are the first part of the derivation, respectively identical to Clitic Left Dislocation or Topicalisation. The paper concludes that the
D-construction must be considered a marked syntactic construction on its own terms, and considers some possible themes for future research.
... Exceptions to the Galician enclitic pattern can be found with negation, with most subordinate constructions, with quantifiers, and with focalizations. In addition, in infinitival clauses, there are contexts in which both patterns appear in free variation (Uriagereka 1995, Raposo & Uriagereka 2005. ...
... In order to be properly uttered, clitics, with independence of their position in relation to the verb, crucially depend on the projection of a functional projection residing between the CP-and the IP-areas -namely F (Ledgeway & Lombardi 2005, Raposo & Uriagereka 2005. To obtain production data that allow us to test the behavior of these forms in agrammatic speech, we ran an elicited production task with the support of pictures that included 13 items aimed at eliciting object clitics (14) The comprehension task was a sentence-picture matching task again including 13 items for object clitics and 12 items for reflexive forms supported by pictures. ...
This paper aims at examining whether grammatical errors produced by Broca’s aphasics are a consequence of a selective impairment of functional categories in three closely related Ibero-Romance languages — Catalan, Galician, and Spanish — for which almost no work had hitherto been done. In addition, a reinterpretation will be proposed under cartographical terms (Cinque 1999, 2002, 2006, Belletti 2004, Rizzi 2004) of previous structural neurolinguistic models of agrammatic production, more specifically the Tree-Pruning Hypothesis (Friedmann 1994, Friedmann & Grodzinsky 1997, and subsequent work). Cartography has been applied to the field of language variation. However, the present article constitute a completely new use. Since the Tree-Pruning Hypothesis was based on a model of monolithic nodes, the application of the cartographic tree structure provides us with further insights about the degree of structural preservation or damage of functional categories.
... Issues related to focus, topicalization, preverbal subjects and left dislocation in Romance (Suñer 1988, Vallduví 1992, Cinque 1990, Uriagereka 1995, Rizzi 1997, Zubizarreta 1998, Ordóñez & Treviño 1999, Villalba 2000, Poletto 2000, Benincà 2001, Costa 2004, Raposo & Uriagereka 2005 The present volume shows that investigations of issues relating to left periphery is a current trend within Romance linguistics. Six out of the nine papers that compose the present volume center on matters related to wh-expressions and foci. ...
Breakthrough Contributions of Romance Languages to Formal Linguistics: Introduction to the Special Issue
... Mas, no quadro teórico da gramática generativa, as análises que derivam a ênclise a partir da próclise através do movimento do verbo para uma posição funcional alta (e.g. Kayne 1991;Martins 1994aMartins , 1994bUriagereka 1995;Raposo 2000;Raposo & Uriagereka 2005;Fernández-Rubiera 2009, 2010 também poderiam explicá-la. Com efeito, a perda de movimento do verbo, em certas configurações sintáticas, é uma mudança largamente observada e descrita nas línguas do mundo. ...
The expansion of proclisis in contexts that typically exclude it in European Portuguese has been described as a syntactic feature that characterizes Angolan Portuguese. This article studies the presence of this feature in the literary language, based on a corpus of texts by Angolan and Mozambican authors, representing two generations: authors born in the colonial period (the Angolan Pepetela and the Mozambicans Mia Couto and Paulina Chiziane) and authors born after the independence of their countries (the Angolan Ondjaki and the Mozambican Lucílio Manjate). The study results show that proclisis has a stronger presence in the works of Angolan authors than Mozambican authors, suggesting that the shift towards the generalization of proclisis is more advanced, socially widespread and accepted in Angolan Portuguese than in Mozambican Portuguese, although it is visible in both. It is in non-finite domains that the contrast between the two African varieties is more evident. Not only is the frequency of proclisis to the infinitive higher in the Angolan Portuguese corpus, but only there is proclisis to the past participle attested. Comparing the two generations of writers, we see a significant rise of proclisis to the infinitive between Pepetela and Ondjaki and it is in Ondjaki’s works that proclisis to the past participle occurs. Regarding the Mozambican Portuguese corpus, however, there seems to be a regression in the advance of proclisis between Mia Couto and Manjate. A closer look at Rabhia, by Manjate (2017), suggests that young speakers with a high level of education may perceive the spread of proclisis as a socially marked feature.
... after of see.nonfin -her.cl I cried 'After seeing her, I cried.' modern spanish (Raposo and Uriagereka, 2005) ...
