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Wright R, Koch N. 2009. Ivy League and Geography in the US. In Kitchin R, Thrift N (eds) International
Encyclopedia of Human Geography, Volume 5, pp. 616–622. Oxford: Elsevier.
ISBN: 978-0-08-044911-1
© Copyright 2009 Elsevier Ltd.
Ivy League and Geography in the US
R. Wright and N. Koch, Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH, USA
&2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Glossary
Ivy League Eight prestigious, private universities in
the northeastern United States.
The Ivy League formed in 1954, but the study of geog-
raphy at these eight Northeastern American colleges
began much earlier. Although explicitly a sports confer-
ence, the Ivy League comprises some of the oldest and
most prestigious academic institutions in the United
States. Seven members date to the colonial period:
Harvard (est. 1636), Yale (est. 1701), University of
Pennsylvania (est. 1740), Princeton (est. 1746), Columbia
(est. 1754), Brown (est. 1764), and Dartmouth (est. 1769).
The eighth, Cornell, was founded in 1865. Each Colonial
institution provided instruction in geography in the early
days and most subsequently established undergraduate or
graduate programs at one time or another – some more
than once. Although many Ivies have geographers on
their faculties or retain some aspects of the fi eld in the
guise of programs such as Urban Planning or Develop-
ment Studies, Dartmouth is the only one with a
Department of Geography. Geography’s fate at these
institutions has hinged on the activities of individual
professors, the attitudes of key administrators, trends
within the discipline, and events outside the fi eld itself.
Pre-1830: From University Subject to
School Subject
Mirroring instruction at Oxford and Cambridge at the
time, the curricula of the seven colonial Ivy Leagues,
included geography. Departments as we now know them
did not exist and the study of geography (commonly
referred to as ‘the use of the globes’ or ‘mathematical
geography’) was part and parcel of teaching history,
mathematics, and astronomy. Globes (‘one celestial and
one terrestrial’) were central tools of instruction. A
number of key texts complemented the study of the
globes. Just as Isaac Newton did at Cambridge in the
1600s, Columbia, Dartmouth, Harvard, Pennsylvania,
Yale used Varenius’ Geographia (1650) to teach math-
ematical geography throughout the 1700s. In the mid- to
late 1700s, Brown and Princeton used Martin’s Use of Both
the Globes, and Gordon’s Geographical Grammar (1719) held
pride of place at Harvard and Princeton. Brown, Dart-
mouth, Harvard, and Yale incorporated both Guthrie’s
Geographical Grammar (1770) and Morse’s Universal
American Geography (1797) in their curricula of the late
eighteenth century. (Grammar references a text organ-
ized by nation, as opposed to alphabetically – a gazet-
teer.) Like their university counterparts in Britain,
the Ivies had few instructors dedicated explicitly to the
subject; geography was typically embedded in the general
study of natural philosophy or mathematics. Neverthe-
less, in 1784, arguably the fi rst American professional
geographer, John Daniel Gross, became a professor at
Columbia.
Although the Ivy Leagues included geography in their
early curricula, its presence began to wane in the
early 1800s. The exact reasons for this remain unclear;
perhaps ‘mathematical geography’ became more deeply
ensconced in the intellectual areas we now know as
mathematics, physics, and astronomy and a consensus
emerged that the remainder – the grammar and gazetteer
geography – was best taught in schools rather than at
university. The decision to drop geography came fi rst in
1816 at Harvard. That university had included geography
on admissions exams since 1803, and continued to do so
through most of the nineteenth century. In 1819, Dart-
mouth followed suit and eliminated the subject from
a new curriculum. Both Columbia and Yale dropped
instruction in favor of an entrance exam in 1825, and
Brown and Princeton did the same soon after. By 1830,
the University of Pennsylvania stood as the only college
still offering geography and, although it began requiring
an admissions exam in this year, it also began a new
program to intensify its instruction in geography.
1830–1900: Slow Revivals
The elimination of geography from the curricula dealt a
blow to its development and institutionalization in higher
education. Moreover, its relegation to the status of ‘school
subject’ may have seeded the perception of geography as
an idiographic and nonintellectual subject. In the nine-
teenth century, universities evolved away from the notion
that students had to master a certain knowledge toward
the idea that students could have more choice in what
they learned. As the course offerings at elite universities
broadened and included electives, the Swiss evangelical
environmental determinist, Arnold Guyot, sparked the
interest of northeastern intellectuals when he gave a
series of lectures in the US in the late 1840s (published in
1849 as Earth and Man). Ira Young, a professor of natural
philosophy at Dartmouth, immediately picked up on
these lectures and the associated monograph and in 1850
616
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offered a course based on that text. In 1854, Guyot joined
Princeton’s faculty, eventually chairing a Geography
Department there until 1880. Guyot’s crude and theo-
logically informed linking of nature and human activity,
for better or for worse, helped leverage geography as an
academic discipline, and the use of his text diffused from
Princeton and Dartmouth to some other Ivies.
