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The Gender Dimension of the Welfare State

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... Some welfare state scholars have argued that public employment has not only increased female participation rates, but that it has also constituted a crucial source of especially "good jobs" for women. For example, Kolberg (1991) argues that welfare state employment in the Nordic countries has "improved the strategic position of women in society" (p. 119). ...
... We focus on one of the features of the welfare state that may benefit women economically --namely public-sector employment. The direct provision of large numbers of jobs to be filled by women has long been recognized as one of the potential benefits of capitalist welfare states (Meyer 1994;Kolberg 1991). Comparative analyses have examined effects of the public sector on women's employment levels (Schmidt 1993;OECD 1982). ...
... The literature on policy explanations for cross-national variation in gender earnings gaps --which tend to be narrowest in the social democratic countries (Gornick 1998;Kolberg 1991; Rosenfeld and Kalleberg 1991) --is more limited. In an influential paper, Blau and Kahn (1992) reported that a considerable amount of cross-national variation in gender gaps is explained by overall earnings inequality; in countries with a more compressed earnings distribution, women's median earnings, while still at the lower end of the distribution, fall closer to men's earnings. ...
Article
Using data from the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS), we explore the influence of government employment on the gender gap in earnings in seven countries. We address four questions on the effects of public-sector employment on the gender gap in earnings: (I) Do governments offer jobs that are comparatively high paying? (2) Does public employment benefit some workers, such as low-paid workers, more than others? (3) Are public-sector employment advantages explained by differences in worker characteristics and the occupational mix? (4) What is the effect of public employment-its extent and its pay structure-on gender gaps in wages? Our results indicate marked variation across liberal, conservative, and social democratic welfare states, but reveal a number of uniformities as well. in most of the seven countries in our sample, public-sector workers earn more on average than do workers in the private sector and mast earnings advantages are concentrated on the low end of the earnings distribution. The effect of public employment on the overall gender gap in wages is limited in most countries. We discuss the implications these results for theory and research on gender and the welfare state.
... On one hand, theoretical returns to human capital will be maximized and discriminatory practices minimized in publicsector employment. As a result, the growth of public-sector services is expected to enhance women's chances of achieving positions of authority similar to those of men, and gender-based gaps are expected to be minimized (DiPrete, 1989;Kolberg, 1991;Lewin-Epstein & Stier, 1987). On the other hand, the high concentration of women in the public sector is seen to devaluate the effect of women's human capital on wages. ...
... Liberal countries (Australia, Canada), as pointed out by Orloff (1993), are probably more sensitive to affirmative action measures that take care of gender-based wage disparities. And contrary to expectations, it is in the conservative (Germany, Israel) and social-democratic regimes (Norway) that such gender-based wage disparities are more prominent, because women's employment is mostly concentrated in the public sector, which, in turn, is defined as cheap labor (Kolberg, 1991). In other words, despite expectation of a more meritocratic wage system in the friendly regimes, a managerial position does not necessarily improve women's chances for closing the gender-based wage gap even in the public sector. ...
Article
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The present study draws on the Esping-Andersen approach to the classification of welfare capitalist regimes to test whether the determination of managerial wages among women varies by type of welfare regime. Using a representative sample of public- and private-sector employees from five industrialized countries, the study shows that the joint effect of gender and employment sector on wages depends on the type of welfare regime and employment sector. Public-sector positions affect female managers’ wages in conservative countries, whereas private-sector placement has a significant effect on female managers’wages in liberal and conservative countries. The joint gender/employment-sector effect has no impact on the determination of wages in social-democratic regimes. These findings suggest that the elaboration of models explaining gender-based differences in wages in a cross-national perspective need readjustment to control for country-level and policy-level effects with respect to women’s employment and wage attainments.
... This expectation is based on a working hypothesis that public sector employment provides conditions that are amenable to the combination of paid work and family. In particular, policies such as maternity leave benefits, flextime, greater tolerance of absenteeism, and reduced-hours employment for mothers in the public sector are thought to be conducive to the combined roles of motherhood and labor force employment (Esping-Andersen, 1990;Gornick & Jacobs, 1998;Gornick & Meyers, 2003;Kolberg, 1991;Kolberg & Esping-Andersen, 1991). ...
... Much previous research has suggested that public sector employment offers conditions that are more amenable to combining work and family obligations. As mentioned above, policies such as maternity leave benefits, flextime, and greater tolerance of absenteeism for mothers in the public sector are thought to ease the conflict between women's paid work and family responsibilities (Esping-Andersen, 1990;Gornick & Jacobs, 1998;Gornick & Meyers, 2003;Kolberg, 1991;Kolberg & Esping-Andersen, 1991). Particular attention has been given to the relatively wide availability of part-time employment in the public sector, which also makes it possible for women to integrate the conflicting requirements of their obligations (Rein, 1985). ...
Article
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Recent research has suggested that the characteristics of paid work affect trade-offs between women's activities in the family and employment spheres. One argument suggests that public sector employment, more so than private sector employment, provides conditions that are amenable to the combination of paid work and family. In this article, the authors exploit panel-type data to compare the labor market behavior of Jewish Israeli women in the years following childbirth and focus on differential labor market activity among women with employment histories in the public and private sectors. Their findings point to significant interaction effects between previous sector of employment and childbearing behavior and suggest that the welfare state, through the provision of “family friendly” employment opportunities, plays a role in encouraging women's paid labor in the years following childbirth.
... The public sector makes up for 30 percent of women involved in paid employment and 8.1 percent in the private sector. While the importance of the public sector to female employment is undeniable, gender inequality has plagued this area of development since the creation of Nigeria in 1914 [25]. This problem persisted until today resulting to the prevailing underrepresentation of women in the public sector. ...