In this paper, I examine the role of Labeling in Ibero-Romance accusative clitics within a Labeling (Chomsky, 2013, 2015) and Phase (Chomsky, 2000, et seq.) theoretic framework. I demonstrate that in Ibero-Romance, the standard assumption that clitics are simultaneously D and DP (Chomsky, 1995, p.228), what I call D(P) (read "D-DP"), causes local and structural labeling ambiguities which are resolved by morphological reconfiguration and structural reconfiguration respectively. That is, the problematic D(P) element cannot be labeled, so it is set merged higher in the tree resolving the labeling ambiguity in that region of the structure, then is adjoined by m-merge with the verb to resolve the labeling ambiguity of the clitic itself. Following others, I assume that enclisis is the base case and proclisis is the contingency when enclisis is not possible. For example, I notice that negation only triggers proclisis in cases where V-to-C movement is needed (e.g. imperative or verb-second structures) because the headlike enclitic complex, obeying the Head Movement Constraint , cannot cross the intervening neg head into the C domain. To repair, the structure is rebuilt to allow for movement across the intervening head by creating a phraselike proclitic complex to which negation, itself probably also clitic, left-adjoins. Assuming (1) Medieval Romance was predominantly verb-second, (2) that verb-second occurs when C keeps its features as opposed to donating them to T following Biberauer and Roberts (2010), and (3) that object pronouns began as unambiguously phraselike and became more headlike over time, the account argued for in this paper explains the enclisis-proclisis alternation (at least with respect to negation as a proclisis trigger) as nothing more than the result of the historical development of two lexical items: C and the object pronoun/clitic.
... The proclisis-enclisis alternation functions as a syntactic property of all Spanish varieties; however, the exact frequency with which proclisis or enclisis occurs is argued to be dialectspecific (Sinnott & Smith, 2007). Syntactically, enclisis and proclisis are proposed to originate from distinct operations (Raposo & Uriagereka, 2005). Even so, proclitic and enclitic distribution is largely considered to be in free variation with respect to semantics, since distinct meanings do not emerge from the alternative forms. ...
This book is a collection of contemporary essays and squibs exploring the mental representation of Spanish and other languages in the Romance family. Although largely formal in orientation, they incorporate experimental and corpus data to inform questions of synchronic and diachronic importance. As a whole, these contributions explore two areas of particular interest to linguistic theorizing. The first is linguistic interfaces with chapters on syntax-information structure, syntax-prosody, syntax-semantics, and lexicon-phonology. The second consists of explorations of noun phrases of all sizes—from clitics to nominalized clauses. The results and conclusions of these studies encourage researchers to continue to explore individual languages in particular in order to gain insight on human language in general. This edited volume in honor of Dr. Paula Kempchinsky is reflective of the diversity of approaches that inspired her teaching, research, and mentoring for over thirty years at the University of Iowa and beyond.
... European Portuguese is different in setting the default to enclisis, with proclisis reserved for particular syntactic environments (such as negation, interrogatives, focus, etc.; see e. g. Uriagereka 1995;Raposo and Uriagereka 2005). We also know from child language that clitics are acquired relatively early (around the age of 2; for Greek, see Marinis 2000;Petinou and Terzi 2002). ...
Variation involving a switch between pre- and post-verbal placement of pronominal object clitics in a single syntactic environment within a language is unexpected. The rationale why this would not be expected is clear: Languages pattern as either proclitic or enclitic with respect to object clitic placement, possibly allowing one or the other option across different syntactic environments. We provide an overview of our research from data collected in Cyprus, related to the development and use of pronominal object clitics for child populations and adult speakers that are bilectal in Cypriot and Standard Modern Greek. While it has been shown that the tested bilectal populations receive exposure to more than one distinct grammar, including mixed grammars with optional choices for clitic placement, an important question remains unaddressed: Is variation really “free” across all speakers or are there universally reliable predictors (such as gender, age, or level of education) that mediate a consistent use of either the standard or the dialect? Combining insights from targeted elicitation tasks administered to different groups, a corpus of spontaneous speech, and an extensive literature review, we show the weakness of such purported predictors and support a claim of free variation.
... after of see.nonfin -her.cl I cried 'After seeing her, I cried.' modern spanish (Raposo and Uriagereka, 2005) (2) (a) Depois de vê -la, chorei. portuguese (Barrie, 2000) 2 ...
In this presentation, I examine the role of Labeling in Ibero-Romance accusative clitics. I demonstrate that in Ibero-Romance, the standard assumption that clitics are simultaneously X0 and XP (Chomsky, 1995, p.228), what I call D(P), causes labeling ambiguities which are mitigated by adjunction. Adjunction mitigates the D(P) labeling ambiguity by creating either a complex head, in the case of enclisis, or a phrase, in the case of proclisis (what I call the Headlike Enclisis Phraselike Proclisis Thesis, HEPPT).
The literature explores a myriad of phenomena that trigger proclisis in Spanish and Portuguese, but in this presentation I focus on negation which triggers proclisis in Spanish and Portuguese imperatives and in Portuguese finite enclitic structures. The D(P)-likeness of the clitic causes it to be unlabelable in its base-generated position, encouraging it to merge up the structure until it is cliticized to the verb. When movement is required above the cliticization site but the Head Movement Constraint blocks movement (in this case via an intervening NEG head), proclisis obtains. When movement is not blocked by a head between the cliticization site and the final destination of the clitic complex, enclisis obtains.
