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Problems in Yemen, Domestic and Foreign
... A range of variables has influenced Saudi Arabia's foreign policy towards Yemen, including the steady flow of Yemeni immigrants to Saudi Arabia, issues with security and economic, and tribal relations (Hill & Nonneman, 2011). In Yemen, Saudi leaders have preserved vast patronage networks, where the Saudi rulers' relations with former Yemeni President Saleh have had ups and downs, as the Saudis worked against and with him, aligning with altering national and external dynamics (Rugh, 2015). ...
... Moreover, the Saudi ruling elites have pursued Yemen's political stability and territorial integrity, which they claim will be potential only via a powerful centric government. Therefore, Saudi Arabia is working to support the legitimate government headed by Hadi and, through its direct military intervention in Yemen, aims to restore Hadi to power (Rugh, 2015). ...
... Therefore, the US provided military logistical and intelligence assistance and deployed American warships in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea to support the Saudi-led operation against the Houthis to restore legitimacy and order to Yemen. In addition, it also supplied the fuel for coalition air forces warplanes to conduct the airstrikes in Yemen to preclude Iran from any direct involvement with the dispute (Rugh, 2015). ...
The Yemeni conflict is complicated due to the numerous internal crises and disputes in the country. In addition, the external correlations and their linkages to the internal actors have increased the intensity of the conflict. There is a need to identify these internal and external actors and analyze their role, impact, strengths, and weaknesses. This study identifies the internal and external actors of the conflict in Yemen, then examines their roles and impact and shows that the conflict resulted from internal conflicts between local actors and took on different dimensions through regional and international interventions. The political, ideological, and self-interest differences are the causes of the disunity among the elites and the political and military forces, and in turn, they led to the exacerbation of the conflict and the negative role in peacemaking. Keywords: Houthi; Legitimacy; Southern Movement; Tribal; Yemen Conflict.
... By February 2015, the insurgents had effectively usurped the Saudi-backed government of Abdrabbuh Mansour al-Hadi, a Sunni from Aden. In response, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia initiated 'Operation Decisive Storm' , launching air strikes and ground assaults against Houthi forces inside Yemen in order to restore Hadi's government (Rugh 2015). The Saudi-led coalition includes several Arab Gulf states such as the UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and Jordan, while 'Western' powers such as the US and the UK have supported the coalition in the form of weapons, intelligence and training. ...
... The Saudi regime has justified the intervention by arguing that the conflict in Yemen posed several key threats to the Saudi state, to the Gulf and to the world. Firstly, the Saudis fear the collapse of state structures in Yemen and the emergence of a terrorist state run by Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and/or the IS (Rugh 2015). Secondly, the Saudis are engaged in a broader cold war against Iran, with important sectarian dimensions in which states like Syria, Iraq and Yemen are utilised as proxy sites in their quest to control the balance of power across the Middle East (Gause 2014;Wehrey 2014). ...
Since March 2015, the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen has had devastating consequences for the country, its people and its rich cultural heritage. This article traces the responses of the world’s foremost multilateral body concerned with heritage promotion and protection, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Drawing on extensive interviews, archival research and long-term ethnographic research on UNESCO itself and, more specifically, its responses to the war in Yemen, it documents UNESCO’s profound failures in protecting Yemen’s heritage and in confronting the Saudi-led coalition. To do so, the article utilises the framework of ‘gridlock’ to analyse how and why multilateral bodies such as UNESCO become hamstrung in confronting powerful member states in conflict. The article concludes by arguing that UNESCO’s failures in Yemen hold powerful lessons about the role of multilateral institutions in addressing conflict.
... Rugh, W. A. (2015). Problems in Yemen, domestic and foreign. ...