Article
Gender inequality is generally perceived as a deterrent to economic growth and as a result much of effort by the United Nations, World Bank, NGOs, Nigerian government and governments around the world have been enunciated to cauterise it. While several policies have been put in place to promote gender equality in Nigeria, progress in this area is rather slow. The need to achieve gender equality is crucial. Therefore, the paper empirically examines the influence of gender inequality and female labour force participation in the civil service on the economic growth of Nigeria. The data cut across 35 states in Nigeria from 2008 to 2016. The model is estimated using a panel data Fixed Effect estimation. The findings suggested that the economic cost of an increase in men’s employment at the expense of women’s employment may have a negative impact on economic growth. Thus, the pursuit of equi-gender representation is an important measure towards, women empowerment, reducing their dependency, elevating their socio-economic status, and achieving economic growth.
... wage gap between men and women; e.g. Gornick & Jacobs, 1998), and a greater potential to find balance between work and family life (Buelens & Van den Broeck, 2007;Kolberg, 1991). Considering everything, we hypothesize that female employees are less likely to leave their current organization. ...
Article
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Interorganizational mobility can make a positive contribution both organizationally and government‐wide. Using data from the U.S. Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey, this article seeks to provide a better empirical understanding of the determinants of interorganizational mobility within the U.S. federal government. A specific analytical framework is used, as the intention to take another job within the federal government is nested in the intention to leave the current organization. The results highlight that gender, minority status, length of service, and promotion are determinants of interorganizational mobility within the U.S. federal government.
... The concept of " the male breadwinner model " has been used to indicate the degree to which public policies presume that the husband is the dominant earner within a family (Lewis 1992Lewis , 1997). This concept is fruitful since it recognizes the central role of differences in labor force participation for gender inequality (Kolberg 1991; Taylor-Gooby 1991; Lewis 1997). As pointed out by Sainsbury (1996, 42-44), however, it is fruitful here to discuss relevant policies in multi-dimensional terms. ...
Article
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This paper combines gender and class in an analysis of patterns of inequalities in different types of welfare states. The development of gendered agency inequality with respect to democratic politics, tertiary education, and labor force participation is analyzed in 18 OECD countries. Class inequality is described in terms of disposable household income. The paper develops a new typology of welfare states based on institutional structures of relevance for gender inequality as well as class inequality. The combination of gender and class throws new light on the driving forces behind inequalities and on the role of welfare states in this context.
... Those subscribing to the 'partnership model', however, interpret these variations somewhat differently, arguing that the state can and does facilitate more progressive gender relations by enabling women to combine motherhood and employment. Some stress that in Scandinavian countries, for example, the state has given women financial independence from men, and thereby empowered women (Hernes, 1987;Kolberg, 1991). For them, such states cannot in any sense be termed 'patriarchal'. ...
Article
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In contrast to the majority of research on the relationship between women and the state which bases its findings on nationally aggregated data and concentrates its analysis on the forces which shape national policy concerning gender, this article adopts a micro-social approach to this question. Based on the findings from an in-depth qualitative cross-national study of the child care strategies of 112 mothers working in secretarial or clerical occupations in two countries with very different configurations of ‘political motherhood’, namely, France and Britain, the article assesses the impact of these varying policy environments on the construction of mothering in the everyday lives of employed women. It finds that different configurations of political motherhood have a significant impact on the practical aspects of these women's child care strategies but less impact on their fundamental conceptions of the duties and responsibilities of mothering. It concludes by considering the significance of these findings for current debates concerning the role of the state in perpetuating or combating unequal gender relations.
... Others were more eager to claim this shift as an unequivocal gain (e.g. Kolberg 1991). As these and other debates were going on, care was maturing as an academic concept. ...
Article
Care is now a widely-used concept in welfare state research, firmly established in the literature by feminist analysis. We believe that the concept as it has been used and developed to date has limitations that have hampered its development as a general category of welfare state analysis. In essence we argue that the political economy aspects of the concept have remained underdeveloped. The main purpose of this article is to elaborate a care-centred concept – which we name social care – that countenances and develops care as an activity and set of relations lying at the intersection of state, market and family (and voluntary sector) relations. We are especially concerned to examine what the concept of social care can tell us about welfare state variation and welfare state change and development. The article works systematically through these themes, beginning with a brief historical sketch of the concept of care and then moving on to elaborate the analytic potential of the concept of social care. In the latter regard we make the case that it can lead to a more encompassing analysis, helping to overcome especially the fragmentation in existing scholarship between the cash and service dimensions of the welfare state and the relative neglect of the latter. The concept of social care serves to shift the centre of analysis from specific policy domains so that instead of focusing on cash benefits or services in isolation it becomes possible to consider them as part of a broader set of inter-relating elements. In this and other regards, the concept has the potential to say something new about welfare states.
... un et al., 2007). The importance of the public sector for women's employment is far greater than merely providing employment opportunities . Public sector employment is claimed to provide women with the opportunity to hold 'good jobs' mainly in professional occupations. This, in turn, allows women to improve their strategic position in society (cf. Kolberg, 1991). These jobs may offer benefits and protection, flexible, often shorter, working hours, and good opportunities for promotion and authority (Wright et al., 1995; Gornick and Jacobs, 1998 ). Public sector employment provides a 'familyfriendly' environment, which allows women to maintain their attachment to the labour force even when their ...
