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Critical Criminological Understandings of Adult Pornography and Woman Abuse: New Progressive Directions in Research and Theory 1

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Abstract

There is a small, but growing, social scientific literature on the racist and violent nature of contemporary adult pornography. However, considerably more empirical and theoretical work needs to be done to advance a critical criminological understanding of how such hurtful sexual media contribute to various forms of woman abuse in intimate relationships. The main objective of this article is to briefly review the relevant literature and to suggest a few new progressive empirical and theoretical directions.
www.crimejusticejournal.comIJCJ&SD20154(4):4‐21 ISSN2202–8005
©TheAuthor(s)2015
CriticalCriminologicalUnderstandingsofAdultPornography
andWomanAbuse:NewProgressiveDirectionsin
ResearchandTheory1
WalterSDeKeseredy
WestVirginiaUniversity,USA;QueenslandUniversityofTechnology,Australia
Abstrac
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Thereis a small,but growing, social scientificliterature on theracistandviolentnatureof
contemporary adult pornography. However, considerably more empirical and theoretical
workneedstobedonetoadvanceacriticalcriminologicalunderstandingofhowsuchhurtful
sexualmediacontributetovariousformsofwomanabuseinintimaterelationships.Themain
objectiveof thisarticleistobriefly reviewthe relevantliterature and to suggest a few new
progressiveempiricalandtheoreticaldirections.
Keywords
Pornography;criticalcriminology;womanabuse;gender;feminism.
Introduction
Criticalcriminologicalworkonadultpornographyconsumptionanditsviolentconsequencesis
limitedcomparedtotheamountofprogressiveintellectualattentiongiventoothermajorsocial
harms, such as racist police practices, mass incarceration, and environmental crime. In fact,
criminologists in general ‘have not been fleet of foot’ in dealing with Internet porn (Atkinson
andRodgers2014:1).Thisisdue,inpart,tothefactthatnumerous academics and
university/collegeadministratorsviewpornographyasatopicunfitforacademicinquiry(Ullen
2014).Nevertheless, thispaper is one of agrowing groupof scholarly articles,book chapters,
andmonographs onpornographythatchallengethisorthodoxbelief.Pornographyrequiresin‐
depth,interdisciplinaryanalysesforreasonsprovidedhereandinothersources(Kipnis1996).
Allthesame,there are differentlearnedunderstandings, some ofwhichsharply disagree with
mycriticalcriminologicalposition,onethatisintunewiththose of anti‐pornography radical
feministssuchasDines (2010), Funk (2006),andJensen(2007).Itisbeyondthescopeof this
articletoreproducedebatesbetweenthosewhofindvalueinadultpornographyandthosewho
sharplyoppose it.Rather,themainobjectiveistwofold: (1)tobrieflyreviewtheextantcritical
criminologicalliteratureonthelinkagebetweenpornographyandwomanabuse;and(2)to
suggestsomenewprogressive directions inresearchandtheory. It is first necessarytodefine
criticalcriminologyandpornography.
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Definitionofcriticalcriminologyandpornography
Criticalcriminology
Criticalcriminologyisapolyglotofconcepts,theoriesandinterpretationsaboutcrime,deviance
andsocialcontrol(Donnermeyer2012).Evenso,themanytypesofcritical criminologycanbe
summed up as perspectives that view the major sources of crime astheunequalclass,
race/ethnic and gender relations that control our society (DeKeseredy 2011, Young 1988).
While variants of critical criminology such as green criminology, left realism, feminism and
cultural criminology have different origins, use different research methods and have diverse
politicalbeliefs, asFriedrichs (2009) notes, ‘The unequal distribution of power or of material
resourceswithincontemporarysocietiesprovidesaunifyingpointofdepartureforallstrainsof
criticalcriminology’(p.210).Still,‘thereisnopartyline’(Currie2008:vii).
Another feature all critical criminologists share is passionate opposition to prisons and other
draconianmeans of socialcontrol.Theprimary policygoalsareradicalstructuralandcultural
changes. Nevertheless, these transitions will not happen soon in the present neo‐liberal era,
whichiswhymany, if notmost,critical scholars and activistspropose short‐termsolutions to
crimewhilesimultaneouslykeepingtheireyesonbroadertransitions.
Twootherthingsbringcriticalcriminologiststogether.Thefirstis years of rigorous research
usingavarietyofmethodsincludingsurveys,ethnography,narrative,deconstructionandother
qualitativemethods(DeKeseredyandDragiewicz2014;Lynch,Michalowski,andGroves2000).
Criticalcriminologistsstudya myriadoftopicsrangingfromviolenceagainstwomeninprivate
places,topredatorystreetvictimization,tocorporatecrime.Theadditional commonalityisthe
broadeningthedefinitionofcrimetoincludepoverty,humanrightsviolations,thestate’sdenial
ofadequatesocialservices(forexample,healthcare),stateterrorism,racism,imperialismand
corporatecrime(Elias1986;ReimanandLeighton2013;SchwendingerandSchwendinger
1975).
Ofall the scholars who publicly identify themselves as critical criminologists or who could be
categorizedassuch,feministsarethemostactivelyinvolvedinthestudyofandstruggleagainst
pornography.Ontheonehand, defining feminism isnotaneasytaskandthereareatleast12
typesoffeminism(Renzetti20122013).Ontheotherhand,allleadingexpertsinthefieldagree
withtheassertion that‘feminism is not merely aboutadding womenonto the agenda’(Currie
andMacLean1993:6).Here,IofferDalyandChesney‐Lind’s(1988)conceptualization,whichis
still one of the most widely read and cited offerings in the critical criminological literature.
Feminism refers to a ‘set of theories about women’s oppression and a set of strategies for
change’(DalyandChesney‐Lind1988:502).
Feministscholarsmostinvolved in pornographyworkareradicalfeminists,such as Gail Dines
(2010)andRobertJensen(2007).Radicalfeministscontendthat the most important set of
socialrelationsinanysocietyisfoundinpatriarchyandthat,throughouttheworld,femalesare
themostoppressedsocialgroupwhile,regardless of their race/ethnicity and social class,men
alwayshavemorepowerandprivilege(Renzetti2013).Additionally, pioneering radical
feminist scholars Catharine MacKinnon (1983, 1989), Susan Brownmiller (1975), Andrea
Dworkin (1981), and Diana Russell (1990) made an argument that many feminists still agree
withtoday:pornisviolent,eroticizesmaledominanceandfemale submission, and ‘thereby
reinforcesandcauseswomen’ssubordination’(Bart1985:284).Radicalfeministsalsocontend
thatpornography‘liesaboutwomen’ssexuality’(Lacombe1988:41).
While these claims are shared by most anti‐porn feminists, there is no consensus about the
development and implementation ofpoliciesthattargetporn,and conflicting feminist policy
responseshaveexisted for decades.Nonetheless, the earlyworkof radical feministsadvanced
howpornographyisnowperceivedinmanyacademicandothercircles.Yetradicalfeminismis
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frequently criticized for overlooking how gender inequality intersects with other types of
inequality,suchasracismandsocialclassinequality(Burgess‐Proctor 2006; Renzetti 2013).
This is true for some radical feminists but the most prominent present‐day ones who study
porn, such as Dines (2010) and Jensen (2007), cannot be accusedofthis.Onthecontrary,
race/ethnicityis anintegral part of their analyses. Furthermore, thereis agroup ofanti‐porn
critical criminologists heavily influenced by radical feminism that also addresses some key
micro‐levelvariablessuchasmalepeersupport(DeKeseredyandOlsson2011;DeKeseredyand
Schwartz2013;Hall‐Sanchez2014).Originallydevelopedbyme26yearsago(seeDeKeseredy
1988), this concept is defined as the attachments to male peers and the resources that these 
menprovidethatencourageandlegitimatewomanabuse.