... Dados sobre a variação da colocação dos clíticos fornecem evidências adicionais, revelando que, neste mesmo ponto no tempo (na virada do século XVIII) quando a frequência da ordem XVS diminui, a ênclise deixa de ser um padrão marginal em contextos SV. Paixão de Sousa (2004) mostra a linha de tendência a seguir, contrastando XVS com SV com ênclise: Raposo & Uriagereka (2005). ...
This paper brings the evolution of the position of arguments in three different constructions-indefinite-SE, canonical passives and active sentences-in the history of Portuguese in order to show that the so-called "passive-SE" constructions should not be analysed as passives but as active sentences, based on data extracted from the Tycho Brahe Corpus. The attested change in the position of subjects from Classical Portuguese to European Portuguese does not affect indefinite-SE constructions, but affects passives and active sentences. The quantitative method is thus valid as a way of proving a theoretical analysis for sentence structure in Portuguese. Introdução Este trabalho traz uma descrição e análise de construções com SE na história do português, com base em dados extraídos do Corpus Anotado do Português Histórico-Corpus Tycho Brahe, de modo a mostrar que as chamadas construções com SE consideradas passivas sintéticas devem de fato ser consideradas estruturas diferentes das passivas, pelo menos a partir do século XVIII. Essa afirmação se baseia numa análise quantitativa da evolução da ordem dos constituintes em três construções distintas: as construções com SE chamadas tradicionalmente de "passivas sintéticas"; as passivas analíticas e as construções ativas. O objetivo principal é mostrar, a partir da evolução da ordem dos constituintes, que as construções com SE não devam ser consideradas passivas (sintéticas), mas sim construções ativas, tal como proposto por Raposo e Uriagereka (1996), e que o seu argumento interno, quando anteposto, se comporta como um objeto anteposto. Para tanto, comparamos a evolução dos argumentos pré-verbais da seguinte maneira: (A) Nas construções com SE, comparamos a evolução da anteposição do argumento interno que desencadeia a concordância com o verbo e é geralmente analisado como sujeito, chamadas aqui de construções com SE-indefinido. Textos Seleccionados, XXVI Encontro da Associação Portuguesa de Linguística, Lisboa, APL, 2011, pp. 153-167 * Gostaríamos de agradecer aos pareceristas anônimos que leram e deram valiosas contribuições ao trabalho, que procuramos seguir na revisão do texto. Os equívocos remanescentes são de nossa responsabilidade.
... les) pronominalises human direct objects. Crucially, the morphologically dative clitic le is subject to the PCC even if it stands for an accusative human argument (Ormazabal and Romero 2007) Dative causees, regardless of their clitic or phrasal status, cannot cooccur with first or second person clitic pronouns and the third person reflexive clitic, whereas no restriction occurs when the causee is an adjunct PP or the object clitic is third person (Postal 1989 ...
... This derives the complementary distribution pattern attested in cg finite enclisis and mg imperative enclisis, as well as the lack thereof in cg and sg non-finite enclisis. The novelty of this approach is that in order to account for finite enclisis it postulates a pf part for the epp (see also Revithiadou 2006, 2007 and fn 18 for cg; for Western Iberian see Raposo & Uriagereka 2005) that applies to a very specific structural position (h), contrary to the majority of the Journal of Greek Linguistics 17 (2017) 190-232 available literature, which assumes that the epp is purely morpho-syntactic in nature, potentially applying to any feature within any functional head (see, e.g., Rivero & Terzi 1995, and Terzi 1999a,b for cg; Benincá 2006; Poletto 2014 for Old Italian and Medieval Romance; Fernández-Rubiera 2013 for Asturian; Roberts 2012 for Tobler-Mussafia languages and Slavic languages). One advantage of the current approach is that it derives all the attested patterns on the basis of a wellgrounded hypothesis (see Landau 2007; see also Mavrogiorgos, in progress, for additional evidence in favour of a local pf epp). ...
This paper pursues the idea, originally proposed by Landau (2007), that the Extended Projection Principle is pf related on the basis of Greek enclisis. It is argued that the complementary distribution pattern attested with Cypriot Greek finite enclisis derives from the fact that the first head h c-selecting tp has a morpho-syntactic requirement, and a related pf/prosodic requirement subject to an Economy Condition. The former derives merger of an x or xp copy at h, while the latter ensures that only one of the two copies gets spelled-out. Non-finite h triggers obligatory enclisis in both Cypriot and Standard Greek, as it contains only affixal morphemes, which is further supported by Medieval Greek non-finite enclisis. The parameterization of h along with potential implications are also discussed.
