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According to Holmes and Rahe, Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 11(2), 213–218, (1967), Christmas is a critical life event that may cause feelings of stress that, in turn, can lead to reduced subjective well-being (SWB) and health problems. This study uses a quantitative approach and large-scale survey data to assess whether or not respondents in European countries indicate lower SWB before and around Christmas. Precisely, respondents interviewed in the week before Christmas or at Christmas holidays are compared to respondents who are questioned at other times throughout the year. Moreover, the assumption is tested if religious denomination and religiousness moderate the association between Christmas and SWB. Main findings suggest that the Christmas period is related to a decrease in life satisfaction and emotional well-being. However, Christians, particularly those with a higher degree of religiousness, are an exception to this pattern. © 2015 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht and The International Society for Quality-of-Life Studies (ISQOLS)
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Christmas and Subjective Well-Being: A Research Note
Michael Mutz
1
Institute of Sport Science, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
E-Mail: michael.mutz@sport.uni-goetingen.de
Abstract: According to Holmes and Rahe (1967), Christmas is a critical life event that may
cause feelings of stress that, in turn, can lead to reduced subjective well-being (SWB) and
health problems. This study uses a quantitative approach and large-scale survey data to assess
whether or not respondents in European countries indicate lower SWB before and around
Christmas. Precisely, respondents interviewed in the week before Christmas or at Christmas
holidays are compared to respondents who are questioned at other times throughout the year.
Moreover, the assumption is tested if religious denomination and religiousness moderate the
association between Christmas and SWB. Main findings suggest that the Christmas period is
related to a decrease in life satisfaction and emotional well-being. However, Christians, par-
ticularly those with a higher degree of religiousness, are an exception to this pattern.
Keywords: life satisfaction, emotions, Christmas, holiday, religion
The final version of this manuscript has been published online on November 30, 2015 in
APPLIED RESEARCH IN QUALITY OF LIFE and can be approached at:
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs11482-015-9441-8
Please cite only the original journal version of this paper:
Mutz, M. (2015). Christmas and Subjective Well-Being: A Research Note.
Applied research in quality of life. Published online, November 30, 2015.
DOI: 10.1007/s11482-015-9441-8.
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Christmas and Subjective Well-Being: A Research Note
1. Subjective Well-being, Health, and Christmas
At the core of this research is the question whether Christmas can collectively affect subjec-
tive well-being (SWB) in European societies. Prior research has provided limited evidence
that Christmas may be negatively related to physical and mental health, but research directly
addressing SWB is scarce. Statistics from hospitals suggest that deaths per day increase by
22% in the week before Christmas compared to the annual mean (Keatinge and Donaldson
2004). An increase was shown for respiratory diseases as well as ischemic heart diseases
(Keatinge and Donaldson 2004; Kloner 2004; Phillips et al. 2004). Further evidence exists for
an increase of mental problems and illnesses at Christmas: Friedberg (1990) has argued that
dysphoric moods increase around Christmas and a clinical study by Velamoor et al. (1999)
indicates higher levels of loneliness on Christmas. Research on suicide attempts and self-harm
behaviour illustrates that such behaviours are comparably low during Christmas holidays but
peak in the days immediately following Christmas (Bergen and Hawton 2007; Carley 2004;
Cullum et al. 1993; Jessen et al. 1999; Masterton 1991; Sansone and Sansone 2011; Zonda et
al. 2008; as an exception Barker, O’Gorman and De Leo 2014).
Kloner (2004) suggests several mechanisms that may explain this increase in health issues,
amongst others, cold weather, overindulgence, and increased emotional stress. Hairon (2008)
also claims that Christmas may be a time of increased stress, family conflict, alcohol misuse,
lack of exercise, and financial concerns. The assumption that Christmas might be a stress-
related event is not a new one, however. Holmes and Rahe (1967), who developed one of the
first scales that aimed to measure stress levels of individuals based on their experience of a
number of critical life events, also included Christmas to their scale. Their Social Readjust-
3
ment Rating Scale (SRRS) considers Christmas as one of 43 stress- and health-related life
events.
1
According to the SRRS, the stress level potentially induced by Christmas is compara-
ble to “minor violations of the law” or a “change in sleeping habits”. Hence, Christmas is a
yearly and inescapable source of stress for most people.
Individuals who experience a number of critical events in one year are supposed to have a
higher level of permanent stress and are considered to be more vulnerable to health issues
(Holmes and Rahe 1967).
2
Research has provided ample evidence that individual stress levels
predict the probability to contract a disease (Cohen, Tyrrell and Smith 1991, 1993; Cohen,
Janicki-Deverts and Miller 2007; Marsland et al. 2002) or to suffer from severe mental health
problems (Langner and Stanley 1963; Tennant 2002; Wang et al. 2009).
Despite the popular notion that health problems around Christmas may occur due to increased
levels of stress and reduced emotional well-being, few studies have directly investigated the
relation of Christmas with quality of life ratings. Kasser and Sheldon (2002) have assessed
well-being at Christmas with regard to several types of activities in the Christmas period and
found that socializing with family as well as religious experiences are associated with in-
creased SWB whereas consumption activities are associated with higher stress levels and re-
duced SWB. Based on a longitudinal student sample, Páez et al. (2014) are able to show that
SWB is higher three weeks after Christmas than in the week preceding Christmas. Moreover,
they found that participation in ritualised family celebrations at Christmas increase SWB, but
experienced conflicts during Christmas are associated with negative affect, reduced life satis-
faction and less social well-being. However, both studies are based on rather small and homo-
geneous samples, so that studies using larger and representative samples are called for (Kasser
1
The SRSS consists of 43 stressful life events. It asks respondents to indicate all events they have faced during
the previous year. Each event is assigned with a score that is supposed to capture the typical level of stress that
comes along with the respective event. For instance, a divorce accounts for a stress level of 73 points and “being
fired at work” accounts for 47 points. Christmas is associated with a stress level of 12 points.
2
According to Holmes and Rahe (1967), a score above 150 points is supposed to increase the chance of a major
health breakdown by 50% and scores above 300 are associated with an 80% increase.
4
and Sheldon 2002). Moreover, both studies do not measure SWB directly at Christmas but
rely on retrospective data that were collected about two weeks after Christmas holidays.
This paper investigates Christmas effects on SWB, precisely life satisfaction and emotional
well-being, based on large-scale data from 11 European countries (see section 3 for details).