Pornography
Wenowliveina‘postPlayboyworld’(Jensen 2007),onefeaturingthedegradation,abuseand
humiliation of women in a way never seen before in the mass media. Translated from Greek,
‘pornography’means ‘writingabout prostitutes’(Katz 2006). Not to be confused with erotica,
which is ‘sexually suggestive or arousing material that is freeofsexism,racism,and
homophobiaandisrespectfulofallhumanbeingsandanimalsportrayed’ (Russell 1993: 3),
pornography hurts on numerous levels. Women and men are represented in many different
waysinpornography,buttwothingsallpornographicimagesofandwritingsaboutthemhave
incommonisthatfemalesarecharacterizedassubordinatetomales and the primary role of
actresses and models is the provision of sex to men (DeKeseredy and Schwartz 2013; Funk
2006).
PornographyhasnoticeablychangedoverthepastfewdecadesduetotheInternet.Much,ifnot
most,ofthe adult pornographyeasily accessible onthiselectronic technology is,as Gail Dines
(2010: xi) (among many others) defines it ‘gonzo – that genre which is ... today one of the
biggestmoney‐makersfortheindustry–whichdepictshardcore,body‐punishingsexinwhich
womenare demeaned and debased’. Theintent hereis not tomoralizeortoengagein‘Shock
Theater’.Hence,explicitexamplesarenotprovided.Butkeepinmindthatacommonfeatureof
new pornographic videos is painful anal penetration as well as brutal gang rape and men
slappingorchokingwomenorpullingtheirhairwhiletheypenetratethemorally,vaginally,and
anally(DeKeseredy2015;DinesandJensen2008).
Such images are part‐and‐parcel of today’s adult Internet pornography but violent sexual
imagesareavailable elsewhere. For instance,Bridges,Wosnitzer, Scharrer,Sun, and Liberman
(2010)examined304scenesin50ofthethenmostpopularpornographicDVDsandfoundthat
nearly90 containedphysical aggression(mainly spanking,gagging and slapping)and roughly
50 per cent included verbal aggression, primarily name‐calling.Males constituted most of the
perpetratorsandthetargetsoftheirphysicalandverbalaggression were ‘overwhelmingly
female’. Moreover, female targets often appeared to show pleasure or responded neutrally to
maleaggression.Tomakemattersworse,asthepornindustrygrows and attracts an ever
growingconsumerbase,itisgenerating even more violentmaterialsfeaturingdemeaningand
dehumanizingbehaviorsneverbeforeseen(Brosi,Foubert,Bannon,andYandell(2011).Infact,
as Dines states in a 2010 interview with TheGuardianJournalist Julie Bindel, pornographers
‘areall looking for something more extreme, more shocking’ (Bindel2010:4).Dinesalsotold
Bindelin2010 that sherecently interviewed aprominent pornographer. During that time,his
latest film was playing in the background and it included a scene of a woman being anally
penetratedwhilekneelinginacoffin.
Inresponsetothecommonstatement‘Onecanonlywonderwhatisinstorenext’,somecritical
criminologists,such asAtkinson andRodgers (2014), point scholarsandactiviststotherapid
emergence of the ‘gorno’ or ‘gore porn’ genre of movies, such as HostelandSaw. Such films
combine sadism, torture and porn, and they generate huge revenues for their producers and
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distributors.Thattherearesequelstotheaboveandsimilarmoviesisapowerfulcommentary
onhowviolentpornographyhasseepedintomainstreampopularculture.
Itisnotonlyanti‐pornscholarsandactivistswhoassertthatviolentsexisnowanormalpartof
the industry. Even porn producers admit that is the current status quo. Consider Rob Zicari
(stagenameRobBlack).HeonceownedExtremeAssociates,acompanythatproducedviolent
pornsographicthatmanyintheindustryostracizedhim.In2009,afterasix‐yearlegalbattle,
he and his wife Janet Romano (who directed porn under the name Lizzey Borden) were
sentenced by US federal authorities to one year and a  day in prison for distributing obscene
materials. Black recently granted an interview with journalist Richard Abowitz (2013) who
askedhim,‘IfIunderstand,youaresayingthethingstheindustry marginalizedyouforfilming
beforegoingtojail,mixingviolenceandsex,thatapproachis routinely filmed now?’ Black
answered:
Yes.Not only some:that is what the industry is today. The industry is Extreme
Associates. The industry is what I did. By they pushed it even further. They
pushedittothepointwhereyoucan’tdefendit.BecausewhatIdidwasfantasy.I
wasabletopreachitasamovie.Itisaguyinacostume.Nowyouhave
companiesthatdoitintheguiseofBDSM.Youputagirlonadogchainandchain
her to a wall and them keep her there for two days and take a cattleprod and
electrocuteheranddoallthisundertheguiseofadocumentary.Youaretaking
the element of the movie out. Now, you are doing torture. You are taking the
fantasy out. Now all of the sudden it’s let’s do this under the guise of BDSM.
(BlackinAbowitz2013:1)
Much of today’s pornography is also  racist. Consider the following titles of videos uncovered
duringaGooglesearchusingthewords‘racistpornon3September2014.Myhuntproduced
22,000,000resultsin0.40 seconds andtwosalientexamplesofthetitles listedareRacistBitch
isForcedtoHaveSexwithaBlackManandCocogetsInterracialFacial.Notsurprisingly,manyof
theracist videosoffer stereotypicalimages ofthe ‘sexuallyprimitive black male stud’ (Jensen
2007:66).Menandwomenofcolorarecertainlynottheonlypeopletoberaciallyexploitedby
pornographers. There is much consumer demand for videos featuring Latinas and Asian
women.NotethesefilmsfeaturedonthewidelyusedsiteXvideos.com:LatinaSignsUptoDoa
RoughPornTapeWithSomeMeanWhiteGuys, SexyLatinaRidesaBlackBullinFrontofher
Husband,andMySoAsian.Regardlessofawomansracial/ethnicbackground,herracemakes
herappear‘sluttier’than‘regular’whitewomenfeaturedinporn(Dines2010).
Porn consumers can find almost anything that suits their fancy on the Internet, including
teenageboyshavingsexwithfemaleseniorcitizens and men having sex withwomenwhoare
sevenmonths pregnant(Vargas‐Cooper 2011). True, human beings havehadordesiredwhat
manywouldconsidertobedebasedorcriminaltypesofsexforcenturi es, but Internet porn
now allows people to ‘flirt openly’ with sexual acts that were alwaysdesiredbutwerelong
consideredtaboo,deviant or against thelaw.And any groupofpeopleis ‘ripe for thepicking’,
includingruralpopulations.ThousandsofwhatDeKeseredyandSchwartz (2009) refer to as
‘thefalseimagesofrurallife’arefoundoncountlesscyberpornsites. SimplyconductaGoogle
searchusing thewords‘ruralgonzoporn’.On11September2012,DeKeseredy,Muzzatti,and
Donnermeyer’s (2014) hunt uncovered 108,000,000 results, with most of the videos being
freely and easily accessible. Examples of the movie titles listed in their search are Rural
Discipline,FuckRuralMilf,RaunchyRuralGrannyCreamed,RuralSWMichiganMilfs,Rural
JapaneseMilfs,RuralSouthernWifeGetsEbonyCock,andMaturefarm.