Article
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The dynamic of Israeli women's labour market experiences is analysed, with the focus on three main determinants of their attachment to the labour market: (i) family events, particularly the effect and timing of childbirth on women's market involvement, (ii) human capital, and (iii) structural determinants, including occupation, and sector of employment. Utilizing data from the 2001 mobility study in Israel, which is a retrospective longitudinal survey, we employed event history techniques to examine women's likelihood to leave and re-enter the labour market. As expected, childbirth proved to increase the likelihood of work withdrawal, and human capital reinforced women's attachment to paid employment. Structural characteristics of the labour market, especially employment in the public sector, provided women with the necessary conditions to maintain continuous employment, even when family responsibilities were high, and to resume working sooner than women employed in a less supportive environment. Implications are discussed, and several avenues for further research suggested.
... Economic competition is supposed to negatively affect the gender pay gap because firms would eliminate discrimination against women to minimize costs in a highly competitive market (Becker, 1957; Weichselbaumer and Winter-Ebmer, 2002). Public employment is another indicator of wage compression because public sectors are more inclined than private sectors to equalize wages for their employees (Kolberg 1991). Finally we include direct measures of the 90 th percentile minus 10 th percentile wage gap for males and for females. ...
Article
The gender wage gap varies across countries. For example, among OECD nations women in Australia, Belgium, Italy and Sweden earn 80% as much as males, whereas in Austria, Canada and Japan women earn about 60%. Current studies examining cross-country differences focus on the impact of labor market institutions such as minimum wage laws and nationwide collective bargaining. However, these studies neglect labor market institutions that affect women’s lifetime work behavior -- a factor crucially important in gender wage gap studies that employ individual data. This paper explicitly concentrates on labor market institutions that are related to female lifetime work that affect the gender wage gap across countries. Using ISSP (International Social Survey Programme), LIS (Luxembourg Income Study) and OECD wage data for 35 countries covering 1970-2002, we show that the gender pay gap is positively associated with the fertility rate (treated exogenously and endogenously with religion as the instrument), positively associated with the husbandwife age gap at first marriage, and positively related to the top marginal tax rate, all factors which negatively affect women’s lifetime labor force participation. In addition, we show that collective bargaining, as found in previous studies, is negatively associated with the gender pay gap.
... It was suggested in the sociological literature that the welfare sector not only provides women with supportive services, but also with employment opportunities through the type of "female demanding" occupations and jobs associated with welfare care services (Rein 1985, Alestalo, Bislev & Furaker 1991, Kolberg 1991, Esping-Andersen 1999. It was further suggested that in places characterized by progressive welfare systems it is economically irrational and rather costly for women not to join the economically active labor force. ...
... State employment (hereafter the public sector) growth has been associated with increased demand for women's employment (Gornick and Jacobs, 1998;OECD, 1982). Not only does the public sector provide women with employment opportunities, it is also claimed to provide women with the opportunity to hold 'good jobs', and hence to improve their strategic position in society (Kolberg, 1991). ...
Article
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This article adopts a 'structural perspective' of earnings determinants to examine changes over time in the gender earnings gap in Israeli society. It studies the combined effect of the expansion of the services and public sector employment on the gender earnings gap, utilizing data from the 1972 and 1995 censuses in Israel. It shows that within the context of an advanced legislation system regarding women's payment and rights, Israeli women are in disadvantaged economic posi- tions relative to men in all segments of the economy. However, Israeli women are in a relatively better economic position in 1995 than in 1972. It also shows that some segments of the economy are more 'women friendly' than others. Women in the private sector experience the highest level of pay discrimination, while women in the public sector experience the lowest. Finally, it shows that pay dis- crimination against women is similar in both industrial sectors - service and trans- formative. It thus concludes that despite the impressive growth in service employment over the years, the division of the economy into public and private sectors is a more useful feature in explaining the gender earnings gap in Israel.
... Concerning the 'compositional factors', it may be the case that women are over represented in parts of the labor market where the relationship between class and wage mobility is less strong. The labor market is sex segregated (Charles & Grusky 2004;Nermo 2000) and women are over represented in service jobs, and in Scandinavia at least; in service jobs related to health and education primarily in the public sector (Bäckman 2001;Gornick & Jacobs 1998;Gustafsson & Johansson 1998;Kolberg 1991). ...
Article
It has been suggested that class schemas are appropriate for analysing class relations among men but not among women.This article examines wage growth patterns, i.e. a crucial aspect of class relations. There are several reasons why class would be less effective as a predictor of wage growth for women than for men: for example, that factors such as discrimination blur this association for women; and that women are over-represented in occupational sectors where this association is less strong.The analyses are based on a Swedish panel data set of employees (age 30—35 years) in large private firms and in the public sector who had the same employer in 1999 and 2003 (N about 99,000). Class is measured using the European Socio-economic Classification — ESeC. Contrary to some expectations class patterns of wage growth are similar for women and men and for different sectors of the labour market.
... One of the contradictions (or inevitabilities) of social welfare is the proliferation of women clients and workers constructed and operating within the (patriarchal) state. This has particularly exercised Nordic and Scandinavian scholars of the state and social welfare (see Hernes, 1987;Kohlberg, 1991). It is certainly true that women are scrutinized in and through child protection work and men often slip away. ...
Article
This article debates several theoretical perspectives that may have potential for explaining the gendered nature of child protection work, and aims to contribute to understandings of the gendered discourses and practices within which child protection work is situated. The article explores the potential contributions of concepts such as patriarchy, gender identities and occupational culture, and considers the gender inequalities generally present in social services departments. We argue that each of these perspectives is partially illuminating, but also limited in its conceptual relevance. More helpful is a post-structuralist emphasis on occupational discourses. The latter sections of the article draw on other theoretical frameworks for understanding the gendered contexts and realities of child protection work. In particular attention is paid to the regulation of the body, and to the interrelated discourses of class, gender and crime.