We will first develop two different views of Christmas which both are prevalent in the culture
of affluent Western societies: 1) Christmas as religious ritual and time of charity (with poten-
tially positive effects on SWB) and 2) Christmas as a years’ climax of materialist consump-
tion and spending (with potentially detrimental effects on SWB). From these considerations,
hypotheses that address effects on SWB are then derived. Finally, in a third step, we will put
our hypotheses to a test. Our main findings suggest that Christmas, in particular the pre-
Christmas period, is related to reduced life satisfaction and less favourable affective states.
However, Christians with a higher degree of religiousness are an exception to this rule.
2. The Christmas Experience: Sacred or Secular?
(1) Christmas, Religious Worship, Contemplation, and Charity
On the one hand, Christmas is a holy day in Christianity commemorating the birth of Jesus
Christ, son of God. The figure of Jesus represents basic Christian values for most Christians
worldwide, e.g. compassion, charity, forgiveness, renunciation of violence as well as of in-
dulgence. As a religious celebration, Christmas is closely interconnected with these values.
Attending religious services, intensifying prayer, watching nativity plays, donating for poor
and needy persons, spending time and exchanging gifts with family and friends may be re-
garded as ways in which basic Christian values manifest themselves and are reinforced.
If religious beliefs and religiousness are fostered around Christmas, this alone may have posi-
tive effects on SWB. Numerous studies have shown so far that religious experience, usually
measured by the frequency of attendance at religious services or by religiousness self-ratings,
is associated with better mental health and greater SWB (Byrd et al. 2007; Green and Elliott
5
2010; Keyes and Reitzes 2007; Ellison et al. 2001; Francis and Kaldor 2002; Maltby, Lewis
and Day 1999). This association may be explained by a higher level of social capital and so-
cial support that comes along with being part of a religious community (Putnam and Camp-
bell 2010). Being integrated in a religious group may enhance a person’s sense of belonging
and feeling of appreciation. Fagley (2012) has shown that appreciation is an important predic-
tor of life satisfaction. Moreover, studies have shown that spending money on others promotes
happiness (Aknin et al. 2013; Dunn, Aknin and Norton 2008). Donating, helping and caring
for others may thus be considered appropriate means of increasing SWB (Oarga, Stavrova and
Fetchenhauer 2015; Geenen et al. 2014; for a review: Post 2005).
(2) Christmas, Consumption, Commerce, and Materialism
On the other hand, Christmas has become the year’s climax of consumer materialism which
stands in sharp contrast to the roots of Christian spiritual and religious values (Belk, 1995).
On average, European households spend 265 € on Christmas presents and another 160 € on
foods for the holidays (Deloitte and Touche 2014). A Gallup survey in 2014 indicates that
Americans are even more free-spending and plan to buy presents worth of 780 $ on Christ-
mas.
3
Sales increase dramatically in the pre-Christmas period: Estimations for Germany, for
instance, show that in 2013 Christmas shopping accounted for 18% of all retail sales (Federal
Statistical Office 2014: 575). In a paper on the history of Christmas celebrations in the US,
Bartunek and Do (2011: 803) conclude that “organized commercialism has become sacred,
and the religious experience of Christmas has lost a good deal of its sacred character.” The
replacement of religion by materialism however, may come at the expense of happiness.
Research on materialism and SWB mostly point to negative effects: Individuals who score
higher on materialism and spent more money on material possessions report lower satisfaction
with life (Carter and Gilovich 2012; Manolis and Roberts 2012; Richins and Dawson 1992;
3
http://www.gallup.com/poll/178859/americans-initial-christmas-spending-estimate-positive.aspx (06/22/2015).
6
Roberts and Clement 2007; Van Boven 2005) and lower emotional well-being (Kashdan and
Breen 2007). A recent meta-analysis (Dittmar et al. 2014) has demonstrated a mean correla-
tion of r=-.19 between materialism and SWB, thus further buttressing a negative relationship.
The negative effect proves to be stable across a variety of SWB measures, for instance, life
satisfaction, positive affect, or positive self-appraisals (Dittmar et al. 2014: 907).
A variety of explanations for this negative effect were put forward: Sirgy (1998) has argued
that materialists are dissatisfied with their standard of living because they compare themselves
more often to those who possess more, which may result in feelings of envy and injustice.
Others claimed that consumers usually overestimate the rewards that come along with con-
suming a certain product which leads to disappointment after the purchase (Wilson and Gil-
bert 2005). Norris and Larsen (2011: 878) claim that one feature of materialist culture is the
desire to want more: as soon as we have a particular good, we want another one. In a culture
of “wanting more”, however, dissatisfaction becomes normalcy. Others put forward the as-
sumption that materialistic lifestyles, centred on the acquisition of possessions and status, can
only be pursued at the expense of other basic human needs like relatedness, autonomy, and
competence (Dittmar et al. 2014; Tsang et al. 2014). Hence, lower SWB may be the result of
poor satisfaction of basic psychological needs. Finally, many people experience the time be-
fore Christmas as a period of increased time pressures and social demands, especially the time
where gifts are purchased (Miyazaki 1993). Accordingly, Kasser and Sheldon (2002) have
found that people who report to have spent a lot of money in the time before Christmas also
report higher levels of stress, more negative emotions and lower SWB on Christmas holidays.
Hypotheses
Both rationales summarized above result in different assumptions concerning the effect of
Christmas on SWB. The sacred experience of Christmas does not seem to be in line with the
stress perspective outlined in the introduction. If peoples’ experience of Christmas would be
7
primarily a religious one, stress must not necessarily increase and even a heightened level of
SWB can be assumed, given that religiousness is reinforced. Accordingly, it can be hypothe-
sized that SWB is higher at Christmas compared to other times of the year (H#1). However, if
a materialist consumer culture dominates the Christmas experience, higher stress levels can be
presumed, in particular in the Pre-Christmas period at the peak of commercial activity, which
in turn may result in a decline of SWB. In this perspective, SWB is lower at Christmas com-
pared to other times of the year (H#2). However, it may also be assumed that the sacred, reli-
gious experience of Christmas is more dominant among Christians, and in particular among
very religious Christians, whereas the secular, materialist experience is more dominant among
atheists and non-Christians. Hence, the effect of Christmas time on SWB is likely to be moder-
ated by religious affiliation and religiousness (H#3). Precisely, differences between a) Chris-
tians and Non-Christians as well as between b) less religious and very religious Christians
will be put to a test in the subsequent analyses.