Insum,inafewdecades,pornographymovedfromalucrativeundergroundbusiness withties
toorganizedcrimetoahugecorporate‐capitalistindustrythatoperatesopenly(Jensen2007).
TheswiftgrowthoftheInternethasalsoglobalizedaccesstopornographicmaterialsonwomen
WalterSDeKeseredy:CriticalCriminologicalUnderstandingsofAdultPornographyandWomanAbuse
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and other potentially vulnerable groups in converged online and offline environments. Such
mediacanbediffusedtomillionsofpeopleinonlysecondsduetofasterwaysofdisseminating
digital media productions, and the Internet facilitates access for those seeking pornographic
content,whetheritislegallyrecognizedornot.Whatusedtoberather difficulttoaccessanda
secret phenomenon is now accessible for larger groups and has subsequently become a huge
businesswithoperationsaroundtheworld.
Fouryears ago,there were over four million pornography sites on theInternet (Dines 2010),
withasmanyas 10,000 added everyweeksince then (DeKeseredy andSchwartz2013).Allof
this is extremely profitable. Pornography, too, is the ‘quietest big business in the world’
(Slayden2010),anditisdifficulttoaccuratelydeterminethegrowthandvalueofthisindustry
because its profits are not usually monitored through conventional business authorities
(Maddison 2004). Still frequently cited in the extant literature, though, is the statement that
worldwidepornography revenues fromavarietyof sources (for example, Internet, sex shops,
videosrentedinhotelrooms,andsoon)arehigherthanUS$97billion annually (Ropelato
2010). This is more than the combined revenues of Microsoft, Google, Amazon, eBay, Yahoo,
Apple,Netflix, and Earthlink(DeKeseredy 2015; Zerbisias2008: l. 3).More recentevidence of
thegrowthofadultpornographyistheemergenceofamateuronline ‘tubes’, such as YouPorn,
XTube,andPornoTube, all modeled afterthewidelyusedandpopularYouTube.YouPornhad
15millionusersafterlaunchingin2006andwasgrowingatamonthlyrate of 37.5 per cent
(Mowlabocus2010;Slayden2010).WhatSchwartzandDeKeseredy(1997)stated17yearsago
stillholdstruetoday:rarearemenwhoarenotexposedtopornographicimages.Evenifpeople
gooutoftheirwaytoavoidporn,itfrequently‘popsup’onpeople’scomputermonitors when
theyareworkingor‘surfingtheweb’forinformationthathasnothingtodowithsex.
Howmanypeoplenowviewadultpornographyregularly?Tobeexpected, answers to this
questionvary depending on thedefinitions and methods used by researchers in the field. For
example, a national representative sample survey of US adults foundthat64percentofmen
and42percentofwomenviewpornographyatleastmonthly(DigitalJournal2014).A recent
Cosmpolitian.Com(2014)surveyof4,000menand4,000 womenfoundthatmorethan30per
centofthemaleandfourpercentoffemalerespondentswatchedporndailyand71percentof
men ages 18‐24 watch it at least once a month, with 93 per cent of all the respondents
identifying themselves as heterosexual. Consider, too, some researchers estimate that 70 per
centofAustralianmenconsumepornonline(Elsworthy2014).
Turningnowtoyouth,anationalUSstudy of undergraduateandgraduatestudentsages18to
26uncoveredthat69percentofthemaleand10percentofthe female participants view
pornographyatleastonceamonth(Carrollet al. 2008). The consequencesof youth, as well as
adults, watching gonzo are hardly trivial, which one of the keypoints of thisarticle.Note the
results of a recent qualitative, longitudinal study of young peoplesexperienceswith
heterosexual anal sex. Conducted in three different sites in England, this project involved
individual and group interviews with 130 men and women ages 16 to18.Themainreason
respondentsgaveforhavingsuchsexwasthatmenwantedtoimitate what they saw in
pornographyand it often appeared, especiallyfor women, ‘painful,risky, andcoercive’ (Lewis
2014:1).
Whetherornotresearcherseverobtainanabsolutelyaccurateestimateofthepercentageof
peoplewhoconsumeadultpornography,mostleadingexpertsonthe topic agree withRobert
Jensen’scontentionthat ‘It’s becomealmostas common ascomicbookswereforyouandme’
(citedinGillespie2008:a.3).Infact,turningagaintoyouth,studieshaveshownthatalmostall
boysinNorthernEuropehaveatsomepointintheirlivesbeenexposedtopornographyand42
percentofInternetusersages10to17intheUShadviewedcyberporn (Hammaren and
Johansson 2007; Mossige, Ainsaar, and Svedin 2007; Wolak, Mitchell,andFinkelhor2007).
Thesearenotinnocentusers whoaccidentallycome acrosssexuallyexplicitimages,voicesand
WalterSDeKeseredy:CriticalCriminologicalUnderstandingsofAdultPornographyandWomanAbuse
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texts.Noraretheyconstantlybombardedwithsuchmaterial.Rather, they make a conscious
efforttolocateandchoosetoconsumeanddistributepornography,andunfortunatelysomeof
the consumers will commit criminal acts, including violently attacking female partners
(DeKeseredyandSchwartz2013).
Briefly, it should be mentioned that there are scholars who fundamentally disagree with my
interpretation of porn and an unknown number of academics find somevalueinsuchmedia.
Forexample,Weitzerassertsthat‘pornographymightcontributetothesexeducationofsome
or many viewers ... or it might lead to mutually pleasurable sexual experiences for male and
femaleviewersalike(Weitzer2011:667).Paasonen(2010)states that some variants of
pornographychallengewhatWeitzerreferstoas‘conventionalpowerrelations’.Similarly,some
feministsembracethepost‐modernistviewthatpornographycanbesubversiveandliberatory
(Williams1989).Additionally,somesex‐positive feminists contendthatpornographyisjustas
importanttowomenastomen,andthereisnothinginherentlydegradingtowomenaboutsuch
media (McElroy 1995, Strossen 2000). Lehman is another example ofapropornscholar.He
states:
Ifpositionsonpornography are staked out in the‘pro’or‘anti’fashion, I clearly
comedownonthesideofproporn.Ibelievepornographycanbecomplex,
meaningful, and pleasurable and that it should be studied to enhance our
understandingofsexualityandculture,nottofuelhysteria.(Lehman2006a:20)
Many younger female members of the general population also find value in pornography
(Attwood 2005; Ciclitira 2002; Hald and Malamuth 2008). This isdue,inlargepart,totheir
‘internalizing porn ideology, an ideology that often masqueradesasadviceonhowtobehot,
rebellious,andcoolinordertoattract(andhopefullykeep)aman.Relatedtothisproblemis
thatscoresofyoungwomen,especiallyNorthAmericanfemaleundergraduates, accuse anti‐
pornfeminists of ‘denying them the free choice toembrace our hypersexualizedporn culture’
sinceas‘risingmembersofthenextgenerationselite,theysee‘nolimitsorconstraintson
themaswomen’(Dines2010:100).
Pornographyandwomanabuse
Thetermwomanabuseheremeansthephysical,sexualandpsychologicalabuseofawomanby
hercurrentorformermalepartner. There is an unsettlingtruththateven many feministanti‐
violence activists and practitioners rarely discuss: pornography plays a key role in women’s
experiencesofmale violence inprivateplaces.Aswell,amongthelarge,international group of
woman abuse scholars, very few of them research and theorize theconnection between porn
andintimate adultviolence. In the words of Shope, ‘[t]he paucityofresearchontheeffectsof
pornography on battered women is disturbing in light of the research findings linking
pornography to sexually aggressive behavior, especially among angered men’ ( Shope 2004:
66).However,thingsareslowlychanginginthesocialscientificcommunity.