... The modern welfare state evolved at a time when work and family life were strongly gendered (Flora and Heidenheimer, 1981;Kolberg, 1991;Orloff, 1996). Although the heyday of the male breadwinner modelas a practised family form or as a normative idealmay have represented only a short historical interlude (Seccombe, 1993), it nevertheless deeply shaped the institutions of the modern welfare state. ...
Article
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Germany is one of the few countries in Europe that has implemented a system of ‘divorce splitting’. Under this system, the pension credits that spouses have accumulated during their marriage are combined and then split equally between them upon divorce. This study examines how divorce affects public pension entitlements in Germany, and how these patterns are influenced by the system of divorce splitting. The data for our analysis comes from SHARE-RV, a direct linkage of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) with administrative data of the research data centre of the German Pension Insurance Fund (Deutsche Rentenversicherung Bund). The data include information on the beneficiaries’ monthly earnings and employment biographies, as well as on their pension entitlements and the credits they received through divorce splitting. The results of the analysis, which was restricted to West German men and women born between 1935 and 1954, reveal that there are large gender gaps in public pension benefit levels. However, the investigation also shows that single and divorced West German women have larger personal pension entitlements than their married or widowed counterparts. Furthermore, the public pension entitlements of divorced men and women in West Germany are very similar. This can be attributed partially to the divorce-splitting system, which tends to increase the pension benefits of divorced women, while reducing the pension benefits of their male counterparts.
... Economic competition is supposed to negatively affect the gender pay gap because firms would eliminate discrimination against women to minimize costs in a highly competitive market (Becker, 1957;Weichselbaumer and Winter-Ebmer, 2002). Public employment is another indicator of wage compression because public sectors are more inclined than private sectors to equalize wages for their employees ( Kolberg 1991). ...
Article
Full-text available
The gender wage gap varies across countries. For example, among OECD nations women in Australia, Belgium, Italy and Sweden earn 80% as much as males, whereas in Austria, Canada and Japan women earn about 60% as much as males. Current studies examining cross-country differences focus on the impact of labor market institutions such as minimum wage laws and nationwide collective bargaining. However, these studies neglect labor market institutions that affect women's lifetime work behavior—a factor crucially important in gender wage gap studies that employ individual data. This paper explicitly concentrates on labor market institutions that are related to female lifetime work. Using ISSP (International Social Survey Programme), LIS (Luxembourg Income Study) and OECD wage data for 40 countries covering 1970-2002, we show that the gender pay gap is positively associated with the fertility rate, positively associated with the husband-wife age gap at first marriage, and positively related to the top marginal tax rate, all factors which negatively affect women's labor force participation. In addition, we show that collective bargaining, as found in previous studies, is negatively associated with the gender pay gap. Finally, we also find that left leaning governments reduce the gender pay gap more than politically right leaning governments.
... Blossfeld, 1994). Part-time work as a solution to some of the conflicts between child-rearing and employment could explain why most parttime work is 'voluntary', that is, why part-time workers usually do not want full-time jobs (Deutermann and Brown, 1978;Kolberg, 1991;OECD, 1990). While women with small children are more likely to 'voluntarily' have part-time jobs, however, it is still the case that these jobs do not automatically articulate with women's family situations or preferences. ...
Article
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Since the mid-twentieth century, part-time work has increased more than full-time work in most advanced capitalist countries. Part-time work is still mostly women's work, yet the level of part-time employment varies across nations, from approximately one-fifth of employed US women, to more than half of employed Norwegian women in the 1980s. In this article, we discuss how country-level labour demand, work and family policies, and political and labour institutions are associated with the share of employed women who work part-time. Using aggregate-level data from nine advanced industrialized countries, we find that the organizational power of labour and the proportion of employed women in the state sector have some of the strongest and most consistent effects on the extent of a country's part-time female labour force.
... Uno de los papeles del EB es implementar los servicios de la familia (Gauthier, 2000;Gornick y Meyers, 2003;Kamerman, 2000;Kenworthy, 2004;OECD, 2001;Orloff, 2002;Wilensky, 2002aWilensky, , 2002b, y, como empleador, incrementar la parti-cipación de la fuerza laboral femenina (Alestalo, Bislev y Furaker, 1991;Cusack et al., 1989;Esping-Andersen, 1990;Kolberg, 1991;Kolberg y Esping-Andersen, 1991;Rein, 1985;Rose, 1985;OECD, 1987;). Asimismo, el Estado benefactor desempeña otros papeles importantes como legislador e implementador de los servicios familiares y sociales. ...
... Moreover, in a wide range of countries, there is evidence that women are less wage-discriminated against in the public sector than in the private sector (e.g., Barón and Cobb-Clark, 2010;Arulampalam et al., 2007;Panizza and Qiang, 2005;Chatterji et al., 1 We discuss this evidence in detail below. 2 We discuss this evidence in detail below. 5 2007; Daoud and Shanti, 2012;Fuller, 2005;Gunderson, 1979;Mueller, 1998;Glinskaya and Lokshin, 2007;Hou, 1993;Freeman, 1987;Smith, 1976;Aslam and Kingdon, 2009;Kolberg, 1991;Gornick and Jacobs, 1998). 3 The World Bank (2012) has also recently reported the same …ndings in a wide range of countries. ...