Darwin’s theories of evolution stimulated new interest
in the environment, furthering geography’s recovery as a
university subject in the Ivy League. Geography course
work at Dartmouth, Pennsylvania, and Princeton became
available, moving away from the early accents on math-
ematical geography and navigation toward understanding
‘man–land’ relationships. Harvard formally offered in-
struction in geography again soon after the Civil War and
Yale reintroduced geography with Daniel Gilman’s ap-
pointment as Professor of Physical and Political Geog-
raphy. Gilman’s appointment, it may be worth noting,
occurred two decades before Halford Mackinder’s selec-
tion as Reader in Geography at Oxford. An active scholar
and teacher, Gilman left to take up the presidency of the
University of California in 1872 and later headed Johns
Hopkins University. His employment at Yale, neverthe-
less, led to growth in geography at that institution. Francis
Walker (Professor of political economy and history) suc-
ceeded Gilman and taught regional and statistical geog-
raphy. William Brewer soon joined Walker on the faculty.
A polymath with a specific interest in fluvial geomorph-
ology, Brewer worked on sedimentation.
The emphasis at Harvard in the late nineteenth cen-
tury also inclined toward physical geography, a trend
cemented in 1878 with the appointment of William
Morris Davis as an instructor in geology. Davis became
the most infl uential geographer of his time, building the
program at Harvard, shifting the center of inquiry in US
Geography to theories of physiography and causation,
and more generally championing the discipline. In 1885,
he oversaw geography’s move from the Department of
Natural History to the newly created Department of
Geography and Geology.
As Harvard’s program grew, the University of Penn-
sylvania’s Wharton School of Business developed a rival
approach to that of Davis’ physiography. Wharton scho-
lars under Emory Johnson focused on economic geog-
raphy, as the study of human use of natural resources.
With the emergence of the social sciences as fi elds of
study in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century,
the emphasis on physiography at certain institutions
complicated geography’s intellectual identity. Some
programs, however, maneuvered between physical and
human geography. At Dartmouth College, for example,
President William Jewett Tucker pushed for the devel-
opment of the social sciences throughout the 1890s and
when the Department of Social Science split into Soci-
ology and Economics, these new entities both sponsored
instruction in geography. In addition, Dartmouth’s new
Tuck School of Business Administration offered geog-
raphy courses from the start. Brown revived geography
around the same time with modest offerings in physical
geography. Cornell’s curriculum included geography for
the fi rst time in the 1890s; both economic and physical
geography were offered. At Yale in the late 1890s, Her-
bert Gregory began strengthening the geography wing of
the geology department. Columbia made its Geography
Department independent in 1896.
1900–20: The Heyday of Ivy League
Geography
By the turn of the century, geography was part of the
curricula of all eight Ivy League universities. This period
may have been, in some senses, the heyday of Ivy League
Geography. The Ivies, and especially Harvard, produced
the fi rst generation of professional geographers in the
United States. One of its graduates, Wallace Atwood,
took a position at Harvard and subsequently moved to
Clark, establishing the Graduate School of Geography at
that institution. Clark now boasts the oldest sustained
program in the US and one that has generated more
PhDs in geography than any other. Another Davis stu-
dent, Herbert Gregory, hired half a dozen geographers at
Yale between 1900 and 1910.
The intellectual core of the discipline at this time
largely centered on Davisian physical geography. Davis
himself came to recognize, however, that the fi eld was
broader than this. He tried to get practitioners, especially
his mentees, to develop a set of subfi elds like climatology,
anthropogeography, and commercial geography under
the rubric of what he called ‘ontography’. Some of Davis’
students, Isaiah Bowman (PhD Yale and on Yale’s faculty
1905–15) and Ellsworth Huntington (also Yale), helped
provide meaning for this new term, retaining a con-
nection to Darwinian ideas of natural selection and
evolution but assessing human activity in the context of
the physical environment. Lurking in all this was, of
course, environmental determinism. With roots tracing
back to Guyot and some strong tendrils in eugenics,
determinism’s dark gravitational force continued to drag
on the discipline.