Thebulkofearlystudieswerenotconductedbycriticalcriminologists,employedexperimental
designsinlaboratorysettings,anduncoveredthatexposuretomoregraphicandviolentimages
changedpeople’sattitudes towardwomenandrape(forexample,BriereandMalamuth1983;
Linz1989).Untilthe1990s,therewaslittleinformationontheextenttowhichgraphicsexual
imageryaffectsmen’saggressiveorviolentbehavioroutsidethelabsetting.Nonetheless,there
were some attempts at imaginative alternative methodology. Feminist journalism scholar
RobertJensen(1995,1996),forexample,usedpersonalhistoriesandnarrativeaccountsofmen
who used porn as a masturbatory aid, some of whom were sex offenders. In another early
attempttolook at‘real world’ effects,Demare, LipsandBriere (1993)tiedthe use ofsexually
violentpornographytoaself‐reportedlikelihoodofcommittingrapeorusingsexualforce.Still,
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this only measures a self‐reported proclivity, which may or may not be related to actual
behavior.
Early‘realworld’studies
DianaRussell(1982,1990)sparkedamovementtoconductfeministsurveysoftherelationship
between porn consumption and violence against women. She is thefirstscholartodevelopa
large‐scale,representativesamplesurveythatincludedthisquestion:‘Haveyoueverbeenupset
byanyonetryingtogetyoutodowhatthey’dseeninpornographicpictures,moviesorbooks?’
Ten per cent of the 930 women in San Francisco sample answered ‘yes’ and subsequent
Canadian studies t hat used the same question yielde d percentages of ‘yes’ responses ranging
from8.4to24.0percent(DeKeseredy and Schwartz 1998; HarmonandCheck1989;Senn
1993). Moreover, 6.8 per cent of the 1,307 men in DeKeseredy and Schwartz’s national
representative sample of Canadian college men admitted that they had upset their dating
partnersbytryingtogetthemtoimitateporn.
Some feminist studies show that women who had suffered other types of victimizatio n were
alsolikelytoreportthattheyexperiencedthisbehaviorasabusive.Russell(1990),forexample,
found that for the women in her sample who were married and hadbeenrapedbytheir
husband,the proportion that answered the above questionin her survey rose to 24 per cent.
HarmonandCheck(1989)discoveredthatwomenwhohadbeenphysicallyabusedwerethree
timesmorelikelytobehave beenupsetbybeingaskedtoimitatepornography (10.4percent)
thanwomenwhohadnotbeenphysicallyabused(3.6percent).Additionally,DeKeseredyand
Schwartz’s(1998)foundasignificantrelationshipbetweenbeing upset by men’s attempts to
imitatepornographicscenesandsexualvictimization.Ofthosewhoweresexuallyabused,22.3
percent had alsobeen upsetby attempts toget themto imitate pornographicscenarios. Only
5.8 per cent of the women who were not victimized reported being upset by pornography.
ThesestatisticsarecomparabletothoseobtainedbyItzinandSweet’s (1992) report of the
BritishCosmopolitanSurvey.
Again,fully6.8percentofthemeninDeKeseredyandSchwartz’s study reported that they
upsettheirdatingpartnersbygettingthemtoimitatepornography.Themenweremorelikely
to admit to being forcible sexual victimizers if they also admitted to upsetting a woman this
way.Almostfourtimesasmanyupsetters(9.3percent)asnonupsetters (2.4 per cent) also 
admittedtocommittingaforciblesexualvictimizationafterhighschool.
OfDeKeseredy and Schwartz’s female respondentswho reported beingphysically abused ina
dating relationship, 15.4 per cent revealed being upset by pornography. Only 4.5 per cent of
those who were not physically victimized reported being upset. One third of all men in their
samplewhoadmittedtoupsettingawomanwithrequeststoimitatepornographyalsoadmitted
tophysicallyabusingawomanafterhighschool.Ofthosewhodidnotadmittoupsettinga
woman,17.2percentadmittedtophysicalabuse.
Three other relevant studies are worth mentioning here. Bergen(1996) asked a somewhat
different question than Russell’s (1990) but found that about one third of the marital rape
survivorsinhersamplehadhusbandswhoviewedpornographyandforcedthemtoactout
what they had seen. Sommers and Check (1987) found that women whowereinbattered
womenshelterswereconsiderablymorelikelytoreportbeingmadeupsetinthismannerthan
mature undergraduates were. Though different questions were used, Cramer and McFarlane
(1994)uncoveredsupportforthefindingthatbatteredwomenhaveaspecialproblem.In
studyingbatteredwomenwhowerefilingcriminalchargesagainst their husbands, theyfound
that40percentofhusbandsusedpornography,andthattheuse
 of these materials was
significantlyassociatedwiththeparticipantsbeingaskedorforcedtoparticipateinviolentacts.
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Theseearlyfeministstudiesarecommendedforextendingpornresearch beyond theartificial
realmofthelab,andtheyproducedimportantresultsfortheerainwhichtheyweredone.Even
so, a significant pitfall in all social scientific work of this kind is that the researcher has no
controloverthenatureofthesexuallyexplicitmaterial,orthedefinition being appliedbythe
respondent. There is no way an investigator can apply a single definition to pornography or
control in any way an individual woman’s or man’s definition of pornography. This is a
perennialprobleminpornographyresearch:pornographyiscommonlyconflatedintoonetype
and, at the time the above studies were conducted, there was very little written on what
McClintock(1995:115)calls‘pornskaleidoscopicvariorum,or what Burstyn (1987: 163)
refers to as the ‘large and various discourse we call, all inclusively pornography’. Today,
however,therearescholarlybooksandarticlesthatexaminevariations in erotica and
pornography(forexample,Attwood2010;Lehman2006b;McNair2002).
Thelackofdefinitionalspecificityplacestheresearcheratthemercyoftheclassificationsused
bytherespondent.Nonetheless,thepost‐laboratorystudiesreviewedherewereamongthefirst
‘realworld’ projectstorevealthatpornographyiscorrelatedwithsexualandphysicalviolence
inadultintimateheterosexualrelationships.
Recentresearch
TheInternetasweknowittodaydidnotexistwhenRussellandthosewhofollowedinher
footstepsconductedtheirresearch.Furthermore,pornographydidnothaveanywherenearthe
degreesofracism and violencethatnowexistandaredestinedtoincrease(Bridges andAnton
2013).Furthermore,itisunclearwhetherthemenwhowatchcontemporary porn are more
likely to abuse current or former intimate partners than men who consumed violent sexual
materialsbeforetheadventoftheInternet.Evenso,thereisampleevidenceshowingthatporn
isakeyriskfactorassociatedwithamyriadofabusiveexperiencesinthelivesofmanyadult
andyoungwomen(DeKeseredyandSchwartz2013;Shope2004).