Thesis
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Corruption is widely considered to have adverse effects on economic development through its negative impact on the volume and quality of public investment and the efficiency of government services. Conversely, many of these macro variables are determinants of corruption. However, there are few studies of this two-way interaction at the macro level. This thesis aims to extend the current literature on corruption and development by explicit investigation of two diverse channels through which corruption and economic development interact, namely women's share in politics and pollution. For each variable, the thesis presents a theoretical model in which corruption and economic development are determined endogenously in a dynamic general equilibrium framework. We have four main results. First, female bureaucrats commit fewer corrupt acts than male bureaucrats because they have lower incentives to be corrupt. Second, corruption affects pollution directly by reducing pollution abatement resources and indirectly through its impact on development. As pollution and development appear to have an inverse U-shaped relationship, the total effect of corruption on pollution depends on the economy's level of income. Third, we confirm a simultaneous relationship between corruption and development. Fourth, for sufficiently low income levels, corruption and poverty may be permanent features of the economy. In addition to the two theoretical models, the thesis also presents an empirical investigation of the causal effect of women's share in parliament on corruption using panel data and gender quotas as instruments for women's share in parliament. Our results overturn the consensus since we find no causal effect of women's share in parliament on corruption, except in a particular case of Africa with reserved seats quotas.
... A similar kind of indicator is used, for example, by Abendroth et al. (2012, 586) 25 It can be assumed, that also for example the sector of employment is related to mothers' working time patterns (e.g. Kolberg 1991;Lewis 2009; see also chapter 2.2). However, inclusion of this kind of variable would have excluded all non-working mothers from the analyses. ...
Article
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The aim of this study was to analyze mothers’ working time patters across 22 European countries. The focu was on three questions: how much mothers prefer to work, how much they actually work, and to what degree their preferred and actual working times are (in)consistent with each other. The focus was on cross-national differences in mothers’ working time patterns, comparison of mothers’ working times to that of childless women and fathers, as well as on individual- and country-level factors that explain the variation between them.In the theoretical background, the departure point was an integrative theoretical approach where the assumption is that there are various kinds of explanations for the differences in mothers’ working time patterns – namely structural, cultural and institutional – , and that these factors are laid in two levels: individual- and country-levels. Data were extracted from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2010 / 2011.The results showed that mothers’ working time patterns, both preferred and actual working times, varied across European countries. Four clusters were formed to illustrate the differences. In the full-time pattern, full-time work was the most important form of work, leaving all other working time forms marginal. The full-time pattern was perceived in terms of preferred working times in Bulgaria and Portugal. In polarised pattern countries, full-time work was also important, but it was accompanied by a large share of mothers not working at all. In the case of preferred working times, many Eastern and Southern European countries followed it whereas in terms of actual working times it included all Eastern and Southern European countries as well as Finland. The combination pattern was characterised by the importance of long part-time hours and full-time work. It was the preferred working time pattern in the Nordic countries, France, Slovenia, and Spain, but Belgium, Denmark, France, Norway, and Sweden followed it in terms of actual working times. The fourth cluster that described mothers’ working times was called the part-time pattern, and it was illustrated by the prevalence of short and long part-time work. In the case of preferred working times, it was followed in Belgium, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Besides Belgium, the part-time pattern was followed in the same countries in terms of actual working times. The consistency between preferred and actual working times was rather strong in a majority of countries. However, six countries fell under different working time patterns when preferred and actual working times were compared.Comparison of working mothers’, childless women’s, and fathers’ working times showed that differences between these groups were surprisingly small. It was only in part-time pattern countries that working mothers worked significantly shorter hours than working childless women and fathers. Results therefore revealed that when mothers’ working times are under study, an important question regarding the population examined is whether it consists of all mothers or only working mothers.Results moreover supported the use of the integrative theoretical approach when studying mothers’ working time patterns. Results indicate that mothers’ working time patterns in all countries are shaped by various opportunities and constraints, which are comprised of structural, cultural, institutional, and individual-level factors.Keywords: mother, working time pattern; preferred working time, actual working time, integrative theoretical approach, comparative research
... Uno de los papeles del EB es implementar los servicios de la familia (Gauthier, 2000;Gornick y Meyers, 2003;Kamerman, 2000;Kenworthy, 2004;OECD, 2001;Orloff, 2002;Wilensky, 2002aWilensky, , 2002b, y, como empleador, incrementar la parti-cipación de la fuerza laboral femenina (Alestalo, Bislev y Furaker, 1991;Cusack et al., 1989;Esping-Andersen, 1990;Kolberg, 1991;Kolberg y Esping-Andersen, 1991;Rein, 1985;Rose, 1985;OECD, 1987;). Asimismo, el Estado benefactor desempeña otros papeles importantes como legislador e implementador de los servicios familiares y sociales. ...
Book
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El estado de bienestar (EB) se considera una fuente de estabilidad, seguridad y solidaridad en la sociedad; representa un triunfo de la civilización occidental que ha dado lugar a serias consecuencias a largo plazo y ha sentado las bases de los fundamentos económicos. Desde una perspectiva económica, es principalmente una institución de seguridad social que desempeña un rol importante en la re�distribución del ingreso. Cuando funciona apropiadamente, trae lo mejor en la naturaleza human
... A large body of scholarly work has examined the links between the modern welfare state and gender inequality. Following early debates on the patriarchal nature of the welfare state (Gordon, 1990;Jenson, 1986;Kolberg, 1991), feminist scholars have built on the seminal work of the 'power resources' school (Korpi, 1983) to refine welfare regime classification criteria by incorporating issues that were particularly important for women such as access to paid work and economic independence from the family (Lewis, 1993;Lister, 1994;Orloff, 1993;Sainsbury, 1999). Lister (1994) coined the term 'defamilisation': the extent to which the welfare system lessens individuals' reliance on the family and promotes their economic autonomy. ...