The loss of a number of important intellectual leaders
at Harvard, Cornell, and Yale checked much of the
progress of the previous couple of decades. In 1906,
Harvard physical geographer Nathaniel Shaler died and
6 years later, Davis retired from Harvard. His departure
was a huge loss; none of his successors could match his
energy and vision. With Atwood leaving in 1920, Har-
vard’s program in geography was unquestionably weaker
than 20 years earlier. In this period, Cornell’s Ralph S.
Tarr, a student of Shaler and Davis, died unexpectedly.
Ivy League and Geography in the US 617
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He had developed a burgeoning geography program
through the Geology Department. Tarr oversaw Cor-
nell’s development as a center for research and graduate
education, and eventually headed the new Department of
Physical Geography in 1906. At Princeton, William
Libbey, Guyot’s successor, left the university’s geography
program in a reduced state. In 1915, Herbert Gregory,
the champion of geography at Yale, became seriously ill
and was forced to relinquish his chairmanship. In the
same year, Isaiah Bowman – the Harvard-trained scholar-
diplomat – became the new director of the American
Geographical Society. The geography wing of the
Geology Department was subsequently terminated. The
University of Pennsylvania also suffered a major loss in
1919 when J. Russell Smith left for Columbia. A dedi-
cated organizer, Smith oversaw the unification of geog-
raphy and industry as a separate subdivision of the
Department of Economics and Social Science at Whar-
ton. He was recruited by Columbia’s President to or-
ganize economic geography at the University’s new
School of Business, as he had done at Wharton. Three
other established scholars also soon left. Given Wharton’s
previous loss of Walter Tower to the University of Chi-
cago, Pennsylvania geography was substantially dimin-
ished. Brown’s geography instruction terminated around
1914, leaving only Columbia and Dartmouth well pos-
itioned in the inter-war period. All this downsizing oc-
curred as many English, French, and German universities
institutionalized geography as a discipline, associated
with both a new phase of empire building and pedagogic
needs (for high school geography teachers). The absence
of formal empire probably contributed to the erosion of
the place for geography in the US during this period.
1918–45: Theory and Practice
World War I produced new attitudes about geography as
a discipline. The large-scale employment of professional
geographers by government agencies led to a push for the
development of the technical aspect of the fi eld over
the theoretical. At the same time, its major theoretical
foundation – environmental determinism – came under
increasing scrutiny. Determinism had little international
support as well as a skeptical domestic audience, yet
some influential scholars, notably Ellen Semple (Chi-
cago) and Huntington, continued to champion it. Al-
though the late 1920s were marked by a new emphasis on
the region, the regional concept failed to provide the
unifying framework geography needed to maintain its
prestige in the most elite institutions of higher learning.
Historians of the discipline note that it was not intel-
lectually strong in the fi rst half of the century. ‘Amateur’
and ‘mediocre’ are two of the most damaging terms
used to describe the scholarly state of affairs by both
commentators at the time and by those writing histories.
At elite, infl uential universities, such frailty would be a
particular problem.
Increased demand for practical education and the
attack on environmental determinism was devastating for
geography in the Ivy League universities; these insti-
tutions increasingly emphasized the importance of theory
and held technical instruction in low esteem. In contrast,
geography departments in the new land-grant colleges of
the Midwest prospered in this environment. Because
these universities were designed in part to support to the
Midwestern agricultural economy and serve the broader
public, they welcomed the applied elements of geog-
raphy. Thus, the considerable expansion of geography in
the inter-war period occurred most significantly in the
state universities and comparatively less so in the elite
colleges of the Northeast. Ivy League geography pro-
grams – which were already vulnerable from major
pre-war losses that exposed their still unsuccessful
institutionalization – began to lose ground to Midwestern
geography departments. Ironically, the earliest geography
faculties at many land-grant universities were drawn
largely from students trained at the Ivy Leagues, under
the likes of Davis, Gregory, and Tarr.
Despite these shifts, Dartmouth and Columbia, the
two institutions that had not suffered major setbacks in
the pre-war era, fared relatively well during this period.
At Columbia, J. Russell Smith managed the geography
program and the university averaged a PhD per year in
geography in the inter-war period. Dartmouth, which
has historically focused on undergraduate education in
the Arts and Sciences and has never formally offered
graduate coursework in geography, continued to develop
a program for undergraduates. Dartmouth’s adminis-
trative leadership looked upon geography with favor, and
in 1942 the discipline achieved department status.