... 12 A próclise é obrigatória no modo subjuntivo.13 Resultante da propriedade morfofonológica da categoria funcional F, proposta porUriagereka (2005).23. a) Acho que ao João, a Maria ofereceu-lhe um livro b) Disseram-me que embora tivesse sido difícil, concederam-lhe a bolsa c) O Pedro disse que o livro foi-te entregue ontem d) O João disse que a Maria deu-lhe um beijo e) Nas minhas haverá tanta diligência, que pelo menos desculpeme os meus desconcertos (F.M. de Melo) f) e assim se detiveram até chegar o esquadrão, que remetendo com aquele cardume, desbarataram-no logo, recolhendo aqueles dous valorosos soldados." ...
O texto assume a proposta da cartografia da periferia à esquerda de Rizzi (1997) e de Benincà e Poletto (2004), na explicação do fenômeno da ênclise em construções subordinadas no português antigo. Procura mostrar que o esqueleto da periferia esquerda permite compreender não só os casos de ênclise, como também os de interpolação de constituintes entre o clítico e o verbo. Os traços do núcleo FIN são relevantes para o movimento do verbo para esta posição, por ser o protuguês arcaico um sistemaV2. Neste sistema, a ênclise resultará sempre que V verifica seu traços em FIN e não há na estrutura qualquer constituinte focalizado ou tematizado que atraía o clítico para seu núcleo. Quando a construção de recomplementação realiza os dois núcleos funcionais Força e Fin com o morfema que, a ênclise nunca é possível. A interpolação resulta de uma projeção sincrética de Força/Fin, ficando o clítico em CliticP, entre Fin e TP.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ênclise nas subordinadas. Recomplementação. Sintaxe dos clíticos no português arcaico. Interpolação.ABSTRACTIn this article we assume the proposal of Rizzi (1997), and also Benincà and Poletto (2004), about the left periphery cartography, to explain the enclisis’ fenomenon on subordinated structures in Old Portuguese. And we try to show that the skeleton of the left periphery allows us to understand not only the case of enclisis on subordinated structures, but also the interpolation of constituents between the clitic and the verb. According to our proposal the traces of FIN head are relevants to verb movement to this position because Old Portuguese is a V2 sistem. In this sistem, enclisis results whenever V checks its traces in FIN and there isn ?t on structure any constituent focused or themed that will attract the clitic to its head. When the recomplementation’s construction realizes both functional heads – FORCE and FIN – with ‘que’, enclisis is not possible. The interpolation results of a syncretic projection of FORCE/FIN, with the clític in CliticP, between FIN e TP.KEYWORDS: Enclisis on subordenated structures. Recomplementation. Syntax of clitics in Old Portuguese. Interpolation.
... Different approaches to the categorial status of pronominal clitics in Romance have been proposed in the literature; while some analyses consider pronominal clitics do not syntactically differ from regular determiners and claim that cliticization is just a phonological process (e.g., Uriagereka 1996, Raposo andUriagereka 2005), others argue that pronominal clitics also present morpho-syntactic specific properties, related to their morphological nature, as a functional affix-like category (e.g. Sportiche 1998), or to their defective syntactic structure which categorially distinguishes them from the full categories they stand for (e.g., Déchaine and Wiltschko 2002). ...
This paper addresses two issues, the categorial nature of (pronominal) clitics and the conditions ruling their surface distribution as proclitics and enclitics, which we take as related. We claim that pronominal clitics are defective functional heads consisting of a bundle of φ-features, and hence, that they are merged in a fixed position in the functional structure of the clause. The (micro)variation in clitic order patterns will be accounted for through the interplay of verb movement and the Proclisis Parameter: when languages set the value ‘yes’ for this parameter, proclisis is the dominant pattern, whereas in languages setting the value ‘no’ for the same parameter, enclisis dominantly occurs; other differences between Romance languages and, in particular, EP and BP, are accounted for by the properties of the nodes T and Asp, namely, their ability to attract V and or to check uninterpretable features through Agree without Attract.
... É sabido que a literatura sobre a sintaxe dos clíticos pronominais em PE é abundante e são várias as teorias propostas (cf. Barbosa, l996, 2008;Rouveret, l992;Madeira, l992;Martins, l994;Uriagereka, 1995;Duarte & Matos, 2000;Duarte, Matos & Gonçalves, 2005;Costa & Martins, 2003;Raposo & Uriagereka, 2005;Magro, 2008). Aqui, seguimos as abordagens que assumem que, na sintaxe, os pronomes clíticos são colocados à esquerda do núcleo que contém o verbo sendo que a ênclise é derivada no nível pós-sintáctico da gramática (cf. ...
... Fontana (1993) per al castellà medieval, Martins (1994) i Ribeiro (2010) per al portuguès, Campos (1989) per al gallec i Fernández-Rubiera (2009) per a l'asturià. En aquest sentit, Raposo & Uriagereka (2005) milloren la proposta d' Uriagereka (1995), de manera que defineixen com es parametritzen les propietats morfosintàctiques d'F. Proposen de distingir entre tres grups de llengües: el primer, que inclou el francès i possiblement el portuguès col . ...