3. Methods
Data
The present study uses a quantitative, cross-sectional approach and is based on survey data
from the European Social Surveys (ESS), particularly ESS Rounds 3 and 6. In both rounds
quality of life was a key topic and a set of similar questions was included. Given the high sim-
ilarity of both waves and the small number of people interviewed at Christmas period (see
details below), they were merged for the subsequent analyses. Wave 3 was carried out in
2006/07 and wave 6 was accomplished in 2012/13. Countries were included in the analysis
under the conditions that a) they took part in ESS waves 3 and 6, b) at least 50 interviews in
this particular country fell into the Christmas period, and c) the countries have been dominat-
ed historically by either Catholic or Protestant Christianity. Eleven countries met all of these
criteria and were selected for the study, namely Belgium, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, Ire-
8
land, Netherlands, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. The national sur-
veys were conducted as Computer-assisted Personal Interviews (CAPI) with the exception of
Slovakia, were a Paper-and-Pencil approach (PAPI) was chosen.
Measuring the Christmas effect
In both ESS Rounds, the survey period originally was scheduled to last from September 1
until December 31 of the respective year. However, in most of the countries data collection
was expanded by weeks or even months. In the 11 countries selected data collection did take
place in the Christmas period. For this analysis, all interviews taken in the week before
Christmas or during the Christmas holidays (16
th
- 26
th
December) are considered as (Pre-
)Christmas interviews (N=2,057). In each country selected at least 50 interviews were realized
in this period. A dummy variable was created which separates (Pre-)Christmas interviews
from the rest. Moreover, another dummy for Post-Christmas interviews (27
th
- 31
st
December)
was created (N=855) to estimate the possible impact of the holidays on SWB. The Christmas
effects are then estimated as the mean difference in SWB between respondents whose inter-
view took place in one of the two defined Christmas periods (Pre-Christmas, Post-Christmas)
compared to those interviews taken at any other time within the survey period, except July
and August (N=42,298).
4
Table 1 shows the distribution of the sample by interview date.
++ Table 1 ++
4
A marginal number of N=73 interviews were conducted in July and August. It was decided to exclude these
interviews from the analyses because July and August are the peak months of Europe’s summer holiday season
and this may be associated with increased subjective well-being amongst respondents. Although the exclusion of
these 73 cases has no influence on the results, it still seems the proper way to handle the data.
9
Measures for SWB
(1) Life Satisfaction. ESS surveys include one of the standard questions for measuring life
satisfaction, namely: “All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole”.
Respondents could indicate their satisfaction on an 11-point rating scale that ranged from 0
(=extremely dissatisfied) to 10 (=extremely satisfied).
(2) Emotional Well-being. In both ESS waves respondents were asked to indicate the frequen-
cy of certain emotional states during the last week. In a first step, a measure for positive emo-
tions was calculated that includes the reported frequencies with which the respondents a) were
happy, b) enjoyed life, c) had lots of energy and d) felt calm and peaceful. In a second step, a
similar measure for negative emotions was calculated. This measure is based on the frequen-
cies with which respondents a) felt depressed, b) felt lonely, c) felt sad and d) felt anxious.
The two scales for negative and positive affective states vary between 1 (=never felt that way)
und 4 (=always felt that way), hence higher values indicate more frequent positive (negative)
emotions. Both affect scales are substantially negatively correlated (r=-.55) which means that
persons who report more positive emotions generally report less negative emotions and vice
versa. In light of this substantial correlation, positive and negative emotions were not treated
independently. Instead, the measure for emotional well-being was calculated as the difference
between the frequency of positive affect and the frequency of negative affect. Our final meas-
ure thus captures the affective balance in the week prior to the survey. Its values can range
from +3 (=always positive and no negative emotions) to -3 (always negative and no positive
emotions) with 0 pointing to an equilibrium of positive and negative affect. Similar measures
have been used in prior research (Nawijn et al., 2010; Sanjuan 2011; Schimmack et al. 2002;
Suh et al. 1998).
10
Analytical Approach
Linear regression models were calculated which include a set of control variables which, ac-
cording to the literature on SWB, also predict life satisfaction and emotional well-being.
These control variables include age, gender, completed years of full-time education, unem-
ployment, religious denomination, children at home and a subjective health measure. A full
description of these variables is given in Table 2. Particularly subjective health is an important
control variable because cold weather in December may lead to a higher prevalence of colds,
flu or other related diseases which also affects SWB. Including a subjective health measure
statistically accounts for the shared variance of subjective health and SWB and is thus a rather
conservative approach for assessing the Christmas effect on life satisfaction and emotional
well-being. Additionally, fixed effects for country differences are included in the models.
These effects account for mean differences in life satisfaction and emotional well-being at the
country level. Numerous studies have shown that such differences exist (e.g. Kuppens, Realo
and Diener 2008; Mutz and Kämpfer 2013; Schyns 2002), however explaining country differ-
ences is not in the scope of this study. Moreover, robust standard errors were calculated which
account for possible homoscedasticity in the data due to its multilevel structure (White 1980).
One of the initial assumptions of this study was that religious affiliation is likely to be a mod-
erator for the Christmas effect on SWB (H#3). This assumption is put to a test by including
interaction effects that estimate SWB at Christmas for Christians separately. Precisely, we
calculated a first dummy variable which includes individuals with a Christian religious affilia-
tion who were interviewed in the Christmas period (N=1,072). A second set of dummy varia-
bles comprises a) Christians with low religiousness interviewed in the (Pre-)Christmas period
(N=588) and b) Christians with a high degree of religiousness interviewed in the (Pre-
)Christmas period (N=460). Religiousness values were based on the respondents’ self-ratings.
11
++ Table 2 ++
4. Findings
Descriptive Results
Descriptive statistics regarding the sample are provided in Table 2. Descriptive results reveal
that life satisfaction is on average at M=6.90 with Hungarians reporting the lowest satisfaction
with life (M=5.52) and Swedes indicating the highest life satisfaction (M=7.85). Emotional
well-being scores average at M=1.22, which means that respondents have generally reported
more positive emotions than negative emotions. From the 11 countries included, Hungary has
again the lowest emotional well-being (M=0.48) while Ireland scores highest (M=1.51). At
the individual level, the correlation between life satisfaction and emotional well-being is
r=.46, indicating that emotional well-being and life satisfaction ratings are closely connected
(e.g. Kuppens, Realo and Diener, 2008; Mutz and Kämpfer, 2013; Suh et al., 1998).
Results of the Regression Analyses
More important, however, is the question if the Christmas period has a measurable influence
on SWB. Results are provided in Tables 3 and 4. For each outcome variable, the first regres-
sion model shows the general Christmas effect (model I) whereas additional models (II and
III) estimate separately the effects for Christians (vs. Non-Christians) and for less religious
and very religious Christians (vs. Non-Christians), respectively.
Regarding life satisfaction, interviewees in the (Pre-)Christmas period indicate significantly
lower satisfaction with life compared to respondents surveyed at other times of the year. The
size of the effect, however, is rather small (b=-0.12, p<.05, model I). Interaction effects with
religious denomination (model II) do not point to significant differences (b=0.14, p=.13).