Contemporary critical criminologists were among the first to revealthatmostboyswhofirst
viewpornographydosoattheageof11 (DeKeseredy2015,Dines2010)andmanygrowupto
victimizetheircurrentandformerintimatefemalepartners.Yetagrowingbodyofinternational
researchshowsthatsomepre‐adolescent,adolescentandhighschoolboyswho consumeporn
actually commit sexual offences and/or engage in sexual harassment at those stages in their
lives(Bonino, Ciairano, Rabaglietti,and Cattelino2006; Burton, Leibowitz, and Howard 2010;
Hunter, Figueredo, and Malamuth 2010; Kjellgren, Priebe, Svedin, and Langstrom 2010), a
findingnotuncoveredbythosewhopubliclyidentifythemselves as progressive criminologists
butusefulallthesame.Note,too, that an Italian feministsurveyofhighschoolstudents found
that females exposed to psychological violence committed by family members and to sexual
violence by any type of perpetrator were significantly more likelytowatchpornography,
especially violent porn, than females who were not exposed to such abuse (Romito and
Beltramini2011).Researchdoneacrosstheglobe,then,supportBridgesandAntons(2013)
claim that ‘exposure to pornography is particularly problematicforyouthbecausetheyoften
lackhealthysexualrelationshipsthatcounterbalancethedegradinganddepersonalizingimages
ofsexoftendepictedinpornography’(BridgesandAnton2013:194).
‘Realworld’recentcriticalcriminologicalresearchonadults’experienceswithpornographyuse
and its violent consequences is in short supply. The bulk of the empirical work done so far
involvedfeminist scholarsgatheringdatafromrapecrisiscenterworkerswhoconductedface
to‐face and phone interviews with sexual and physical assault survivors, and from abused
woman who sought support from battered women’s services (Be rgenandBogle2000;Shope
2004; Simmons, Lehmann, and Collier‐Tennison 2008). Collectively, this research reveals a
strong association between men’s porn consumption and female victimization. For example,
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Shope found that abuser use of porn doubled the  risk of a physicallyassaultedwomanbeing
sexuallyassaulted. 
More recently, using face‐to‐face interviews with 43 rural southeast Ohio women who were
abused during the period while they wanted to or were trying toendarelationshipwitha
husband or live‐in partner, or where such a relationship had already ended, DeKeseredy and
colleagues (see DeKeseredy and Joseph 2006; DeKeseredy and Schwartz 2009; DeKeseredy,
Schwartz, Fagen, and Hall 2006) found that 65 per centof these women’s estranged partners
viewedpornographyand30percentofthesamplestatedthatpornwasinvolvedintheirsexual
abuse. As described in greater length in a subsequent section of this paper, Hall‐Sanchez’s
(2013,2014)exploratory,qualitative,back‐talkstudystronglysuggeststhatmalepornography
consumptioncontinuestobeconnectedtoruralOhiomen’sabusivebehavior.
The electronic and violent pornification of women and girls takes many different shapes and
forms.Onerelativelynewmeansistheuseof‘revengeporn’websitesandblogs.Itisestimated
thattherearenowmorethan2,000suchsitesandthebulkoftheperpetratorsaremale(Hart
2014).Revengepornimagesandvideosaremadebymenwiththeconsentofthewomenthey
were intimately involved with, but then distributed online without their consent typically
followingtheterminationofarelationship(Salter and Crofts 2014). Itisdifficulttoaccurately
determinethe extent of thisproblem,butthedamageisirreparablegiventhatanythingthat is
posted in cyberspacenever really goes away. The same thingcan be said about ‘sexting’ and
many,if not most,ofthetargetsarefemaleadolescents(DeKeseredyandSchwartz2013).This
involves sharing compromising photos, videos or written information with other people via
textsorotherelectronicmedia(Klein2012).
Sextingis form of ‘pornographiccyberbullying’ andit causes manyphysical and psychological
problems,includingsuicideaswasthecasewithayoungCanadiangirlnamedRehtaehParsons.
Shewas raped byfour teenage boysin November 2011and one ofthemtookapictureofthe
atrocityandelectronicallydistributeditamongherschoolandcommunity.Shediedon17April
2013fromsuicideandthiscasemotivatedtheCanadianprovinceofNovaScotiatoproclaimthe
Cyber‐SafetyActon6August2013.
Despite porn being heavily involved in the abuse of many women and girls, the research
communityhasnotkeptpacewiththisburgeoningproblem.Newdirections in critical
criminological research and theory are definitel y needed and it is to some suggestions that I
nowturn.
Newdirectionsinresearchandtheory
Giventhe paucity of research onpornography andviolenceagainstwomen,itisnotdifficultto
suggestnewavenuesofinquiry,someofwhich involvegoing‘backtothefuture.Forinstance,
therehasyettobeanothernationalrepresentativesamplevictimizationsurveyofadultwomen
thatincorporatesquestionsabouttheircurrentandformermalepartners’pornconsumption.
Smaller‐scale representative sample surveys are also conspicuously absent. It is true that
‘population surveys, in which random samples of women are interviewedabouttheir
experiences of violence using detailed behaviorally specific questions, yield more valid and
reliableestimatesoftheprevalenceofthesephenomenainthepopulation’(Jacquier, Johnson,
and Fisher 2011: 26). Self‐report surveys of men, too, are much needed because they yield
better data on the factors that motivate men to use porn and harmwomen(DeKeseredyand
Rennison2013).Thelackofsurveyresearchonthelinkagebetweenporn and both men’sand
women’sexperienceswithintimateviolenceissomewhatsurprisingbecausethereisasizeable
portionofsurveysthatexamineotherriskfactorsassociatedwithwoman abuse (for example,
separation/divorce,income,malepeersupport,andsoon).
WalterSDeKeseredy:CriticalCriminologicalUnderstandingsofAdultPornographyandWomanAbuse
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Needlessto say,morequalitativestudiesofmen andwomenarenecessaryaswell.Replicating
orslightlyrevisingthepersonalhistoryand narrative accountresearchdonebyJensen(1995,
1996)wouldbefruitful.Infact,avarietyofqualitativemethodsenhanceacriticalcriminological
understanding of how porn is related to woman abuse and some new techniques seem
promising.Onemethodinparticular–back‐talkinterviews–atfirstappearsinnovativebutis
rooted in African‐American slavery history (Collins 2000; Hall‐Sanchez 2014). It meant
‘speakingasanequal to an authorityfigure.It meant daring todisagreeand sometimesit just
meanthavinganopinion’(hooks1989:5).Talkingbackalsoinvolvedbearingwitness,‘tobring
forth,toclaimandproclaimoneselfasanintrinsicpartoftheworld’(Collins2000:2).Inthis
current era, back‐talk interviews are becoming known as useful means of collecting rich
contextualdata.Typicallyusedinfeministcommunitybasedstudies,researchers‘gobackto
the community to present their results as an attempt to get mo re feedbackfrom a sa mple of
communitymembers.AsHall‐Sanchez,afeministwhorecentlyused this approach puts it, in 
back‐talkstudies:
[R]esearchers ‘go back’ to communities, presenting their results to obtain
reactions and additional questions/concerns/suggestions for future research.
These discussions generate rich qualitative interactive data tosupplementa
previousorongoingstudyorasnewdatatobefurtheranalyzedonitsown
(Wilkinson 1998). Back‐talk interviews are empowering to participants,
providing an opportunity to exercise a greater role inresearch processes.