Article
This paper builds on the idea that any further development of the concept of 'welfare regime' must incorporate the relationship between unpaid as well as paid work and welfare. Consideration of the privateldomestic is crucial to a gendered understanding of welfare because historically women have typically gained entitlements by virtue of their dependent status within the family as wives and mothers. The paper suggests that the idea of the male-breadwinner family model has served historically to cut across established typologies of welfare regimes, and further that the model has been modified in different ways and to different degrees in particular countries.
Article
It has been claimed that women experience fewer career opportunities than men do mainly because they are over-represented in ‘Dead-end Jobs’ (DEJs). Using Swedish panel data covering 1.1 million employees with the same employer in 1999 and 2003, measures of DEJ are empirically derived from analyses of wage mobility. The results indicate that women are over-represented in DEJs, especially in the public sector. The findings are interesting from (a) a methodological viewpoint, as it is indicated that the career opportunities associated with occupations can be indicated using one measure for both men and women, (b) the glass ceiling perspective, which arguably under-emphasizes gender inequality in relation to low positions, and (c) a class perspective, which basically ignores gender and sector in explaining career chances.
Article
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We investigate the effect of bureaucratic corruption on economic development when women are discriminated against in the labor market. The analysis is based on a dynamic general equilibrium model in which capital accumulation drives economic development. The government appoints bureaucrats to administer public policy. Corruption arises due to the opportunity for bureaucrats to embezzle public funds. In the event of detection and dismissal, the private sector serves as the bureaucrats' outside option. Our main results can be summarized as follows: first, when the public sector is a more gender‐equal employer than the private sector, female bureaucrats are less corrupt than male; second, corruption and development are jointly determined allowing the possibility of a poverty trap; and third, a policy to increase female participation in the public sector potentially reduces corruption and fosters economic development.
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This paper studies how monetary policy decisions affect the gender pay gap across UK households through a survey database. The results signify the impact of monetary policy shocks on the gap; monetary authorities’ decisions carry welfare effects for households through their pay income.
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Starting with a comparative assessment of different welfare regimes and political economies from the perspective of gender awareness and "pro-women" policies, this paper identifies the determinants of cross-national variation in women's chances of being in a high-status occupation in twelve West European countries. Special emphasis is given to size and structure of the service sector, including share of women in public employment and structural factors such as trade union density and employment protection. The first level of comparison between men and women concentrates on gender representation in the higher echelons of the job hierarchy, while in the second section we extend the scope of analysis, comparing women in high-status occupations and low-wage employment in order to allow for a more nuanced study of gender and class interaction. The first analysis is based on European Social Survey data for the years 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2008, capturing recent trends in occupational dynamics. Results indicate that in general a large service sector and a high trade union density enhance women's chances of being in high-status occupations while more specifically a large public sector helps to reduce channeling women into low-wage employment. Thus, equality at the top can well be paired with inequality at the bottom, as postindustrial countries with a highly polarized occupational hierarchy such as the UK show.
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Men, especially those that are young and less educated, typically bear the brunt of recessions because of the stronger cyclicality of their employment and wages relative to women’s. We study the extent to which fiscal policy may offset or worsen these asymmetric effects across gender. Using micro-level data for the U.S. from the Current Population Survey, we find that the effects of fiscal policy shocks on labor market outcomes depend on the type of public expenditure. Women benefit most from increases in the government wage bill, while men are the main beneficiaries of higher investment spending. Our analysis further reveals that the fiscal component most efficient at closing gender gaps is least suitable for offsetting inequitable business cycle effects across other socioeconomic dimensions.
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Previous research suggests that women have more limited career opportunities than men. Using Swedish longitudinal data, covering the period between 1979 and 2000, more light is shed on the association between hierarchical levels and differences between men's and women's career opportunities in terms of occupational transitions. The analyses indicate that women face the greatest hinderance to advancement at lower hierarchical levels and that these disadvantages attenuate with higher hierarchical levels. These results contradict the common idea of a glass ceiling, ie that problems for women accrue with increasing hierarchical levels. The findings point to the need for focusing more on gender inequalities at low hierarchical positions although the glass ceiling hypothesis cannot be dismissed altogether. Moreover, the results do not support the view that the gender penalty in careers is larger in the private sector as compared to the public sector.
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This article reviews the feminist critique of Gøsta Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare regimes and revisits my earlier (1992) analysis of gender and welfare regimes together with criticisms of that work. I briefly discuss some methodological issues and attempt to justify my own choice of variables and of an explanatory model derived from empirical historical work. I pay particular attention to critiques that insist on the use of caring regimes as a basis for gender-centered typologies, not least because the two main questions for feminists concerning the provision of unpaid work remain (i) how to value it, and (ii) how to share it more equally between men and women. I argue that women's relationship to paid work, unpaid work and to welfare makes the search for gender-centered measures complicated.
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A larger and larger proportion of all union members in advanced industrialized countries now work in the public sector. These union members are different from their private-sector counterparts. They are more likely to be female, highly educated, white-collar, and sheltered from direct market forces, and to work in bureaucratic settings. This article considers what consequences this shift in the composition of union membership will have upon national union movements.
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In all nine of the advanced industrialized democracies we study, the proportion of employed women in jobs where they supervise others is less than that for men. The extent of the gender difference varies, however, with the smallest difference in Australia and the largest in Japan. We use multilevel models to investigate which country-level factors help explain this variation and find that higher industrial sex segregation, greater income equality, longer guaranteed maternity leave, and less favorable economic conditions predict lower male advantage. At least some of these results reflect extreme values for Australia and/or Japan. We argue for more attention to different paths to similar gender equality outcomes. Copyright 1998 Academic Press.