However, the positive coefficient suggests that Christians may be somewhat happier around
12
Christmas compared to non-Christians. More striking are the differences detected for Chris-
tians with a high degree of religiousness (model III). This group sets apart from non-
Christians and less religious Christians with a significantly higher degree of life satisfaction
around Christmas (b=0.23, p<.05). Hence, whereas life satisfaction among atheists, non-
Christians and less religious Christians declines in the (Pre-)Christmas period, it remains ra-
ther stable among very religious Christian believers. In the Post-Christmas period, no signifi-
cant effects are found. In the aftermath of Christmas, respondents report a level of life satis-
faction comparable to the annual mean.
Analyses for emotional well-being yield similar main effects, but differ with regard to interac-
tion effects. First, a significant negative effect for the (Pre-)Christmas period can be demon-
strated (b=-0.21, p<.01, model I). Hence, respondents surveyed in the (Pre-)Christmas period
report a less favourable affective balance compared to respondents surveyed in other periods
of the year. In the (Pre-)Christmas time positive emotions dominate over negative emotions to
a lesser degree. Christians differ in their affective balance significantly from non-Christians,
but only by a small margin (b=0.08, p<.05, model II): Interviewees with Christian denomina-
tion indicate a more positive affective balance at Christmas compared to non-Christians.
However, the absolute value of the negative main effect is greater than the absolute value of
the positive interaction effect, so that emotional well-being in Christians is not higher at
Christmas compared to other periods of the year. Christians are not immune to the Christmas
decline in emotional well-being, but they seem to be less affected. This result holds true for
less religious as well as very religious Christians (model III). The differentiation regarding the
religiousness of Christian interviewees do not yield any significant results. However, a small
but significant Post-Christmas effect is shown (b=-0.09, p<.01) in all models, indicating that
directly after Christmas holidays emotional well-being is still less positive than on a typical
day outside of the Christmas period.
13
Generally it has to be noted that (Pre-)Christmas time has a higher negative influence on emo-
tional well-being than on life satisfaction. This conclusion can be drawn from the standard-
ized regression weights (β), whose absolute value is twice as high for emotional well-being
compared to life satisfaction. On a conceptual level, emotional well-being is regarded as the
short-term and rather fluctuating aspect of SWB, whereas life satisfaction refers to more sta-
ble and mostly cognitive evaluations of life achievements (Schimmack, 2008). Hence, from a
theoretical perspective, the result that the Christmas effect is more pronounced for emotional
well-being and less pronounced for life satisfaction is highly plausible.
The effects of the control variables are rather unsurprising and correspond to findings of pre-
vious studies: Education, children at home and Christian denomination are associated with
slightly higher levels of life satisfaction and emotional well-being. Strong negative effects on
both dependent variables are detected for unemployment and strong positive effects go along
with better subjective health. Age has a negative, but non-linear effect on life satisfaction, but
not on emotional well-being.
5
Gender does not correlate with life satisfaction, but emotional
well-being is lower in females compared to males.
++ Table 3 and 4 ++
5. Summary and Conclusions
Based on a large scale, cross-sectional data set from 11 European countries, this study has
shown that respondents surveyed in the period shortly before or at the Christmas holidays
generally report lower life satisfaction and lower emotional well-being compared to respond-
ents whose interview took place outside of the Chrostmas period. These findings are in line
5
The curvilinear age effect suggests that life satisfaction is generally declining over the life-course. However, at
younger ages the relative decline in life satisfaction per year is larger than in older age groups.
14
with the stress perspective on Christmas, hence Hypothesis #2. In this perspective reduced
SWB at Christmas is a result of perceived time pressure, social obligations and, maybe, finan-
cial concerns which are inherent in the materialist consumer culture that surrounds Christmas
nowadays. In the aftermath of Christmas, subjective well-being is not particularly positive,
but again converging to its annual mean level. This finding may suggest that it is particularly
the Pre-Christmas hustle and not the Christmas holiday itself that has caused the short-term
decline in well-being. Moreover, this study also demonstrated that Christian religious affilia-
tion moderates the way in which Christmas is experienced, buttressing hypothesis #3. Results
indicate that religious Christians do not suffer from reduced life satisfaction in the time before
Christmas (Figure 1). In this regard, religious Christians deviate from the general pattern in a
remarkable, but plausible way. Moreover, the Christmas decline in terms of emotional well-
being is less pronounced in Christians compared to non-Christians (Figure 2). Hence, both
findings consistently show that Christian religious affiliation is a protective factor against the
general decline in SWB around Christmas. It is less clear however, if this protection comes
along with Christian affiliation per se or if it needs to be combined with high religiousness.
++ Figure 1 and 2 ++
Findings of the present study are in line with the Christmas study conducted by Kasser and
Sheldon (2002), who demonstrated in a small sample of US-Americans living in Illinois that
consumption activities come along with reduced SWB at Christmas whereas religious experi-
ences were associated with enhanced SWB at Christmas. Although measures on such activi-
ties were not collected in the present study it is highly plausible that individuals with Christian
affiliation and a strong sense of religiousness celebrate Christmas differently than the majority
of non-Christians. It can be assumed that these individuals are less prone to get absorbed by
15
the consumerism that precedes the holidays.
6
It is an interesting question however, if this de-
viance from the general rule is due to the religious experience or instead a more inward-
oriented, contemplative way to celebrate Christmas. If the latter is true, gains and losses in
SWB are not caused by religion itself but by the way Christmas is celebrated.
The Christmas study from Páez et al. (2014) found that Christmas holidays increase SWB. At
first sight, this seems to contradict the results at hand. However, Páez and colleagues collected
their data in the week before Christmas and again three weeks after Christmas. Thus, it is like-
ly that the initial level of SWB in their sample was particularly low as they scheduled their
first measurement in the stressful week preceding Christmas. Hence, the more positive SWB
values measured three weeks after Christmas may reflect a normalization of well-being in the
aftermath of Christmas rather than an exceptionally high level. If this is true, the results of the
two studies would complement and not contradict each other.
Of course, the present study also has some limitations. One limitation is the small number of
interviews that were conducted directly at Christmas holidays. Therefore, the operational def-
inition of “Christmas time” in this study did also include the week before Christmas Eve. This
week may be particularly stressful as many Christmas presents are purchased in this week.
According to consumer research by Ernst and Young, 27% of all Christmas presents in Ger-
many are purchased in the last two weeks before Christmas.