Complementizer doubling in the Ibero-Romance languages is a cover term for two distinct phenomena related with embedded clauses. In the first, the second complementizer (que2) is used to set the boundaries between a reproduced discourse and the clausal elements that were implicit in the original discourse, which must be reintroduced in the new communicative situation because they are not shared by the interlocutor. The second, allways in subjunctive clauses, corresponds to a jussive clause in indirect speech, where a prominent element appears on the left periphery between the subordinating particle que1 and the obligatory jussive particle que2'.
... This brings to mind the proposals inFukui (2006), where differences between English and Japanese are attributed to the presence/absence of certain features, orRaposo and Uriagereka (2005), where differences in clitic placement are analyzed along similar lines. ...
‘Parameters in minimalist theory: The case of Scandinavian’ ( henceforth, PMT), by Anders Holmberg, is an interesting attempt to defend the view that ‘deep parameters’ should be part of the grammatical system. PMT argues that parameters should be seen as points of ‘underspecification’, and in part as 3rd factor effects in the sense of Chomsky (2005) – thus casting doubts on attempts to locate parametric variation in the lexicon and at the interfaces. In our view, however, PMT does not quite make the case for a ‘deep parameter’. In examin- ing this case, we also seek to clarify the relationship between parametric theories and acquisition, and more generally ‘underspecification’.
... -This analysis is able to derive all the cases of obligatory proclisis, in contrast with accounts based on the local effect of a lexical higher functional category, as in Raposo and Uriagereka (2002), which are unable to explain the permanence of the proclitic pattern when some phrase occurs between this lexical category and the verb . ...
The complex pattern of clitic-placement in Modern European Portuguese tensed sentences has long been noticed and discussed in the framework of Generative Grammar. In this talk, I'll propose an approach on this topic based on the comparison between the modern and the classical syntax of clitic-placement. I'll show that such a comparison sheds a new light on the way phonology and syntax interact to produce the observed patterns. Furthermore, it helps us to understand better the relationship between clitic-placement and the position of pre-verbal subjects . 1. Clitic-placement in Modern European Portuguese (EP) Enclisis is obligatory in V1 constructions, and with topics, adjuncts and referential subjects preceding the verb in root affirmative sentences, as illustrated from (1) to (3).
... doubling is illicit). Note here that for such cases where doubling is illicit, theories that invariably allow for two elements to enter the numeration as independent entities need to further assume that there is some kind of feature mismatch between the clitic and its associate (see Uriagereka 1995, Raposo & Uriagereka 2005 and references therein). A problem that such analyses face is data like that from Italian in (3.43) and (3.44) above where there is an obvious mismatch but doubling is still a possibility unlike what happens in Greek. ...
I introduce the notions ‘configurational’, ‘discourse-configurational’, and
the basics of the minimalist syntax, on the one hand, and notions relevant to
information packaging, on the other hand (Chapter 1), in the following thee
chapters I proceed to a detailed examination of the syntactic properties of
verb-initial and non-verb initial orders, insisting on certain debated aspects.
In particular, in Chapter 2, I compare the syntax of VSO and that of the
‘problematic’ VOS order; I show that what differentiates the two constructions
is that the latter order is due to a flexible strategy in the narrow syntax that
allows the object to pied-pipe alongside the verb to the TP domain. In Chapter
3, I discuss clitic doubling for which I put forward an alternative account
involving feature copying that allows the same DP to occur in two positions in
the structure at the same time. In this light, I further argue that clitic
doubling is a parameterized version of A-movement. In Chapter 4, I deal with
the properties of a range of constructions targeting the preverbal domain. I
argue that the peculiar behaviour of CLLD is due to that it is the result of two
operations, namely, A-movement in the form of clitic doubling and A-bar
movement. I also show that non-focal LD is more productive than previously
thought and that the construction involves mere A-bar movement.
In the remaining two chapters I shift attention to issues related to the
discourse-configurational nature of the language and information structure.
After I discuss various models of integrating information structure into the
minimalist grammar (Chapter 5), I argue that Information Structure can refer
either to pragmatic articulations or more abstract logico-semantic strategies or
both. Regarding the latter one, I show that Greek formally realizes via its word
order two such strategies: a predicative and a non-predicative, the former surfacing as non-Verb initial orders and the latter one surfacing as verb-initial
orders. In the second half of Chapter 6, I deal with the interpretive effects of
doubling. In particular, I argue that doubling in Greek invariably marks a DP
as a topic. I also show that non-focal left dislocated DPs in Greek are fronted
ground material that serves as an anchor for the introduction of new
information into the discourse.
Chapter 7 summarizes the major contributions of the current thesis.