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The goal of this volume is to study this ‘public sector shock’. While budgetary reforms seek to ensure a more balanced and sound economic policy, they may generate new work inequalities among public sector employees, most particularly among women, who account for a considerable proportion of public sector employment. Cuts in education and training may also have an impact on the quality of human capital in both the public and private sectors, despite the fact that the recent crisis has shown the value of education as employees with better skills and training are more likely to maintain their jobs and incomes.
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This article aims to point out that there are still substantial differences between public and private workers. Using the Eurostat Statistical classification of economic activities in the European Community, we define the public workers as those who are employed in Administration, Health and Education. The measure of targeted jobs is provided by the Labour Force Survey ( lfs) which is a large sample survey among private households. By following this approach, we can present several significant results. In every European country, public workers have an average aggregate employment tenure higher than private workers, a higher proportion of women and a higher proportion of high skilled workers. Beyond these global differences, we point out that the divide between public and private sector is differently shaped, according to the country and to the social status.
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What effect do social welfare policies have on women's active involvement in the economy and politics? Though there is much policy and scholarly debate on a wide spectrum of socioeconomic and political outcomes of welfare spending, little research has explored the possible impact that social welfare policies have on one of the supposed major beneficiaries of such policies—women. Combining data on welfare spending in three areas—social security, health, and education—with data on women's labor force participation and share of seats in national legislatures, this article examines the extent to which welfare spending might affect women's economic and political status. The results from a panel of 97 countries for the years spanning 1990 to 2010 indicate that the government's fiscal commitment to social policies is positively related to female participation in the total labor force and national politics. The findings are robust to different model specifications, sample selection, and the use of instrumental variables. One major policy implication of the findings is that the government's fiscal commitment to key social welfare areas are likely to contribute to women's economic and political empowerment, which might in turn help address gender imbalances in the economy and political sphere.
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Women's Paid WorkFamily ChangeHave Women Become More Autonomous and (Individualised)?Notes
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This study explores the role played by the welfare state in affecting women's labor force participation and occupational achievement. Using data from 22 industrialized countries, the authors examine the consequences of state interventions for both women's employment patterns and gender inequality in occupational attainment. The findings reveal a twofold effect: developed welfare states facilitate women's access into the labor force but not into powerful and desirable positions. Specifically, nations characterized by progressive and developed welfare policies and by a large public service sector tend to have high levels of female labor force participation, along with a high concentration of women in female-typed occupations and low female representation in managerial occupations. The findings provide insights into the social mechanisms underlying the relations between welfare states' benefits to working mothers and women's participation and achievements in the labor market.
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The question of who looks after young chil dren is a function of the social construction of 'mothering'. Although the exact nature and distribution of 'mothering' work changes ac cording to cultural and historical context, mothering has remained inextricably linked to gender. Indeed, numerous studies have shown that fathers' involvement in child care has not increased to match mothers' involvement in the labour force and that women remain the principal carers for children. Given that child care continues to be women's work, the aim of this article is to provide a systematic study of the ways in which different welfare regimes may have helped challenge the dominant ide ology of mothering by fostering a distribution of child care which assists mothers in their em ployment and which gives child care providers social and economic status. This is achieved by investigating mothers' employment patterns, policies towards parenting and child care, child care practices and the status of child care providers in Sweden, France and Britain. These are three countries which all have high rates of women's participation in the labour market but have acknowledged differences in state support for working mothers.
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Im Rahmen der wirtschaftlichen Emanzipation von Frauen in den fortgeschrittenen Industriegesellschaften der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts haben sich ihre Arbeitsmarktchancen und Einkommensverhältnisse deutlich verbessert. Damit verringerte sich die wirtschaftliche Abhängigkeit der Frauen von der Institution Ehe. Die größere wirtschaftliche Selbständigkeit erhöht die Wahlmöglichkeiten von Frauen: alleine zu leben, zusammen zu leben, zu heiraten und sich scheiden zu lassen. Und tatsächlich fielen seit den späten 60er Jahren die Heiratsquoten, stieg das Heiratsalter, und die Scheidungsquoten erreichten ein immer höheres Niveau.