7
In other European countries sim-
ilar patterns are likely to be found. Hence, the negative Christmas effect on SWB may largely
apply to the pre-Christmas period, but must not necessarily prevail at Christmas Eve. Another
limitation is that no valid measures for perceived stress are included in the ESS data. This is
the reason why the assumed mechanism declines in SWB at Christmas are due to increased
stress levels could not be tested directly. Although this mechanism was put forward in this
6
Support of this notion is provided by the Kasser and Sheldon study (2002: 324), when they argue that material-
istic strivings involve more stressful experiences and distract people from the ‚true meaning’ of the season.
7
http://www.de.ey.com/Publication/vwLUAssetsPI/EY_Studie_-_Weihnachtsgeschaeft_2014/$FILE/EY-
Weihnachtsgeschaeft-2014.pdf (06/22/2015).
16
study, it is not the only way the demonstrated Christmas effect may be explained. An exper-
imental study (Schmitt et al. 2010) has shown that the mere presence of Christmas symbols
can reduce mood and well-being among non-Christian religious groups, for instance Sikh and
Buddhists. Furthermore, this study can also demonstrate that these negative effects are medi-
ated by reduced feelings of inclusion. The authors argue that individuals feel better in envi-
ronments “that they perceive as inclusive of their identities” (Schmitt et al. 2010: 1019).
However, it is questionable if this argument can be applied in the present case. In the ESS
data used here, the majority of non-Christians are atheists without a religious denomination.
Individuals with a non-Christian denomination, who may indeed feel less included into the
dominant Christmas culture in European countries, are hardly represented in the data.
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22
Table 1: Interview dates in the Pre-Christmas and Post-Christmas period
Interview date
N
Period
Interview date
N
Period
Dec 15
28,
218
Reference
Group
December
24
18
(Pre)Christmas
Dec
ember
16
249
(Pre)Christmas
December
25
17
(Pre)Christmas
December
17
308
(Pre)Christmas
December
26
70
(Pre)Christmas
December
18
346
(Pre)Christmas
December
27
252
Post
-
Christmas
December
19
327
(Pre)Christmas
December
28
231
Post
-
Christmas
December
20
289
(
Pre)Christmas
December
29
205
Post
-
Christmas
December
21
204
(Pre)Christmas
December
30
127
Post
-
Christmas
December
22
146
(Pre)Christmas
December
31
40
Post
-
Christmas
December
23
83
(Pre)Christmas
Jan 1
Jun
3
0
1
4
,0
80
Reference
Group
23
Table 2: Sample and Variable Descriptions
Variable
Name
Variable
Description
Univariate
St
a
tistics
Life Satisfaction
“All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a
whole?”
Response categories: 0=extremely dissatisfied …
10=extremel
y satisfied
.
M=6.90
S
D
=2.19
Emotional
Well
-
being
Difference score of positive emotions and negative em
o
tions.
Positive emotions: “Please tell me how much of the time during
the past week a) you felt happy, b) you enjoyed life, c) you had
a lot of energy, d) you felt calm and peaceful.” Negative emo-
tions: “Please tell me how much of the time during the past
week a) you felt depressed, b) you felt lonely, c) you felt sad, d)
you felt anxious.” Response categories: 1=none or almost none
of the time … 4=all or almost all of the time. The final measure
has a value range from
-
3 (
only negative emotions
)
to +3 (only
positive em
o
tions).
M=1.22
S
D
=1.05
Age
Age of the respondent in years
.
Original values.
M=
47
.
3
S
D
=
18
.
4
Gender
G
ender of the respondent
.
Response
categories: 1=female, 0=male
f
e
male=
53.6%
m
ale=
46.4%
Level of
Educ
a
tion
Highest level of education completed, according to ISCED levels
.
Values
:
1
=
less than lower secondary, 2=lower secondary,
3=lower tier upper secondary, 4=upper tier upper secondary,
5=advanced vocational, 6=lower tertiary (B.A. le
v
el), 7=higher
tertiary (M.A. level).
M=2.
98
S
D
=
2
.
18
Children
at Home
Respondent lives with child(ren) in household.
Response cat
e
gories: 1=yes, 0=no
yes=40.0%
no=60.0%
Unemplo
y
ment
Respondent is unemploye
d. Variable includes une
m
ployed
persons who are looking for a job as well as those not loo
k
ing
actively for a job. Response categories: 1=yes, 0=no
yes=7.0%
no=92.9%
Christian
Denom
i
nation
“Do you consider yourself as belonging to any particular rel
i-
gion
?” Variable includes pe
r
sons who self
-
identify as “Roman
Catholic” or “Protestant”.
C
ategories: 1=Christian affiliation,
0=other/no religious affiliation.
Christian=
47.7%,
non
-
Christian=
52.6%
Religiousness
“Regardless of whether you belong to a particul
ar rel
i
gion, how
religious would you say you are?”
Response categories: 0=not at all religious … 10=very reli-
gious. The dummy variable “High religiousness” includes all
Christians (see above) with a religiousness self-rating ≥6. The
dummy variable “
Low re
ligiousness
” includes Christians with a
rel
i
giousness self
-
rating
<
6.
High religiou
s-
ness
=
58.1
%,
Low religious-
ness=41.9%
(in per cent of
all Christians)
Subje
c
tive Health
“How is your health in general?”
Response categories: 1=very bad … 5=very good.
M=3.78
S
D
=0.91
Pre
-
Christmas
Inte
r
view
Respondent surveyed between December, 16 and Dece
m
ber, 26
of the respective year.
yes=4.7%
no=95.3%
Post
-
Christmas
Inte
r
view
Respondent surveyed between December,
27
and Dece
m
ber,
31
of the respective year.
yes=
1
.
9%
no=98
.