1945–Present: And Then There Was One
World War II, like World War I, stimulated institutional
interest in geography in the American academy. In the
Ivy League, however, the picture was much more mixed.
By the 1980s, every Ivy League program with the ex-
ception of Dartmouth’s had been disbanded. The reasons
behind these terminations vary around themes of weak
faculty and the discipline’s uncertain intellectual terrain.
The adverse fi scal context faced by institutions in the
aftermath of World War II probably made things worse.
Although geographers can be counted among the faculty
at Brown and Princeton (notably Julian Wolpert – the
Bryant Professor of Geography, Public Affairs, and Urban
Planning at the Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of
Public and International Affairs), these two institutions
never developed programs in geography to the same
618 Ivy League and Geography in the US
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extent as their sister schools. The rest of the essay de-
scribes events at the remaining six universities.
The closure of Harvard’s program in 1948 dealt a
severe blow to Ivy League geography and to US geog-
raphy more generally. Harvard’s program had remained
modest in the 1920s. Still part of the Department of
Geology and Geography, geography had nevertheless
begun to show signs of life. Kirk Bryan was appointed in
1926 to bolster physical geography; 2 years later, French
geographer Raoul Blanchard and Derwent Whittlesley
joined the faculty. These appointments were designed
to build up the human side of the program and steer
geography toward being a separate field. These ap-
pointments appear to have affected PhD production;
Harvard granted two PhDs in geography in the 1920s
(including the only one to a woman – Millicent Todd
Bingham) whereas eight were awarded in the 1930s. The
appointments of Edward Ullman (PhD Chicago) and
Edward Ackerman (PhD Harvard) in the 1940s augured
a new day for geography at Harvard – built on human
geography. In May 1947, however, the ad hoc promotion
committee agreed to promote Edward Ackerman to As-
sociate Professor; conflict ensued when geologist Mar-
land Billings protested the vote. Billings appealed to
Provost Paul Buck, asserting Geology’s need for the half
position they would be losing by Ackerman’s full ap-
pointment in geography as well as casting doubt on the
intellectual merits of human geography as a fi eld.
That year, an Ad Hoc Committee on Geography was
formed, and included the President of Johns Hopkins,
Isaiah Bowman. Bowman knew the President of Harvard
well, and thus played an infl uential role in the decisions
regarding the future of geography. Bowman had little
respect for Harvard’s geography program as it tended
more toward the human side of the fi eld and away from
the physiography he enjoyed as an undergraduate at
Harvard. Whittlesley, the only tenured human geog-
rapher, proved to be a poor advocate for the discipline;
Edward Ullman did much more in the program’s defense.
Yet Bowman’s lack of support probably sealed the pro-
gram’s fate. His inaction was perhaps a favor to President
Conant, who likely already had geography’s elimination
as a set objective, given budget stresses at the university
at the time and his personal disdain for the discipline.
While protests from numerous geographers ensued, the
Committee used selective evidence from Carl Sauer, who
wrote the chairman, saying that the fi eld of geography ‘‘is
very poorly defi ned’’ and that geography has often been
done best by nongeographers. Ackerman and Ullman
were fired; Richard Logan, an instructor teaching intro-
ductory courses on a term appointment, was not rehired.
Whittesley was retained as the sole tenured geographer;
Ullman departed Harvard for the University of Wash-
ington in 1951 to join William Garrison and some
other (quantitative) revolutionaries in Smith Hall (see
Quantitative Revolution). Ironically, 15 years later when
Harvard became the home for the Laboratory for
Computer Graphics and Spatial Analysis (LCGSA),
University of Washington graduates Waldo Tobler and
Brian Berry fi gured among the fi rst scholars to give
papers at the new facility. Berry would return (1976–81)
as an endowed Chair and Professor of City and Regional
Planning and Director of the LCGSA. This laboratory
developed SYMAP, the early computer mapping pro-
gram and precursor to geographic information science
(see Bowman, I.; Garrison, W.).