Un rasgo que carateriza claramente al asturiano es que los clíticos pueden aparecer en diferentes posiciones en los contextos matrices. Este artículo va un paso más allá y discute un rasgo que ha recibido mucha menos atención: la aparición de esta misma alternancia en la posición del clítico en contextos subordinados introducidos por «porque». A diferencia de la explicación aducida, una pausa entonativa para explicar la enclisis en estos contextos no es una afirmación correcta, en tanto que se encuentra dicha pausa en datos de corpus orales. Por el contrario, se arguye que la enclisis en este contexto se manifiesta como resultado de la interpretación de la oración subordinada, así como de su estructura interna. Se distinguen así dos tipos de contextos subordinados causales introducidos por «porque» en asturiano, «subordinadas del enunciado» y «subordinadas de la enunciación». Sin embargo, más que centrarnos únicamente en diferencias externas para distinguirlos, nos centramos en sus diferentes estructuras internas. Argumentamos que mientras que un «porque» siempre presenta una aserción, por la cual este elemento se legitima en el núcleo Fuerzaº en la periferia izquierda oracional, el otro «porque» puede presentar o no una aserción, y por tanto «porque» se puede legitimar en Fuerzaº o en Finitudº. Las diferentes posiciones que ocupa «porque» pueden explicar de forma natural las alternancias enclisis/proclisis que encontramos. Si «porque» está en Fuerzaº y por tanto se presenta una aserción en la oración subordinada, la enclisis aparece cuando no existe un elemento que legitime la proclisis. Si no se presenta una aserción, «porque» se legitima en Finitudº en la periferia izquierda, lo cual bloquea el movimiento verbal como último recurso y manifiesta exclusivamente proclisis. Este análisis explica tanto las diferentes interpretaciones de oraciones encabezadas por «porque», así como la posición del clítico. Una breve reseña de cómo estos dos tipos de «porque» se diferenciaban históricamente concluye este artículo, mostrando cuán relevante es el asturiano en los foros y discusiones lingüísticos, puesto que tanto los datos como las estructuras internas que este idioma manifiesta son únicos y clave para comprender estos contextos subordinados.
Since Pollock, Jean-Yves. 1989. Verb movement, universal grammar, and the structure of IP. Linguistic Inquiry 20. 365–424, it is well known that Romance finite verbs move into the I-domain. However, the relationship between finiteness and verb movement has not yet been investigated in detail. The aim of the present study is to trace and analyse verb movement in various types of non-finite and semi-finite clauses in Romance, including infinitives with specified subjects, inflected infinitives, bare infinitival clauses, Aux-to-Comp (cf. Rizzi, Luigi. 1982. Issues in Italian syntax . Dordrecht: Foris), past participial clauses, and gerunds. It is shown that all types of Romance non-finite verbs move high, with the exception of French absolute participles and French infinitives. The picture of non-finite movement is thus more uniform than that of finite verb movement (cf. Schifano, Norma. 2018. Verb movement in Romance. A comparative study . Oxford: Oxford University Press). A unified account is proposed: non-finite verbs all need to be anchored to the speech act through a higher clause, which requires them to be in a local relation with the anchoring head Fin (cf. Groothuis, Kim A. 2020. Reflexes of finiteness in Romance . Cambridge: University of Cambridge Unpublished PhD thesis).
In this work we analyse some aspects of the interaction between coordination and clitic climbing in Spanish sentences with auxiliary verbs. We aim at shedding light on three kinds of structures, or ‘scenarios’: (1) those in which we find coordinated auxiliaries taking a single lexical verb as complement (Puede y debe hacerlo); (2) those in which a single auxiliary takes coordinated lexical verbs as complement (estás molestándonos y mirándonos), and (3) those in which coordinated auxiliaries take coordinated lexical verbs as complement (puede y debe terminarlo y entregarlo). Our proposal will involve a combination of Gapping and Across-the-Board rule application for Scenarios (1) and (2) and Right Node Raising for Scenario (3). We will argue that well-known syntactic constraints on long distance dependencies, such as those proposed in Ross, John Robert. 1967. Constraints on variables in syntax. Cambridge: MIT disertation, can account for the facts without the need for ad hoc machinery.
This is the first generative-oriented volume ever published about Asturian and Asturian Galician, two Romance languages which, along with their intrinsic interest, are crucial to understand the parametric distance between Spanish and Galician/Portuguese. Its chapters offer new insights about old puzzles, like pronominal enclisis or apparent violations of bans on clitic combinatorics, but they also deal with less explored grounds, like aspect, negation or prosody. Chapters make special emphasis on how the concerned issues result from complex interactions between syntax proper and its interfaces with sound and meaning. The book focuses on particular aspects of Asturian and Asturian Galician, as well as on some effects of their contact with Spanish in their corresponding locations.