1
%
24
Table 3: Christmas Effects on Life Satisfaction
Satisfa
c
tion with Life
I
II
III
b
β
b
β
b
β
Age
-
0.04**
-
.389
-
0.04**
-
.385
-
0.04**
-
.376
Age (squared)
0.001**
.468
0.001**
.453
0.001**
.438
Gender
(female vs. male)
0.04*
.01
0
0.03
.006
0.01
.002
Level of e
ducation
0.05**
.053
0.05**
.053
0.05**
.053
Children at home
0.06*
.012
0.05*
.010
0.04*
.010
Unemployment
-
1.23**
-
.147
-
1.21**
-
.145
-
1.21**
-
.145
Subjective health
0.75**
.319
0.74**
.318
0.74**
.318
Christian den
omination
1)
-
-
0.23**
.053
-
-
Christians, low religiou
s
ness
2
)
-
-
-
-
0.04
.007
Christians, high religiou
s
ness
2
)
-
-
-
-
0.37**
.075
Pre
-
Christmas Interview
-
0.12*
-
.011
-
0.19**
-
.018
-
0.21**
-
.020
Post
-
Christmas Interview
0.04
.002
0.03
.002
0.03
.0
02
IA Pre
-
Christmas Inte
r
view*
Christian Denomin
a
tion
-
-
0.14
.010
-
-
IA Pre
-
Christmas Inte
r
view*
Christian, low religiou
s
ness
-
-
-
-
0.14
.007
IA Pre
-
Christmas Inte
r
view*
Christian, high religiou
s
ness
-
-
-
-
0.23*
.011
.2
18
.22
0
.22
3
Notes: ESS Waves 3 + 6. Countries included: Belgium, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Netherlands, Por-
tugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. Linear regression analyses with fixed effects for country
differences. IA = Interaction effect. 1) Christian denomination: Dummy variable that includes respondents with
formal affiliation in the Roman-Catholic or Evangelic church. 2) Dummy variables that include Christians with
high/low religiousness, according to religiousness self-ratings (see Table 1). Significance: */** = p<.05/.01.
25
Table 4: Christmas Effect on Emotional Well-being
Affect Balance
I
II
III
b
β
b
β
b
β
Age
0.001
.014
0.001
.017
0.001
.018
Age (squared)
0.000
.034
0.000
.024
0.000
.022
Gender
(female vs. male)
-
0.18**
-
.089
-
0.19**
-
.091
-
0.19**
-
.092
Level of e
ducation
0.03**
.060
0.03**
.060
0.03**
.060
Children at home
0.04*
.019
0.04*
.018
0.04*
.018
Unemployment
-
0.29**
-
.073
-
0.29**
-
.071
-
0.29**
-
.071
Subjective health
0.46**
-
.405
0.46**
-
.405
0.46**
-
.405
Christian denomination
1)
-
-
0.07**
.033
-
-
Christians, low religiou
s
ness
2
)
-
-
-
-
0.06**
.022
Christians, high religio
u
s
ness
2
)
-
-
-
-
0.08**
.034
Pre
-
Christmas Interview
-
0.21**
-
.039
-
0.25**
-
.047
-
0.24**
-
.046
Post
-
Christmas Interview
-
0.09**
-
.010
-
0.09**
-
.010
-
0.09**
-
.010
IA Pre
-
Christmas Inte
r
view*
Christian Denomin
a
tion
-
-
0.08*
.011
-
-
IA Pre
-
Christmas Int
e
r
view*
Christian, low religiou
s
ness
-
-
-
-
0.08
.008
IA Pre
-
Christmas Inte
r
view*
Christian, high religiou
s
ness
-
-
-
-
0.07
.007
.230
.231
.231
Notes: ESS Waves 3 + 6. Countries included: Belgium, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Netherlands, Por-
tugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. Linear regression analyses with fixed effects for country
differences. IA = Interaction effect. 1) Christian denomination: Dummy variable that includes respondents with
formal affiliation in the Roman-Catholic or Evangelic church. 2) Dummy variables that include Christians with
high/low religiousness, according to religiousness self-ratings (see Table 1). Significance: */** = p<.05/.01.
26
Figure 1: The Christmas effect on life satisfaction among religious
Christians and non-Christians, according to Table 3, model III.
Figure 2: The Christmas effect on emotional well-being among
Christians and non-Christians, according to Table 4, model II.
... With respect to affect, previous research has shown that Christmas celebrations may be both positively and negatively associated with affective wellbeing. For example, Kasser and Sheldon (2002) and Mutz (2016) found that Christmas celebrations based on material values are negatively related to wellbeing. This is in line with the findings from the meta-analysis of Dittmar et al. (2014) that materialism is associated with lower levels of positive affect and higher levels of negative affect and anxiety. ...
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In countries where Christmas is celebrated, people are under pressure in the pre-Christmas period to spend on gift giving and socializing. In two surveys we investigated the role of the meaning of Christmas and other psychological factors in predicting propensity to spend and to borrow at Christmas (UK, N = 190; Norway, N = 234). Factor analysis identified three components of the meaning of Christmas: financial concerns, indulgence, and social aspects. In both surveys: (1) experienced financial hardship predicted lower propensity to spend and greater propensity to borrow; (2) more proactive money management practices predicted lower propensity to borrow; (3) material values predicted both propensity to spend and propensity to borrow; and (4) seeing Christmas as a time for indulgence, experiencing more negative affect, or less positive affect, predicted greater propensity to spend. Additionally: (1) in the UK survey, participants who said that lately they had been feeling more negative (more angry, sad etc.) had a greater propensity to borrow; and (2) in the Norway survey, an obligation gift motivation predicted propensity to spend. The findings show that in addition to experienced financial hardship and proactive money management practices, the psychological factors of material values, affect, and gift motivation play significant roles in propensity to spend and/or borrow at this time of high pressure. We discuss implications for theory and financial interventions.
... The lockdown started in the middle of December (December 15) and lasted until the end of February, meaning a lockdown during the winter holidays. The ritual of celebrating Christmas can lead to increased well-being or, when experienced as a stressor, to conflict and lower well-being and higher negative affect (Mutz, 2016;Páez et al., 2011). Furthermore, the start of vaccination program was announced in December in the Netherlands, leading to hope. ...
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Introduction The corona virus (COVID‐19) pandemic may have a prolonged impact on people's lives, with multiple waves of infections and lockdowns, but how a lockdown may alter emotional functioning is still hardly understood. Methods In this 100‐daily diaries study, we examined how to affect intensity and variability of adolescents (N = 159, Mage = 13.3, 61.6% female) and parents (N = 159, Mage = 45.3, 79.9% female) changed after the onset and during (>50 days) the second COVID‐19 lockdown in the Netherlands, using preregistered piecewise growth models. Results We found only an unexpected increase in parents' positive affect intensity after the lockdown onset, but no immediate changes in negative affect intensity or variability. However, both adolescents and parents reported gradual increases in negative affect intensity and variability as the lockdown prolonged. Lockdown effects did not differ between adolescents and parents. However, within groups, individuals differed. The individual differences in the effects were partly explained by life satisfaction, depressive symptoms, and self‐reported lockdown impact. Conclusions Overall, these findings suggests that a lockdown triggers changes in daily affective well‐being especially as the lockdown prolongs. Individual differences in the effects indicate heterogeneity in the impact of the lockdown on daily affect that was partly explained by baseline life satisfaction and depressive symptoms. However, more knowledge on the causes of this heterogeneity is needed to be able to increase resilience to lockdown effects in the population.