While many commentators recall Jean Gottmann’s
declaration that the closure of this department was ‘‘a
terrible blow yto American geography,’’ the fallout
from the demise of geography at Harvard was not im-
mediate. One year after the events at Harvard, Yale re-
instated Geography to departmental status. After the
collapse of Yale’s geography program in 1915, Ellsworth
Huntington had returned as a research associate and
the only geographer in the Geology Department. A few
dissertations were completed at this time, and almost all
of the doctoral work completed in the 1930s was in
physical geography. In 1945, however, Stephen Jones,
hired originally in International Studies, was appointed
associate professor of geography. Although geography
gained department status in 1949, and had hired several
more geographers on faculty, Jones’ efforts to fully in-
stitutionalize the subject were unsuccessful. The geog-
raphers he employed were not productive scholars and
proved incapable of maintaining a coherent independent
identity for the program in the face of competition for
resources – especially from area studies. The department
at Yale awarded one PhD in the 1950s and another one in
the 1960s. In addition, Time Magazine’s 1963 article on
‘easy A’s’ highlighted the ‘gut’ geography courses at Yale
mocking the political geography course that had no re-
quired reading. Yale terminated geography for the last
time in 1967.
At the University of Pennsylvania, geography moved
along an alternative trajectory with geography being or-
ganized through the university’s business school, Whar-
ton. Although the inter-war period had been marked by
the growth of business administration with an emphasis
on economic geography, the trend was reversed in
the post–World War II years. Declining enrollments in
geography resulted in a shift in business programs away
from economic geography. In the mid-1950s, Walter Isard
moved from MIT to join Penn’s economics faculty, with
the mandate to establish a regional science PhD program.
Within 2 years, Isard was chairing a separate Department
of Regional Science, which had links to geography.
Michael Dacey, Duane Marble, Julian Wolpert, and Allen
Scott were all faculty members at one time in Penn’s
Department of Regional Science and Regional Science at
Penn has produced scholars who now occupy positions in
Ivy League and Geography in the US 619
Author's personal copy
geography. In 1963, the University of Pennsylvania closed
its Geography Department and shifted some faculty
positions to Regional Science. Isard moved to Cornell in
1979; 14 years later, Penn’s Regional Science department
closed – having granted about 140 PhDs since its in-
ception. Cornell’s City and Regional Planning program
contains the only Regional Science track in the Ivies. In
the past two decades, Cornell has conferred 31 PhDs in
regional science; some of these graduates have also ob-
tained academic positions in geography.
Columbia University’s excellence in graduate studies
in geography went unmatched by the other Ivy Leagues
for much of the twentieth century, but this did not pre-
vent the department’s eventual termination. After early
success in establishing geography at Columbia, Russell
Smith did not do enough to strengthen the program and
consolidate its position at the university: he spent little
time on campus and dedicated most of his efforts to
writing textbooks. In later years, Columbia’s graduate
enrollment numbers were reasonable, but the best and
most promising students were opting instead to study
at expanding departments at Michigan, Wisconsin, or
Chicago. With roots in Columbia’s School of Business,
the department also suffered from the decline of eco-
nomic geography in the post-war period. Smith’s retire-
ment during this time was followed by the eradication of
two tenured positions in the 1970s, appointments fi lled
by junior colleagues on 3-year contracts. Another loss
came when the department’s chairman, William Hance,
retired in 1981. Although graduate enrollments were still
around a dozen each year in the early 1980s, the ad-
ministration claimed that the quality of the students had
declined. Undergraduate course requirements in geog-
raphy were eliminated in 1985 and new courses in re-
mote sensing were not permitted. Given the lack of
popularity of geography courses outside the department,
administrators felt that it was not fulfilling either its in-
tellectual or its service function. The decision to close
the department fi nally came in 1986.
The establishment of a full-blown Department of
Geography at Dartmouth coincided with the appoint-
ment of a third professor of geography Van English; he
joined Al Carlson and Trevor Lloyd on the faculty. All
three held Clark PhDs. The curricula offerings in the
1940s refl ected the times with a War Course as well as
map interpretation as part of Defense Instruction joining
the more regular fare of regional and physical geography.
With the end of global conflict, war-related courses de-
faulted to more conventional rubrics of air photo inter-
pretation and cartography. Robert Huke (PhD Syracuse)
joined the faculty in 1953 and championed the discipline
on campus. He was a beloved teacher and an energetic
promoter of geography among students and faculty.
The department slowly grew to include six full-time
lines by the mid-1970s. Laura Conkey became the first
woman appointed to a tenure-track position in the de-
partment and subsequently the fi rst woman tenured in a
Geography Department in the Ivy League. Between 2000
and 2005, the department added three new positions.