Article
In recent years, much cross-national research on women's work has focused on the impact of the state in creating the conditions to enable women to combine paid work and motherhood. However, when dealing with women's domestic responsibilities, this research has concentrated heavily on caring functions, whilst largely ignoring the importance of other basic household chores. Furthermore, few studies have addressed the question of how state policy concerning women, work and childcare impacts on the ways in which parenting and domestic duties are constructed and distributed between mothers, fathers and others in the everyday experiences of individuals. The present article addresses both of these questions through evidence gathered from a qualitative cross-national comparative study of the child-care strategies of two groups of women, one French and one British, working in secretarial or clerical occupations, living with a partner and with at least one child aged under twelve. Minimal differences concerning the gender division of domestic and parenting work are discovered between these two national groups. This finding is then used to question some of the theoretical perspectives regarding the relationship between women's greater participation in employment and men's greater participation in domestic and parenting work
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Sozialpolitisches Handeln zielt darauf, Risiken verkraftbar zu gestalten und eine gewisse Ebenmäßigkeit der Risikobewältigung in unterschiedlichen Lebensverläufen herzustellen. Der Risikoschutz bezieht sich in Deutschland vor allem auf den Verlust von Einkommen oder Unterhalt, wie er bei Krankheit, Invalidität, Unfall, Alter, Tod des Ernährers und Arbeitslosigkeit auftreten kann. Die Sozialversicherung hat zur Aufgabe, die Fähigkeit der Bürger, sich gegen solche „Wechselfälle des Lebens“ (Zacher 1987) zu schützen, zu stärken und mehr Gleichheit in der Prävention zu erzeugen.2 Dies geschieht durch eine Verrechtlichung des Lebensverlaufs,die dazu beitragen kann, Erwartungssicherheit herzustellen: „Erwartungssicherheit bedeutet vorhersehbare Stabilität von Verhaltensparametem, also Erleichterungen im individuellen Umgang mit der Umwelt. Verrechtlichung im System sozialer Sicherung bedeutet die Möglichkeit des Rückgriffs auf soziale Dienst- und Geldleistungen in voraussehbarer Qualität und Höhe. Aus Verrechtlichung erwachsen den von ihr Begünstigten darum individuelle Handlungsressourcen.“ (Vobruba 1992:172) Sozialpolitisch „ummantelte“ Lebensverläufe vermitteln Handlungsressourcen, oder, wie es Franz-Xaver Kaufmann ausdrückt, verleihen „Sicherheit“. Dabei verspricht Sicherheit heute weit mehr „als bloßen Schutz, nämlich Gewißheit, Verläßlichkeit und vor allem Beruhigung und Geborgenheit“ (Kaufmann 1973:1).
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Most European countries are experiencing a dramatic demographic shift. A combination of falling birthrates and rising life expectancy leads to a significant aging of societies. The authors analyze how the state and the family shape generational living conditions in Germany, France, Italy and Sweden and how age-specific attitudes toward welfare policy are affected. One finding is that there is little evidence of conflict between the generations. The book is a very important contribution to a better understanding of the character of new challenges for European welfare states.' © Agnes Blome, Wolfgang Keck and Jens Alber 2009. All rights reserved.
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Using data from the IPUMS-USA, the present research focuses on trends in the gender earnings gap in the United States between 1970 and 2010. The major goal of this article is to understand the sources of the convergence in men's and women's earnings in the public and private sectors as well as the stagnation of this trend in the new millennium. For this purpose, we delineate temporal changes in the role played by major sources of the gap. Several components are identified: the portion of the gap attributed to gender differences in human-capital resources; labor supply; sociodemographic attributes; occupational segregation; and the unexplained portion of the gap. The findings reveal a substantial reduction in the gross gender earnings gap in both sectors of the economy. Most of the decline is attributed to the reduction in the unexplained portion of the gap, implying a significant decline in economic discrimination against women. In contrast to discrimination, the role played by human capital and personal attributes in explaining the gender pay gap is relatively small in both sectors. Differences between the two sectors are not only in the size and pace of the reduction but also in the significance of the two major sources of the gap. Working hours have become the most important factor with respect to gender pay inequality in both sectors, although much more dominantly in the private sector. The declining gender segregation may explain the decreased impact of occupations on the gender pay gap in the private sector. In the public sector, by contrast, gender segregation still accounts for a substantial portion of the gap. The findings are discussed in light of the theoretical literature on sources of gender economic inequality and in light of the recent stagnation of the trend.
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Differences between public and private sectors employees following the managerial turn in European states This article reviews research on the public-private divide at the European level in the years from 1990-2000, focusing on four countries: Germany, France, Great Britain and Sweden. Looking beyond the legal and historical characteristics of each of these countries, the objective here is to highlight the different ways to account for the importance of the salaried employment sector in the analysis of social hierarchies. In many studies conducted at the national level, the opposition between the public and private sectors is a significant dimension that benefits from being connected to an analysis in terms of social hierarchy. Despite the managerial reforms of European states, working in the public sector still creates a set of specific characteristics: a particular relationship with the state and the general interest, and even with public affairs, perceptible in cultural, trades union and political practices.
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Even as comparative international research in social science has become increasingly important over the last three decades, especially in political science but also in empirical economics and sociology, the results remain subject to strong criticism in terms of both methodology and content. These difficulties must be laid out in the introduction to explain the approach I have chosen here.
Article
In recent years, much cross-national research on women's work has focused on the impact of the state in creating the conditions to enable women to combine paid work and motherhood. However, when dealing with women's domestic responsibilities, this research has concentrated heavily on caring functions, whilst largely ignoring the importance of other basic household chores. Furthermore, few studies have addressed the question of how state policy concerning women, work and childcare impacts on the ways in which parenting and domestic duties are constructed and distributed between mothers, fathers and others in the everyday experiences of individuals. The present article addresses both of these questions through evidence gathered from a qualitative cross-national comparative study of the child-care strategies of two groups of women, one French and one British, working in secretarial or clerical occupations, living with a partner and with at least one child aged under twelve. Minimal differences concerning the gender division of domestic and parenting work are discovered between these two national groups. This finding is then used to question some of the theoretical perspectives regarding the relationship between women's greater participation in employment and men's greater participation in domestic and parenting work.
Article
Over the past two decades the prevailing postwar political theory paradigm of pluralism has been strongly challenged by other approaches, such as neo-Marxism, Corporatist theory, and a state-centered approach. After the exhaustion of the first wave of neo- Marxism, the 1980s have seen the development of an empirical neo-Marxism Mark II, largely focusing on comparative welfare state research. A critical overview of the bear ing of Pluralist, Corporatist, Statist, and neo-Marxist II conceptions on the patterns of development, the structural forms, and the socio-economic implications of welfare states is given. Finally, a perspective for further elaboration of welfare state theory and analysis is presented, along neo-Marxist lines but incorporating contributions from other intellectual sources.
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