Researchers can also reasonably disseminated sensitive issues to potentially
diverse and highly politicized audiences, contributing to a more reflexive and
sociallyresponsibleresearchculture(Frisina2006).(Hall‐Sanchez2014:5)
To date, Hall‐Sanchez (2014) is the first feminist criminologisttousethismethodinarural
womanabusestudy.TenyearsafterDeKeseredyandhiscolleaguescompleted theirruralOhio
project,shepresentedtheirresultstoapurposivesampleof12women. Althoughshe didnot
specificallyaskedabouttheinfluenceofpornography,and,acloseexaminationofherinterview
data with my assistance (see DeKeseredy and Hall‐Sanchez 2014) revealed that it was a
recurringtopicmentionedbysomewomenduringdiscussionsaboutthewaysinwhichtheirex‐
partners’malepeerscontributedtotheirabusiveconduct.Dana,for example, said, ‘Healways
hadafantasyofdoingathreesomeandtalkedmeintoit.Pornwasabigfactor.Hewasn’talways
interested in me perse.Itseemedlikeitwasalwayswithothers’.Anotherrespondent, Gina,
recalls:
Igotcalledstupidalotyouknowandevenifitwasjokingaround,you know,it
becameserious.‘Ohyou’restupidandthenitjustbecamename‐calling ... ‘Oh ,
youreafuckinretard.Youknowitjustgotworseandlike... then it was like
other things he encouraged me to do. Um, him and his friend watchedalotof
pornandencouragedmeandhisfriendswifetomakeoutsoitwas likethings
thathewantedthathewastryingtogetmetodoforhisownpleasure,youknow.
Itwaslike,evenifIfeltuncomfortable,youknow,justdrinkalittlebitmoreand
itwillbeok,youknow.
MoreinformationonHallSanchezsporndataisprovidedinanotherpaper(DeKeseredyand
Hall‐Sanchez2014).Nevertheless,itisimportanttonoteherethatwhatmakesherworkunique
isnotonly her back‐talk methodologyandthe pornographydata she elicited butalsothat she
helped close a major gap in rural patriarchal male peer support research. Oddly enough,
althoughweknowthatmanywomenmurderedbytheircurrentandformermalepartnersare
killed with guns and that rural areas have higher rates of gun ownershipthanurbanand
metropolitan places (Donnermeyer and DeKeseredy 2014; Wendt 2009), male peer support
researchers such as DeKeseredy and Schwartz (2009) have paid little attention to hunting‐
related issues. Since Hall‐Sanchez has teamed up with me to do empirical work on the
WalterSDeKeseredy:CriticalCriminologicalUnderstandingsofAdultPornographyandWomanAbuse
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relationshipbetweenpornand violence inruralwomen’slives, it islogical to assumethather
novelresearchwillinfluencemeandothermalepeersupportresearcherstodosointhenear
future.
Pornographyisnotsolelyheterosexualinnatureandthereisagrowingbodyofresearchon
violenceinsamesexrelationships(Bake2013;Burger1995;Ristock2011; Williams2004). Is
pornographyapowerfulcorrelateofviolenceinsamesexrelationships?Thusfar,thereareno
reliable answers to this question, which is not surprising since much of criminology is
heteronormative (Peterson and Panfil 2014). Queer criminology is a new variant of critical
criminologyandperhapssomegreatlyneededempiricalandtheoreticalworkwillbegenerated
by scholarsin this field. Thisis not to say, however,that examining the relationship between
pornandviolenceinLGBTcommunitiesshouldbeghettoized.Criticalcriminologistsofallwalks
oflifepotentiallyhavesomethingtosayaboutthisissue.
Unfortunately, critical criminological theoretical developmentshavenotkeptpacewiththe
empiricalliteratureon the relationship betweenpornographyandwomanabuse.Evenleading
contemporary feminist experts, such as Dines (2010), pay scant attention to theorizing this
problem.Thisisnottosay,however,thatherworkandthoseofotherswhoshareheranalysis
(forexample,Jensen2007)iscompletelya‐theoreticalbecauseitisobviouslyheavilyinfluenced
byradicalfeminism.Still,thetimeisnowforcriticalcriminologicalofferingsthatlinkbroader
macro‐level forces with micro‐level determinants. It is not enough to assert that porn and its 
consequencesarefunctionsofcapitalism,racismandpatriarchy.Howdotheseproblemsshape
individual behavior and group dynamics? The male peer support theories crafted by
DeKeseredyandOlsson(2011)andDeKeseredyandSchwartz(2013)attempttoanswerthis
question. There has never been a study specifically designed to test their perspectives but
preliminaryevidenceprovidedby DeKeseredyandSchwartz(2013)stronglysuggeststhatthe
correlationbetweenInternetpornography,malepeersupportandwomanabuseisanemerging
problem,onethatwillonlygetworseinthenearfuture.Still, considerably more research is
necessaryandsoareactualtestsofmale peersupportmodelstoconclusivelydetermine ifthis
isactuallythecase.
As a variant of critical criminology, cultural criminology pays much attention to how media
images shape public perceptions of social problems, ‘thereby reflecting and recreating the
unequalsocialand economic relationsthatarethe hallmark ofadvanced capitalism’ (Muzzatti
2012: 141). What about gender relations and what about porn? Despite offering rich insights
intomediadynamicsandpopularculture,culturalcriminologistshaveyettoexaminetheissues
raisedinthispaper.Yettheyarefullycapableofdoingsoand DeKeseredy, Muzzatti, and
Donnermeyer’s(2014)analysisofthehorrification/pornificationofruralculturerevealsthat a
richunderstandingofhighlydegradingandgrosslydistortedmediarepresentationsofsexuality
andmale‐to‐female violence can be obtainedby merging cultural criminology’s concerns with
those of feminists. Hopefully, one of cultural criminology’s nextstepsistomakepornoneits
centraltopicsofinquiry.
Much critical theoretical food for thought can also be drawn from other types of critical
criminologists.Forexample,thoughtoodetailedandcomplextosummarizeinafewsentences,
Atkinson and Rodgers’ (2014) analysis of  Internet pornography and violent video games
revealsmuchutilityinrevisitingElias‘s(1939)‘civilisingprocesstheory’.Theyassertthatthese
technologies:
… provide alluring and experimental landscapes. In these spaces the outward
veneerofourcultureasintrinsically‘civil’orpacifiedisseenalsotorevealanti
socialformsofrealandsimulatedconduct.Suchexperiences,availablethrough
certain strands of gaming and extreme pornography, necessitate a deepened
criminological sensibility prepared to discuss physical and imagined forms of
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harmastheyareenactedwithin‐orboundupwith‐onlineand game spaces.
(AtkinsonandRodgers2014:2)
Although he does not discuss violence, criticalcriminologist Simon Winlow (2014) proposes
another way of thinking about porn. Guided by Badiou (2009, 2012), a French philosopher
heavily influenced by Althusserian Marxism and Lacanian psychoanalysis, he states that porn
consumption:
…reflectsahistoricdrivetowardsan atonalworld(Badiou2009)thatlacks the
structuringlogicofamastersignifiercapableofimposingmeaningonaworldof
perpetualfluxandimponderablediversity.Inthesociologicalsense,itfunctions
as an outcome of selfish individualism: a withdrawal into the cocoon of
subjectivity, free from the threats and obligations that pertain to a genuine
intersubjective encounter. Contemporary postmodern sexuality is then an
increasinglyselfishandsolitaryactivity.(Winlow2014:1968)
Hopefully,thecriticalcriminologicaltheoriesreviewedherewillnotbethelastoftheirkindand
newones willsoonbecrafted.Pornographyand violenceagainstwomencontinuetoaffectthe
socialworldinamyriadofwaysandinnumbersthatwould‘numbthemindofEinstein’(Lewis
citedin Vallee 2007). Hence, the relationship between thesetwosocial problemsisstrongand
mustbe reckoned with empirically andtheoretically.Itisessentialtokeepondoingnewwork
intheareabecause, in thewordsof Atkinson andRodgers(2014: 22), new criticalavenuesof
exploration make us ‘better equipped to understand’ the ‘shifts in the connection between
ourselves,technologies,corporateinterestsandsocial/genderpowerrelations’.