Today the department includes nine full-time tenure-
track faculty; two hold joint appointments (with Women’s
and Gender Studies and Environmental Studies re-
spectively), and two others now hold endowed chairs –
the fi rst such appointments conferred on geographers at
Dartmouth in its history. In 2007, women in tenure-track
appointments in the department outnumbered men for
the fi rst time.
Why has this Ivy League department not only sur-
vived but also fl ourished when the others foundered?
Without a doubt, Bob Huke’s personality and tireless
efforts on behalf of geography helped trump doubts
about the department’s viability and place in a liberal
arts environment. The department always cared deeply
about undergraduate teaching and developed consist-
ently sound undergraduate enrollments. The department
has also hired carefully, emphasizing teaching and re-
search excellence as well as collegiality. In the last couple
of decades, the department has only put forward strong
candidates for tenure and promotion whose work res-
onates across campus and the discipline. Geography at
Dartmouth has been opportunistic, open to moving in
new directions when the chance arose. In addition, for
decades, department chairs have steered a course that
promotes the unique contribution of geography as a
theoretically oriented discipline, and marking it as
distinct from potentially competing campus programs
in environmental studies, various area studies, and
its sister social science departments – Anthropology and
Sociology. The department also values and celebrates
research collaborations between faculty and under-
graduates – this article being one example among
many.
The Geography Department at Dartmouth recently
developed ad hoc postbaccalaureate and postdoctoral
programs, which the faculty plan to leverage into a
masters degree course sooner rather than later. Hopes for
new Ivy League graduate programs in geography, how-
ever, do not rest entirely with Dartmouth. In 2003,
Brown’s initiative in spatial structures in the social sci-
ences came on line; this interdisciplinary research cluster
analyzes the impacts of spatial relations and contextual
effects on social problems. Harvard’s interdisciplinary
Center for Geographic Analysis, opened in May 2006,
also augments geography’s (Ivy League) standing. Whe-
ther these new research centers seed new departments
at Harvard and Brown or new programs in geography
elsewhere in the Ivy League remains to be seen.
See also: Anglo-American/Anglophone Hegemony;
Feminist Geography, Prehistory of.
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Further Reading
DeBres, K. (1989). An early frost: Geography at Teachers College,
Columbia and Columbia University, 1896–1942. The Geographical
Journal 155(3), 392--402.
Fellmann, J. D. (1986). Myth and reality in the origin of American
economic geography. Annals of the Association of American
Geographers 76(3), 313--330.
Glick, T. F. (1988). Before the revolution: Edward Ullman and the crisis
of geography at Harvard, 1949–1950. In Harmon, J. E. & Rickard, T.
J. (eds.) Geography in New England, pp 49--62. New Britain, CT:
New England–St. Lawrence Valley Geographical Society.
Koelsch, W. A. (2001). Academic geography, American style: An
institutional perspective. In Dunbar, G. S. (ed.) Geography:
Discipline, Profession and Subject Since 1870: An International
Survey, pp 245--279. Norwell, MA: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Martin, G. J. (1988). Geography, geographers and Yale University, c.
1770–1970. In Harmon, J. E. & Rickard, T. J. (eds.) Geography in
New England, pp 2--9. New Britain, CT: New England/St. Lawrence
Valley Geographical Society.
Martin, G. J. (1998). The emergence and development of geographic
thought in New England. Economic Geography 74, 1--13.
Simpson, R. E. and Huke, R. E. (1988). One view of geography at
Dartmouth College. In Harmon, J. E. & Rickard, T. J. (eds.)
Geography in New England, pp 10--24. New Britain, CT: New
England/St. Lawrence Valley Geographical Society.
Smith, N. (1987). Academic war over the field of geography: The
elimination of geography at Harvard, 1947–1951. Annals of the
Association of American Geographers 77(2), 155--172.
Spencer, J. E. (1974). The evolution of the discipline of geography in the
twentieth century. Geographical Perspectives 33, 20--35.
Warntz, W. (1964). Geography Now and Then. New York: American
Geographical Society.
Withers, C. W. J. and Mayhew, R. J. (2002). Rethinking ‘disciplinary’
history: Geography in British universities, c. 1580–1887.
Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 27(1),
11--29.
Relevant Websites
http://www.s4.brown.edu
Brown University Spatial Structures in the Social Sciences.
http://www.dartmouth.edu
Department of Geography, Dartmouth College.
http://www.gis.harvard.edu
Harvard University Center for Geographic Analysis.
Ivy League and Geography in the US 621
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