Pada tahun 2014, pemberontak Houthi berhasil menguasai ibukota Yaman, Sana’a. Hal ini menyebabkan terjadinya instabilitas di Yaman dan membuat negara-negara tetangga Yaman menjadi terganggu, salah satunya Arab Saudi.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis kepentingan nasional Arab Saudi melakukan intervensi dalam konflik Yaman yang dipimpin oleh Abdur Rabbuh Mansour Hadi, yang sedang berperang melawan pemberontak Houthi. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif, dengan menggunakan data skunder sebagai sumbernya dan dilengkapi dengan teori kepentingan nasional yang dikemukakan oleh Donald E. Neuchterlein. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah studi pustaka. Hasil dalam penelitian ini menyebutkan bahwa intervensi militer yang dilakukan oleh Arab terhadap Yaman didorong oleh adanya kepentingan nasional meliputi kepentingan pertahanan, kepentingan ekonomi, kepentingan tatanan dunia, dan kepentingan ideologi.Kata Kunci : Intervensi, Kepentingan Nasional, Kekuatan Regional, Ideologi
... Rugh, W. A. (2015). Problems in Yemen, domestic and foreign. ...
Pada tahun 2014, pemberontak Houthi berhasil menguasai ibukota Yaman, Sana’a. Hal ini menyebabkan terjadinya instabilitas di Yaman dan membuat negara-negara tetangga Yaman menjadi terganggu, salah satunya Arab Saudi.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis kepentingan nasional Arab Saudi melakukan intervensi dalam konflik Yaman yang dipimpin oleh Abdur Rabbuh Mansour Hadi, yang sedang berperang melawan pemberontak Houthi. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif, dengan menggunakan data skunder sebagai sumbernya dan dilengkapi dengan teori kepentingan nasional yang dikemukakan oleh Donald E. Neuchterlein. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah studi pustaka. Hasil dalam penelitian ini menyebutkan bahwa intervensi militer yang dilakukan oleh Arab terhadap Yaman didorong oleh adanya kepentingan nasional meliputi kepentingan pertahanan, kepentingan ekonomi, kepentingan tatanan dunia, dan kepentingan ideologi.
... Neither do they subscribe to the institution and the eminence of the ayatollahs as advocated by the Iranian regime. 247 Geographically, Yemen's Sunnis are primarily located in the southern and southeastern regions of the country associated with the formerly Marxist PDRY. Yemen's Shi'a Zaydis are largely in the country's northwestern territories in what was the Yemen Arab Republic, and mixed communities are generally found in the bigger metropolitan areas, like Sana'a and Aden. ...
Understanding how and why Iran uses proxy forces throughout the Middle East is vitally important for policymakers, military strategists, and operators. The lessons in this volume are not isolated to U.S. approaches toward Iranian use of proxies but have broader implications in great power competition. Russia and China have their own versions of proxies that also seek to compete with the U.S. short of armed conflict. Zorri, Sadri, and Ellis have provided the special operations community with a roadmap to responding to such activities when so many are struggling to find a solution.
... He had no clear political agenda, but whenever he could, he subsumed coalitions of various stripes, not hesitating to form new allies whenever it was convenient. He applied the same strategy to the foreign affairs (Rugh 2015). ...
Yemen is an unsteady country with a long history of conflict and many complex issues that have led to the deterioration of the political, economic, and social situation. The conflict in its various stages began as an internal political struggle as a result of the people's grievances and the elite's competition for power and national wealth, in addition to other external factors. Hence, it is important to study the conflict factors in Yemen to understand the situation which in turn will help in providing solutions by decision-makers towards peace-making. Therefore, this study analyses the conflict factors in Yemen based on the political, economic, and social effects, in addition to the external interference effects. The research findings indicated that the conflict factors were not the only result of security or political issues but also presented by many socioeconomic problems as well as external factors, which have affected of the country since its unification.
Fenomena Arab Spring di Yaman telah menimbulkan terjadinya intervensi negara lain terhadap situasi domestiknya. Intervensi ini dilihat pada kebijakan intervensi militer Arab Saudi di Yaman yang dilatar belakangi oleh keterlibatan Iran terhadap situasi domestik di Yaman akibat dari Arab Spring. Kebjikan ini juga menjadi kepentingan nasional Arab Saudi yang tidak lepas dari konflik antara Arab Saudi dan Yaman sendiri. Dengan menggunakan kerangka konseptual kepentingan nasional, serta metode penelitian kualitatif, terdapat empat kepentingan nasional Arab Saudi dalam kebijakan intervensi militer ini. Pertama, kepentingan pertahanan yaitu untuk mempertahankan batas negaranya dari ancaman Iran yang bergabung dengan pemberontak Houthi di mana Yaman berbatasan langsung dengan Arab Saudi. Kedua, kepentingan ekonomi yaitu didasari oleh bantuan ekonomi Iran yang diberikan kepada pemberontak Houthi. Ketiga, kepentingan tatanan dunia yaitu menegaskan status Arab Saudi sebagai regional power di Timur Tengah. Keempat, yaitu kepentingan ideologis yaitu Arab Saudi menggambarkan intervensi militernya ini sebagai perlawanan terhadap pengaruh Syiah yang dibawa oleh Iran di Yaman.