Since Pollock, Jean-Yves. 1989. Verb movement, universal grammar, and the structure of IP. Linguistic Inquiry 20. 365–424, it is well known that Romance finite verbs move into the I-domain. However, the relationship between finiteness and verb movement has not yet been investigated in detail. The aim of the present study is to trace and analyse verb movement in various types of non-finite and semi-finite clauses in Romance, including infinitives with specified subjects, inflected infinitives, bare infinitival clauses, Aux-to-Comp (cf. Rizzi, Luigi. 1982. Issues in Italian syntax. Dordrecht: Foris), past participial clauses, and gerunds. It is shown that all types of Romance non-finite verbs move high, with the exception of French absolute participles and French infinitives. The picture of non-finite movement is thus more uniform than that of finite verb movement (cf. Schifano, Norma. 2018. Verb movement in Romance. A comparative study. Oxford: Oxford University Press). A unified account is proposed: non-finite verbs all need to be anchored to the speech act through a higher clause, which requires them to be in a local relation with the anchoring head Fin (cf. Groothuis, Kim A. 2020. Reflexes of finiteness in Romance. Cambridge: University of Cambridge Unpublished PhD thesis).
This book is a collection of contemporary essays and squibs exploring the mental representation of Spanish and other languages in the Romance family. Although largely formal in orientation, they incorporate experimental and corpus data to inform questions of synchronic and diachronic importance. As a whole, these contributions explore two areas of particular interest to linguistic theorizing. The first is linguistic interfaces with chapters on syntax-information structure, syntax-prosody, syntax-semantics, and lexicon-phonology. The second consists of explorations of noun phrases of all sizes—from clitics to nominalized clauses. The results and conclusions of these studies encourage researchers to continue to explore individual languages in particular in order to gain insight on human language in general. This edited volume in honor of Dr. Paula Kempchinsky is reflective of the diversity of approaches that inspired her teaching, research, and mentoring for over thirty years at the University of Iowa and beyond.
Old (Medieval and Classical) Spanish permitted finite enclisis and as such is classified as a strong-F language, as are many archaic varieties of Romance languages. Notable about Old Spanish is that, prior to the 1500s, interpolation arrangements were acceptable and rather common, as is still the case of Galician and some dialects of Portuguese. However, from the 1500s onward, interpolation in Old Spanish was no longer productive, much like modern Asturian. This is evidence that the “strong-weak” dichotomy of FP is insufficient to explain the situation of the languages. I argue that the strength of FP should be described as not only “weak” or “strong,” but instead on a gradient scale to distinguish languages that permit a range of possible clitic arrangements.
This paper discusses a series of morpho-syntactic properties of Romance languages that have the functional projection vP as its locus, showing a continuum that goes from strongly configurational Romance languages to partially configurational Romance languages. It is argued that v-related phenomena like Differential Object Marking (DOM), participial agreement, oblique clitics, auxiliary selection, and others align in a systematic way when it comes to inflectional properties that involve Case-agreement properties. In order to account for the facts, I argue for a micro-parametric approach whereby v can be associated with an additional projection subject to variation (cf. D’Alessandro, Merging Probes. A typology of person splits and person-driven differential object marking . Ms., University of Leiden, 2012; Microvariation and syntactic theory. What dialects tell us about language. Invited talk given at the workshop The Syntactic Variation of Catalan and Spanish Dialects, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Barcelona, June 26–28, 2013; Ordóñez, Cartography of postverbal subjects in Spanish and Catalan. In Sergio Baauw, Frank AC Drijkoningen & Manuela Pinto (eds.), Romance languages and linguistic theory 2005: Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Utrecht, 8–10 December 2005 , 259–280. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2007). I label such projection “X,” arguing that its feature content and position varies across Romance. More generally, the present paper aims at contributing to our understanding of parametric variation of closely related languages by exploiting the intuition, embodied in the so-called Borer-Chomsky Conjecture, that linguistic variation resides in the functional inventory of the lexicon.
The presence of two forms of the future and conditional paradigms in Old Spanish is well-attested. The analytic form, which was marked by a mesoclitic, was more syntactically restricted, while the synthetic form, which surfaced with either a proclitic or an enclitic, was essentially free to appear in any syntactic context. It is notable that the analytic form was only acceptable in contexts in which finite verbs obligatorily hosted enclitics. In this article, I test various morphosyntactic factors to determine the level of variation among the analytic and synthetic future and conditional forms across six centuries of Old Spanish. The factors of verb tense, preverbal constituent, and verb stem morphology significantly affect the emergence of mesoclisis or enclisis, as does the century during which the verb is produced; however, subject expression is not a significant factor.
This book approaches the concept of boundary, central in linguistic theory, and the related notion of phase from the perspective of the interaction between syntax and its interfaces. A primary notion is that phases are the appropriate domains to explain most interface linguistic phenomena and that the study of (narrow) interfaces helps to understand conditions on the internal structure of the Language Faculty. The first part of this volume is dedicated to introducing the notion of boundary, cycle and phase, and also the current debates regarding internal interfaces, in particular, the syntax-phonology, syntax-semantics, syntax-discourse, syntax-morphology and syntax-lexicon interfaces, in order to show how the notion of boundary/phase is related to (or even determines) most of their characteristics. The four sections of the second part deal with (morpho)phonology/ syntax and the role or boundaries/phases; the syntax-discourse and syntax-semantics interface; and the lexicon-syntax interface, while the notion of boundary/phase cross-cuts the main topics addressed.