Conclusion
Critical criminological understandings of contemporary porn and its relationship to woman
abuseareina state ofinfancyandsubstantially more scholarlyandpolitical contributions are
needed.Outlinedinthispaperisablueprintformovingforward.Therecommendationsarenot
exhaustivebutareworthpursuing.Yettheultimategoalistopromotesocial chan ge.Critical 
criminology must be distinguishedfromothercriminologicaldiscourses by its practice. If the
advancessuggestedinthispaperandelsewherearetotakerootandassistintheformationof
societies determined to curb porn, then it rests with critical criminologists to advance their
modelsforchangewithinpracticalpoliticalsettings(Currie,DeKeseredyandMacLean1990).
Tobesure, as Gail Dinesobserves,the pornography industryisan‘economicjuggernaut’ and
‘we are so steeped in the pornographic mindset that it is difficulttoimaginewhataworld
without porn would look like’ (Dines 2010: 163). Still, due in large part to the efforts of
progressiveanti‐pornactivistsandscholars, some radicalchangesareoccurring.Forexample,
inthewinterof2013,IcelanddraftedlegislationlimitingInternetaccesstoviolentporn.Iceland
alreadyhaslegislationforbiddingtheprintinganddistributionofpornbutitdoesnotcoverthe
Internet.Thepornindustry,too,maycontributetoitsowncollapse.Possiblytheproducers of
violent and racist sexual media might cross a line that results in outraging most people and
politiciansaroundtheglobe,leading tostrictregulationandhighlypunitiveresponses(Bridges
and Jensen 2011). Regardless of what progressive changes happenandwhentheytranspire,
criticalcriminologistsinvolvedintheanti‐pornmovementstill‘havealotofworktodo’(Jensen
2007:184).

WalterSDeKeseredy:CriticalCriminologicalUnderstandingsofAdultPornographyandWomanAbuse
IJCJ&SD16
Onlineversionviawww.crimejusticejournal.com  ©20154(4)
Correspondence:WalterSDeKeseredy,AnnaDeaneCarlsonEndowedChairofSocialSciences
and Professor of Sociology, Department of Sociology and Anthropology,WestVirginia
University, Morgantown WV 26506, USA; Adjunct Professor, School of Justice, Queensland
UniversityofTechnology,BrisbaneQLD4000,Australia.
Email:walter.dekeseredy@mail.wvu.edu

1 Revised version of a plenary address given at the NationalDeviancyConference, 25‐26 June 2014, at Teesside
University,Middlesbrough,UK.IthankRowlandAtkinson,KerryCarrington,John Foubert, Rus Funk, Steve Hall,
BarbaraHart,JamesPtacek,MartinSchwartz,SimonWinlowandtheanonymousreviewersfortheircommentsand
assistance.
Pleasecitethisarticleas:
DeKeseredy WS (2015) Critical criminological understandings of adult pornography and
womanabuse: New progressivedirections in research and theory.InternationalJournalfor
Crime,JusticeandSocialDemocracy4(4):4‐21.DOI:10.5204/ijcjsd.v3i2.184.
Thisworkis licensed undera Creative Commons Attribution4.0 Licence.Asan
openaccess journal,articles arefree touse, withproper attribution,ineducationaland other
non‐commercialsettings.ISSN:2202‐8005
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... This includes the fashion market (Gurrieri and Cherrier, 2013;Scaraboto and Fischer, 2013), the beauty market (Rocha et al., 2020) and the reproductive market (Hartman and Coslor, 2019;Takhar and Pemberton, 2019) and the increasing ways these markets are digitalised through online platforms and emerging technologies. Yet the role of the market in sexualised and racialised forms of woman abuse (Dekeseredy, 2015) and inequality remains under-examined. ...
... To understand the contemporary pornography market, and its role in women's harm and violation, it is important to first grasp the centrality of widespread consumption and of prolific violence common to this market. One way to understand these factors is to look to how the market has normalised the consumption of pornography for men (especially young men) while simultaneously mainstreaming violent and extreme content (DeKeseredy, 2015). Through online pornography there was a significant shift away from traditional pornography production, especially marked through the rise and dominance of 'gonzo' pornography. ...
... Examples of this includes video titles such as 'Chubby Spanish Teen Needs the Cash', 'Teen Pussy Shared at Family Orgy' and 'Tight Daughter Ass Destroyed by Stepdad' (Dines, 2010: xvii;Miles, 2021;Vera-Gray et al., 2021). Women's dehumanisation and abuse is also evident in pornography titles that compare women to pigs, such as 'Squealer', the increasing popularity of farm settings, in videos such as 'Rural Discipline', as well as the treatment of women as animals including women being force-fed water, shocked with cattle prods, kept on dog chains and broken down, like horses (DeKeseredy, 2015;Hawthorne, 2014;Saunders, 2018). Crucially, while all women can be subjected to dehumanising practices, black women have been highlighted as targets of an especially brutal intertwining of racism and misogyny (Collins, 2002;McVey et al., 2021). ...
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In turning to the user-generated pornography market and its mainstreaming sexual violence against women, this paper looks to uncover why women are increasingly participating as self-producing content creators. Specifically, we ask how the institutional logics perspective can help uncover more disguised market dynamics encouraging and coercing women to (re)produce their own abuse through self-produced pornographic content creation. With an institutional logics analysis of archival data from five user-generated pornography websites, our findings uncover how social logics act to disguise market logics. We show that a logic of activism is mobilised through two prominent feminist, social justice imperatives of: (i) the representation of diversity and (ii) appeals to environmentalism, which function together to construct a compliant and duty-bound imperative for women’s content creation. In doing so, this paper introduces a concept of moral market compliance: a dark market dynamic that functions to fem wash and (re)produce market violence against women.
... Sin embargo, los estudios sobre la industria han dicho muy poco sobre este tema y, aunque se busque exhaustivamente en las publicaciones de economía, lo que se conrma es que se trata de una industria oculta que ofrece rentabilidades muy elevadas (Waugh, 2023). No se dispone de información able y actualizada sobre inversiones, bene cios o gestión empresarial, aunque la industria (producción y distribución) y el apoyo publicitario que recibe tengan grandes dimensiones (DeKeseredy, 2015;Tarrant, 2016;Watson, 2021). ...
... La proliferación de pornografía a través de Internet no solo cambió la cantidad de pornografía disponible, los estudios muestran que los niveles de violencia y racismo también han aumentado (DeKeseredy, 2015). Los niveles de pornografía violenta, pornografía gore, pornografía realizada con niños, niñas y adolescentes (ESIA), representación del incesto, zoo lia, así como los actos racistas representados en la pornografía, han aumentado exponencialmente (Bridges y Anton, 2013;DeKeseredy, 2015;Suchi et al., 2022). ...
... La proliferación de pornografía a través de Internet no solo cambió la cantidad de pornografía disponible, los estudios muestran que los niveles de violencia y racismo también han aumentado (DeKeseredy, 2015). Los niveles de pornografía violenta, pornografía gore, pornografía realizada con niños, niñas y adolescentes (ESIA), representación del incesto, zoo lia, así como los actos racistas representados en la pornografía, han aumentado exponencialmente (Bridges y Anton, 2013;DeKeseredy, 2015;Suchi et al., 2022). Además, se puede considerar que el aumento de la pornografía violenta puede ser solo el comienzo; es probable que estos aumentos continúen con el crecimiento continuo de la industria del porno y la competencia entre las empresas por captar la atención de su público. ...