... On the other hand, individuals experienced Christmas as a stressful period with increased chances of family conflicts, financial concerns, and alcohol abuse (Hairon, 2008;Kloner, 2004). For instance, a large-scale study by Mutz (2016) in 11 European countries showed that Christmas was featured by a decrease in life satisfaction and emotional well-being compared to other periods in the year. Even increased levels of loneliness and more suicide attempts have been reported, particularly after the Christmas celebrations (e.g., Sansone & Sansone, 2011). ...
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Background: In November 2020, many European governments imposed severe limitations on social contacts and festive gatherings to avoid a further outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Aims: At the moment when it was still unclear whether Christmas gatherings would be allowed, the present vignette study was conducted to evaluate four hypothetical scenarios varying in restrictiveness (i.e., 1, 2, 4, or an unlimited number of visitors). Method: In total, 5,756 Belgian participants (65.7% female; M age = 45.6, range: 18–89) evaluated each scenario in terms of the perceived strictness, probability of adherence, and expected psychological advantages (i.e., autonomy, relatedness, pleasure) and disadvantages (i.e., concerns). Results: Evidence for a curvilinear pattern was found, such that the expected psychological benefits increased with an increasing number of allowed visitors till 4, with this effect being reversed in case of an unlimited gathering. Yet, these main effects were qualified: Older adults, those living together, and those scoring high on risk perception and autonomous motivation to adhere to the corona measures expected the more restrictive scenarios to be equally beneficial compared to the more relaxed scenarios. Limitations: Limitations are self-selection of the sample, no counterbalancing of the scenario’s and the vignette-based methodology. Conclusion: The present findings suggest that people’s risk perception and autonomous motivation are key to secure and stimulate the acceptance of life-restricting measures.
... Christmas is good for well-being? Other research indicates otherwise (Holmes and Rahe 1967;Mutz 2016), suggesting it can cause feelings of stress for various reasons: financial, family, and so on. What about the days either side when people are travelling huge distances (with everyone else) using transport infrastructure which is not fit for purpose? ...
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This Open Access book addresses the need to think about well-being data: how well-being is understood and the ways evidence is ostensibly used to improve society. Well-being data is pivotal in decisions that affect our life chances, livelihoods and quality of life. It is increasingly valuable to companies with their eyes on profit, organisations looking to make a social impact, and governments focussed on societal problems. ‘Following the data’ is a now-familiar phrase in Covid-19 policy communications. This book follows well-being data back centuries, showing it has long been used to track the health and wealth of society. It questions assumptions that have underpinned over 200 years of social science, statistical and policy work. Understanding Well-being Data is a readable, introductory book with real-life examples. It offers practitioners an accessible view ‘under-the-bonnet’ of data collection, analyses and uses to see how they actually operate and what they enact. Understanding the contexts of data and decision-making are critical for policy, practice and research that aims to do good, or at least avoid harm. While the limitations of well-being data remain unaddressed, its positive contribution for society can never be fully realised. Through its comprehensive survey and critical lens, this book provides tools to promote better understanding of the power and potential of well-being data, and the limits of their application.
... Christmas is good for well-being? Other research indicates otherwise (Holmes and Rahe 1967;Mutz 2016), suggesting it can cause feelings of stress for various reasons: financial, family, and so on. What about the days either side when people are travelling huge distances (with everyone else) using transport infrastructure which is not fit for purpose? ...
Chapter
Full-text available
Can Big Data improve understanding of well-being and can they harm well-being? The chapter opens by asking what even is ‘Big Data’, and is ‘it’ actually new when large datasets have been valuable in understanding population-level health, wealth and well-being for 6000 years. It reviews the failed promises of Big Data to predict and prevent pandemics, including COVID-19, comparing new data infrastructures with old ones. It presents examples and case studies of social media data and data mining on large scales, and for smaller organisations to understand how we feel. We find there are more limits to Big Data and new data technologies to understand well-being than are made explicit, and question the ethics of Big Data insights and their monetary value in the context of well-being.
... Christmas is good for well-being? Other research indicates otherwise (Holmes and Rahe 1967;Mutz 2016), suggesting it can cause feelings of stress for various reasons: financial, family, and so on. What about the days either side when people are travelling huge distances (with everyone else) using transport infrastructure which is not fit for purpose? ...
Article
Full-text available
This Open Access book addresses the need to think about well-being data: how well-being is understood and the ways evidence is ostensibly used to improve society. Well-being data is pivotal in decisions that affect our life chances, livelihoods and quality of life. It is increasingly valuable to companies with their eyes on profit, organisations looking to make a social impact, and governments focussed on societal problems. ‘Following the data’ is a now-familiar phrase in Covid-19 policy communications. This book follows well-being data back centuries, showing it has long been used to track the health and wealth of society. It questions assumptions that have underpinned over 200 years of social science, statistical and policy work. Understanding Well-being Data is a readable, introductory book with real-life examples. It offers practitioners an accessible view ‘under-the-bonnet’ of data collection, analyses and uses to see how they actually operate and what they enact. Understanding the contexts of data and decision-making are critical for policy, practice and research that aims to do good, or at least avoid harm. While the limitations of well-being data remain unaddressed, its positive contribution for society can never be fully realised. Through its comprehensive survey and critical lens, this book provides tools to promote better understanding of the power and potential of well-being data, and the limits of their application.
... Furthermore, although the holiday season is a positive time for many, it can also be a stressful time (Páez et al., 2011). For some, the holiday season is accompanied by reduced life satisfaction, mood and emotional wellbeing, and higher suicide rates (Beauchamp et al., 2014;Plöderl et al., 2015;Mutz, 2016;Hofstra et al., 2018). Because it was felt likely that COVID-19 restrictions negatively impacted the 2020 holiday season for many, this study was designed to explore the use of a virtual telehealth stress reduction intervention for US adults during the 2020 holiday season. ...
Article
Full-text available
Numerous recent studies have shown that COVID-19 and the accompanying mandated lifestyle changes have resulted in significant negative effects on people’s mental health. To meet the increased need for mental health support, while also maintaining physical safety, a variety of telehealth services have been created or expanded. A body scan mindfulness program is an intervention that can easily be modified to be offered virtually. This study was designed to determine if a virtual body scan mindfulness exercise, with participants’ holding their dog or a pillow/blanket, could reduce their stress and anxiety as well as that of the facilitators. Significant differences in pre/post-State Anxiety Assessment scores for participants and facilitators were found. These results are discussed within the framework of the human animal bond and the potential of this form of intervention as a useful virtual tool for participants and facilitators alike.
... For example, annual suicide rates peak on New Year's Day in the USA [25] and Austria [26]. Additionally, Christmas can be associated with reduced life satisfaction and emotional well-being [27], lower mood [28] and higher levels of loneliness [29]. Therefore, a lockdown over this period may be of particular concern for public mental health. ...