This chapter discusses the syntax of clitic pronouns and compares them to strong and weak pronouns and full DPs. The peculiar properties of clitic pronouns will be presented, which concern all modules of grammar. To account for these peculiar properties, it will be argued that clitic pronouns are merged as reduced maximal projections which are further reduced to heads during the derivation. Clitic placement is a local movement operation, which places the pronoun in one of the two clitic areas available in the clause and most visible in restructuring contexts allowing clitic climbing. The hosts of clitic pronouns and their mode of attachment (proclisis, enclisis, mesoclisis) are also discussed. Finally, some motivations for the obligatory movement of clitic pronouns will be presented.
El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las restricciones y alteraciones morfosintácticas a las que los pronombres átonos de objeto del español, el catalán y el aragonés se ven sometidos cuando aparecen combinados. Para ello, se presta atención a las combinaciones de pronombres de tercera persona y a lo que se conoce como el Person-Case Constraint. En este estudio se revisan las perspectivas teóricas que han abordado tales restricciones y se presenta una propuesta que las trata de forma unificada.
Los clíticos pronominales del español actual y sus particularidades sintácticas son el resultado de diversos cambios gramaticales que se han sucedido desde el latín y han provocado diversos procesos de reajuste que responden a la necesidad de satisfacer los requisitos formales que imponen los sistemas cognitivos que integran la Facultad del Lenguaje. Por su naturaleza estructural y su inespecificidad funcional, los clíticos pueden conceptualizarse como una exaptación, es decir, como una novedad evolutiva cuya emergencia es efecto colateral de la estructura interna de la gramática, que ha sufrido modificaciones en diversos aspectos como el sistema pronominal, el orden de constituyentes oracionales y la interpretación de las cláusulas de infinitivo.DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.15304/verba.42.1214
The empirical focus of the chapter is pleonastic tet in the Lapscheure dialect. At first sight, tet looks like a third person neuter pronoun which functions as a pronominal doubling element in the subject doubling pattern. The chapter first recapitulates the arguments against treating tet as a subject doubler (Haegeman 1986, 1992, Haegeman and vandeVelde 2006). Distributionally, tet is shown to differ from strong/doubling subject pronouns, from weak subject pronouns, from non-subject clitics and from discourse-related adverbs.
Following Grohmann (2000), van Craenenbroeck and Haegeman (2005, 2007) and Haegeman and vandeVelde (2006), it is proposed that tet lexicalizes a functional projection ('FP') which demarcates TP and CR This expressive function of tet is similar to that of discourse-related modal particles (Kratzer 1999) and suggests that FP is a modal or discourse-related projection. On the other hand, given its licensing conditions, tet also seems to share crucial properties of 'subject' elements and on this basis FP might be identified as 'SubjP' (Rizzi 2006), the highest subject projection (see also Cardinaletti and Repetti 2005; Chinellato 2005; Rizzi and Shlonsky 2006).
Two issues are further examined: (i) the fact that the intervention of tet between the agreeing complementizer and the subject remains compatible with complementizer agreement. It will be proposed that, thanks to its featural underspecification, tet can mediate the agreement relation between C and the subject. (ii) The fact that pleonastic tet alternates with the form hij, which corresponds to the third person masculine pronoun. Following Rooryck (2001) it is proposed that both tet and hij are featurally underspecified and thus can take up a pleonastic function.
In German, mass nouns can be turned into count nouns by means of two alternative strategies: either by using them in connection with a numeral classifier, or by adding the diminutive morpheme (-chen). In this paper, I argue that the two strategies are structurally exactly parallel, with both kinds of elements (numeral classifiers and diminutive -chen) being exponents of an individuating functional head. The (superficial) difference is that -chen—which I show is a clitic-like element—triggers obligatory movement of the nominalized root to its Spec. By contrast, this movement is optional with a (non-deficient) numeral classifier, yielding both ‘analytic’ and ‘compound’ forms. The picture that emerges from the discussion is a unified analysis of count structures in German.
I argue for a discourse-oriented projection in the CP field based on two seemingly unrelated phenomena: the penetrability of the wh-cluster in a multiple wh-fronting construction in Bulgarian and the order of topics with respect to fronted focused phrases. I show that an adjunct can break sequences of fronted wh-phrases in Bulgarian. However, it can follow only the first wh-phrase. Furthermore, no intervening material is allowed in the presence of a topic. My analysis of these facts provides support for Boskcovic's (1998a) Economy/Focus Movement account of multiple wh-fronting as an epiphenomenon with one modification: topic and focus are licensed in the same projection Delta-P, which C takes as a complement (cf. Uriagereka, 1995a,b). I claim that only one wh-phrase is in SpecCP while its copy and the rest of the wh-phrases are in SPDeltaP. Intonation considerations force the pronunciation of wh-cluster below the topic, and the same factor determines the order of fronted topics and foci.