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Desde hace algunos años, la nueva pornografía se ha convertido en uno de los temas centrales del debate sobre la socialización de los adolescentes y jóvenes, al menos en lo que se refiere a las relaciones interpersonales. Se sabe que el nivel de consumo no ha dejado de crecer, desde la generalización de las tecnologías 4G, en 2008; también se conocen buena parte de las consecuencias de dicho consumo, en especial cuando supera determinados límites. Finalmente, cada vez se conoce mejor el negocio capitalista que promueve la pornografía, en conexión con el sistema prostitucional. Lo que se conoce menos son los mecanismos que explican los altos niveles de consumo, la aceptación de prácticas claramente no normativas y las consecuencias para las relaciones interpersonales y sociales (violencia contra las mujeres, invitación al incesto, cosificación de las mujeres, etc.). En el capítulo se revisan las investigaciones más recientes sobre los impactos de la pornografía distribuida en internet, tanto en las relaciones interpersonales como sociales, centrando la revisión en la violencia sexual. Además, se introduce no solo la influencia de la pornografía sobre las percepciones, actitudes y conductas, sino también el uso del porno como arma de ataque contra las mujeres en el porno de venganza, ataque y acoso.
... The sexual drives and desires of individuals can exhibit substantial variations, which are deemed normal as long as such behaviors do not result in harm or functional issues for the individuals involved (Lykke & Cohen, 2015;Klaassen & Peter, 2015;Gorman et al., 2010;Stark et al., 2018). Adult pornography itself isn't inherently harmful; concerns arise when it portrays unrealistic sexual interactions that degrade women (Lykke & Cohen, 2015;DeKeseredy, 2015;Wright & Donnerstein, 2014;Hare et al., 2014;Walker et al., 2015;Shaw, 1999). Pornography is seen as a tool of patriarchal beliefs, shaping gender identities and the emergence of alternative sexualities and new perspectives (Mattebo et al., 2012;Chatterjee, 2000;Garos et al., 2004). ...
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The study of online pornography use and its correlation with sexist attitudes has long intrigued the global scientific community. Despite diverse perspectives, opinions regarding the impact of pornography on an individual’s psychology and sexuality vary. In Greece, there is also a lack of research exploring the possible relationship between these two phenomena. This study aims to investigate the relationship between problematic internet pornography use, sexism, and other related factors like viewing frequency, preferred type of pornographic material, and sexist attitudes. An online, synchronous study was conducted with a sample of 535 adult individuals (350 males, 178 females, 7 identified as “other”) with an average age of 38.9 years (SD = ± 13.5) from the general population on the most popular social media platforms. The Problematic Pornography Consumption Scale (PPCS) and Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI) measured problematic pornography use and sexism. In comparison to women and individuals of “other” genders, men exhibited significantly higher levels of both hostile sexism (p < 0.001 and p = 0.014, respectively) and benevolent sexism (p < 0.007 and p = 0.002, respectively). Age and rural residence correlated with higher sexism levels (p < 0.001 and p = 0.018, respectively). Higher levels of education were associated with lower levels of benevolent sexism, emphasizing education’s positive impact (p < 0.001). Problematic internet pornography use was significantly correlated with higher levels of sexism (p < 0.001). The Greek scientific community should focus on monitoring and investigating problematic internet pornography use to better understand its potential associations and implications.
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The rapid use of the internet in Indonesia as part of the world community has created dynamics and problems, in the field of information law and electronic transactions as well as human rights, and also related to one's privacy. The government holds the power to regulate the new world, namely cyberspace for internet users in Indonesia. The right to be forgotten is a person's right that must be protected by the state. In this case, through Law No. 19 of 2019 concerning Electronic Transactions and Information. The right to be forgotten in relation to those who are reported on or whose data is stored in public institutions in relation to perpetrators of criminal acts, victims of criminal acts, or related to news of criminal acts can be both positive and negative if it is misused. Someone who is published in the public space that he was once a victim or perpetrator of a crime certainly has the right to be forgotten so that he can improve himself without the shadow of a dark past. On the other hand, public transparency still requires information to be accessed for certain news. For example, criminal acts of corruption. Bearing in mind human rights and public transparency regarding the classification of who is allowed and who is not allowed to use this right, it must be strictly regulated, for example, criminal acts of corruption.
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This study provides evidence that rates of domestic violence (DV) run considerably higher in the lives of heterosexual women who identify as partners of sex addicts (PSAs) than in the general population. Data collected from 558 survey participants, from a variety of high-income nations, revealed that 92.1% had ever experienced any form of DV perpetrated by their partner and 57.7% had experienced physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence with their partner. The study also tests several hypotheses about sex addiction behaviors and PSA intimate partner violence (IPV), to help those working with these populations understand what factors may be contributing to, or mitigating, these women's experiences of violence.
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With the growth of the pornography industry over the past few decades, researchers have examined the potential effects of viewing the explicit materials. Concerns include the effects pornography consumption can have on attitudes about and violence against women. Resulting from a variety of methodologies, overall research findings are mixed, with no consensus on the relationship between pornography consumption and violence against women.
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Why are most perpetrators of interpersonal violence men? It has little to do with their biological makeup or with factors identified by evolutionary psychologists. One of the best answers is provided by masculinities studies and research on how masculinities conducive to violence are shaped by male peer or subcultural dynamics. For many men, the violent behaviors examined in this chapter are, under certain conditions, the only perceived available techniques for expressing and validating masculinity, and male peer support strongly encourages and legitimates certain forms of violence, such as woman abuse in intimate heterosexual relationships.
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Within a context of increasingly ubiquitous pornography consumption among men, little is known about men who reject pornography, their motivations to stop consuming it, and their concerns about the treatment of women. In this article, we explore the stated motivations of 124 men who have decided to stop consuming pornography, in order to understand what role—if any—concerns about violence against women and gender equality played in their decision. Specifically, we focus on the implications of these findings for future research on the role of men in preventing or addressing harmful attitudes about women through their everyday practices.
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Introduction to New Edition: Wife Rape: from the 1980s to the 1990s Preface Acknowledgments 1 Introduction: The Crime in the Closet Part One The Law 2 Wife Rape and the Law (updated) Part Two The Study 3 The Rape Study 4 What is Wife Rape? Part Three Theory and Statistics 5 The Prevalence of Wife Rape 6 A Continuum of Sexual Relations 7 Wife Rape and Wife Beating 8 Husband Battering, Wife Battering, and Murder 9 Characteristics of Wife Rape Part Four The Husbands 10 Husbands Who Rape Their Wives 11 Why Men Rape Their Wives 12 Abusive Husbands, Alcohol and Other Drugs Part Five The Wives 13 The Victims of Wife Rape 14 The Trauma of Wife Rape 15 Why Some Wives Stay Part Six Women as Property 16 Husbands Who WonOt Let Their Wives Go 17 Once a Wife, Always a Wife--Rape by Ex-Husbands 18 Women Who Marry the Men Who Rape Them 19 Lovers and Daughters Are Property Too Part Seven Torture and Femicide 20 Torture and Marriage 21 Femicide: The Murder of Wives Part Eight WivesO Strategies 22 Wives Who Report to the Police 23 How Some Wives Stop the Violence Part Nine An International Perspective 24 Wife Rape in Other Countries 25 Conclusions and Solutions Appendix I Husbands Accused of Wife Rape in the United States: Selected Cases Appendix II State-by-State Information on Martial Rape Exemption Laws, as of January 1990 Source Notes Selected Bibliography on Wife Rape (Expanded) Index