Article
Full-text available
Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic a decline in mental health has been reported. This online study investigated mental health and well-being in Austria during a strict lockdown. In total, N = 1505 participants were recruited between 23 December 2020 and 4 January 2021 and levels of depression (PHQ-9), anxiety (GAD-7), sleep quality (ISI), well-being (WHO-5), quality of life (WHO-QOL) and stress (PSS-10) were measured. 26% scored above the cut-off for moderate depressive symptoms (PHQ-9 ≥ 10; ♀ = 32%; ♂ = 21%), 23% above the cut-off for moderate anxiety (GAF-7 ≥ 10; ♀ = 29%; ♂ = 17%) and 18% above the cut-off for moderate insomnia (ISI ≥ 15; ♀ = 21%; ♂ = 16%). Mean-scores for quality of life (psychological WHO-QOL) were 68.89, for well-being (WHO-5) 14.34, and for stress (PSS-10) 16.42. The youngest age group (18–24) was most burdened and showed significantly more mental health symptoms compared with the oldest age group (65+) in depressive symptoms (50% vs. 12%), anxiety symptoms (35% vs. 10%), and insomnia (25% vs. 11%, all p-values < 0.05). Mental health decreased compared to both the first lockdown earlier in 2020 and pre-pandemic data. Further analyses indicate these findings were especially apparent for the under 24-year-olds, women, single/separated people, low incomes and those who do not partake in any physical activity (all p-values < 0.05). We highlight the need for ongoing mental health support, particularly to the most burdened groups.
Article
Every year, millions of people spend Christmas behind bars, yet very little scholarship examines the carceral Christmas. This research attempts to add to the literature by using over 70 years of prisoners’ writings to describe how this holiday season is physically and psychologically experienced by convicts. Drawing on third space scholarship, we argue that prisoners use the manifestations of the holiday season to temporarily ‘escape’ the carceral milieu. More specifically, we contend that the dominant discourses, while not completely refuted, become redefined and reconstituted during the celebratory period. The typical binaries found within the prison (free/captive, inside/outside, keeper/kept), are blurred as a more liminal space emerges. Ultimately, this new imagined space provides a mechanism through which prisoners survive a carceral Christmas.
Article
Objectives This study aimed to explore the most prevalent causes and consequences of maladaptive parent-adolescent conflict from the perspectives of Australian psychologists and other family clinicians. We also queried whether these professionals have observed events or times that exacerbate parent-adolescent conflict. Method A cross-sectional survey was used to collect data from one hundred and thirty-seven clinicians working in Australia with parents and adolescents. Data were collected via an author-developed, online survey and frequencies were reported. Results Daily issues of family life (e.g., chores) and relationship readjustment were reported as the most prevalent themes causing parent-adolescent conflict, with problems at school reported as a theme resulting from conflict. Mental health issues in parents and adolescents were reported to (a) be common causes of conflict and (b) worsen after conflict. Trauma and domestic and family violence were identified as additional causes not well represented in existing research. Respondents reported Christmas as a time when conflict was exacerbated. Conclusions Increased awareness amongst clinicians of the likelihood of encountering these issues in their work with families will support competent risk assessment, crisis management and service delivery. Implications of findings for future research on parent-adolescent conflict during specific years of adolescence, training of clinicians and risk management in clinical practice are discussed. KEY POINTSWhat is already know on this topic: • Conflict with parents increases during the adolescent years. • Parent-adolescent conflict can be caused by a wide range of factors, and have a range of adaptive and maladaptive consequences. • Parents and adolescents experiencing maladaptive conflicts often seek support from family clinicians. What this topic adds: • A current exploration of the causes and consequences of parent-adolescent conflict that are most prevalent. • The perspectives of the family clinicians who support conflicted parents and adolescents, but have been underrepresented in existing research. • Inform early-career clinicians who support families of the most prevalent factors they may encounter in their work, improving risk assessment and crisis management following a conflict.
Article
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It is not known whether psychological stress suppresses host resistance to infection. To investigate this issue, we prospectively studied the relation between psychological stress and the frequency of documented clinical colds among subjects intentionally exposed to respiratory viruses. After completing questionnaires assessing degrees of psychological stress, 394 healthy subjects were given nasal drops containing one of five respiratory viruses (rhinovirus type 2, 9, or 14, respiratory syncytial virus, or coronavirus type 229E), and an additional 26 were given saline nasal drops. The subjects were then quarantined and monitored for the development of evidence of infection and symptoms. Clinical colds were defined as clinical symptoms in the presence of an infection verified by the isolation of virus or by an increase in the virus-specific antibody titer. The rates of both respiratory infection (P less than 0.005) and clinical colds (P less than 0.02) increased in a dose-response manner with increases in the degree of psychological stress. Infection rates ranged from approximately 74 percent to approximately 90 percent, according to levels of psychological stress, and the incidence of clinical colds ranged from approximately 27 percent to 47 percent. These effects were not altered when we controlled for age, sex, education, allergic status, weight, the season, the number of subjects housed together, the infectious status of subjects sharing the same housing, and virus-specific antibody status at base line (before challenge). Moreover, the associations observed were similar for all five challenge viruses. Several potential stress-illness mediators, including smoking, alcohol consumption, exercise, diet, quality of sleep, white-cell counts, and total immunoglobulin levels, did not explain the association between stress and illness. Similarly, controls for personality variables (self-esteem, personal control, and introversion-extraversion) failed to alter our findings. Psychological stress was associated in a dose-response manner with an increased risk of acute infectious respiratory illness, and this risk was attributable to increased rates of infection rather than to an increased frequency of symptoms after infection.
Article
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A short cut review was carried out to establish whether the risk of suicide and parasuicide increases at Christmas. Fifteen papers were found using the reported search, of which six presented the best evidence to answer the clinical question. The author, date and country of publication, patient group studied, study type, relevant outcomes, results and study weaknesses of these best papers are tabulated. A clinical bottom line is stated.
Article
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Previous research has shown that the way people spend their money is as important to happiness as how much money people earn. Specifically, it has been shown that spending money on others contributes more to an individual's happiness than spending money on oneself. In the present study, we investigated this effect and examined the role of the money's origin. Students were randomly assigned either to spend a small amount of money on themselves or to spend the money on others. Moreover, half of the participants received the money as a wage, whereas the other half received the money as a windfall. The results replicated previous research indicating that prosocial spenders report greater happiness than do selfish spenders. However, the happiness effect was unaffected by the source of the money (i.e. wage vs. windfall). Implications for well-being and happiness are discussed.