This article argues that state sponsorship of terrorism is a by-product of conflicting relations between states that are generally hostile towards each other. States harbour and drive non-state actors, aiming to create security concerns to the target states, which provoke the target states to take retaliatory actions against the host and/or the terrorist group in a bid to avoid destabilization, uncertainty, and a possible shift in the balance of power between the sponsoring and target state. At this juncture, state sponsorship of terrorism contributes to escalating the conflict. Hence, this type of terrorism should not be treated as a distinct form of violence but as a corollary of interstate rivalries. Iran’s sponsorship of Hezbollah and the Houthis against the backdrop of its rivalry with Israel and Saudi Arabia offers a vivid demonstration of this escalatory dynamic.
The paper addresses the main contextual drivers of routinisation of Shiʿa religious, social, and political authority in the Middle East and beyond. It has three objectives: to enhance understanding of the socioeconomic conditions of Shiʿites in countries with a considerable Shiʿite population in the Middle East and beyond; to analyse possible patterns of marginalisation; and to show how authority is viewed. A conceptual framework for the routinisation of religious authority, focusing on Shiʿa Islam, is used to analyse twenty-one national surveys in ten countries with a sample size of 33,922, including approximately 14,000 Shiʿite respondents. In addition to confessional differences, patterns are also explored in attitudes to democratic versus authoritarian rule. The paper concludes that in times of turmoil the routinisation of authority will be marked either by polarisation accompanied by traditionalisation, or by a call for the rationalisation of charismatic authority by a large proportion of the Shiʿite constituencies, showing a multifaceted pattern of perceptions of religious authority in the political realm.
It has been almost three years since the eruption of the civil war in Yemen by March 2015, leading to high political instability and severe humanitarian crisis. This article elaborates on the civil war in Yemen by focusing on the interests of main actors, who are involved in the ongoing conflict. The article also evaluates the nature of civil war in Yemen, mainly questioning the liability of describing the tension as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. In recent years, there has been a tendency to explain Yemeni conflict through the lens of a religious struggle between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shi’a Iran in order to reinforce their control over the region. It is argued in this study that it would be misleading to call Yemen’s ongoing crisis as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The tension did not emerge as a result of clash of interests by these two countries. Rather it would be fair to suggest that involvement of Saudi Arabia and Iran in Yemen’s civil war further triggered and complicated the already existing tensions in the country. The outcome is a complex pattern of conflict which the author of this article argues is indeed different from a proxy war.
For years, mounting instability had led many to predict the imminent collapse of Yemen. These forecasts became reality in 2014 as the country spiralled into civil war. The conflict pits an alliance of the Houthis, a northern socio-political movement that had been fighting the central government since 2004, alongside troops loyal to a former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, against supporters and allies of the government overthrown by the Houthis in early 2015. The war became regionalized in March 2015 when a Saudi Arabia-led coalition of ten mostly Arab states launched a campaign of air strikes against the Houthis. According to Saudi Arabia, the Houthis are an Iranian proxy; they therefore frame the war as an effort to counter Iranian influence. This article will argue, however, that the Houthis are not Iranian proxies; Tehran's influence in Yemen is marginal. Iran's support for the Houthis has increased in recent years, but it remains low and is far from enough to significantly impact the balance of internal forces in Yemen. Looking ahead, it is unlikely that Iran will emerge as an important player in Yemeni affairs. Iran's interests in Yemen are limited, while the constraints on its ability to project power in the country are unlikely to be lifted. Tehran saw with the rise of the Houthis a low cost opportunity to gain some leverage in Yemen. It is unwilling, however, to invest larger amounts of resources. There is, as a result, only limited potential for Iran to further penetrate Yemen.
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