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Ivy League and Geography in the US

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This article explore the history of geography in the Ivy League – eight of the oldest and most prestigious academic institutions in the United States. Each of these influential universities provided instruction in geography and most established undergraduate or graduate programs at one time or another. Although most Ivy League universities have geographers on their faculties or retain some aspects of the field in the guise of programs such as Urban Planning or Development Studies, Dartmouth College is the only one with a Department of Geography. The discipline has long struggled to establish itself as theoretically grounded and therefore worthy of membership in these universities. Geography’s fate in the Ivies, however, has also hinged on the activities of individual professors, the disposition of key administrators, trends within the discipline, and events outside the field itself.
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Wright R, Koch N. 2009. Ivy League and Geography in the US. In Kitchin R, Thrift N (eds) International
Encyclopedia of Human Geography, Volume 5, pp. 616–622. Oxford: Elsevier.
ISBN: 978-0-08-044911-1
© Copyright 2009 Elsevier Ltd.
Ivy League and Geography in the US
R. Wright and N. Koch, Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH, USA
&2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Glossary
Ivy League Eight prestigious, private universities in
the northeastern United States.
The Ivy League formed in 1954, but the study of geog-
raphy at these eight Northeastern American colleges
began much earlier. Although explicitly a sports confer-
ence, the Ivy League comprises some of the oldest and
most prestigious academic institutions in the United
States. Seven members date to the colonial period:
Harvard (est. 1636), Yale (est. 1701), University of
Pennsylvania (est. 1740), Princeton (est. 1746), Columbia
(est. 1754), Brown (est. 1764), and Dartmouth (est. 1769).
The eighth, Cornell, was founded in 1865. Each Colonial
institution provided instruction in geography in the early
days and most subsequently established undergraduate or
graduate programs at one time or another some more
than once. Although many Ivies have geographers on
their faculties or retain some aspects of the eld in the
guise of programs such as Urban Planning or Develop-
ment Studies, Dartmouth is the only one with a
Department of Geography. Geography’s fate at these
institutions has hinged on the activities of individual
professors, the attitudes of key administrators, trends
within the discipline, and events outside the eld itself.
Pre-1830: From University Subject to
School Subject
Mirroring instruction at Oxford and Cambridge at the
time, the curricula of the seven colonial Ivy Leagues,
included geography. Departments as we now know them
did not exist and the study of geography (commonly
referred to as ‘the use of the globes’ or ‘mathematical
geography’) was part and parcel of teaching history,
mathematics, and astronomy. Globes (‘one celestial and
one terrestrial’) were central tools of instruction. A
number of key texts complemented the study of the
globes. Just as Isaac Newton did at Cambridge in the
1600s, Columbia, Dartmouth, Harvard, Pennsylvania,
Yale used Varenius’ Geographia (1650) to teach math-
ematical geography throughout the 1700s. In the mid- to
late 1700s, Brown and Princeton used Martin’s Use of Both
the Globes, and Gordon’s Geographical Grammar (1719) held
pride of place at Harvard and Princeton. Brown, Dart-
mouth, Harvard, and Yale incorporated both Guthrie’s
Geographical Grammar (1770) and Morse’s Universal
American Geography (1797) in their curricula of the late
eighteenth century. (Grammar references a text organ-
ized by nation, as opposed to alphabetically a gazet-
teer.) Like their university counterparts in Britain,
the Ivies had few instructors dedicated explicitly to the
subject; geography was typically embedded in the general
study of natural philosophy or mathematics. Neverthe-
less, in 1784, arguably the rst American professional
geographer, John Daniel Gross, became a professor at
Columbia.
Although the Ivy Leagues included geography in their
early curricula, its presence began to wane in the
early 1800s. The exact reasons for this remain unclear;
perhaps ‘mathematical geography’ became more deeply
ensconced in the intellectual areas we now know as
mathematics, physics, and astronomy and a consensus
emerged that the remainder the grammar and gazetteer
geography was best taught in schools rather than at
university. The decision to drop geography came rst in
1816 at Harvard. That university had included geography
on admissions exams since 1803, and continued to do so
through most of the nineteenth century. In 1819, Dart-
mouth followed suit and eliminated the subject from
a new curriculum. Both Columbia and Yale dropped
instruction in favor of an entrance exam in 1825, and
Brown and Princeton did the same soon after. By 1830,
the University of Pennsylvania stood as the only college
still offering geography and, although it began requiring
an admissions exam in this year, it also began a new
program to intensify its instruction in geography.
1830–1900: Slow Revivals
The elimination of geography from the curricula dealt a
blow to its development and institutionalization in higher
education. Moreover, its relegation to the status of ‘school
subject’ may have seeded the perception of geography as
an idiographic and nonintellectual subject. In the nine-
teenth century, universities evolved away from the notion
that students had to master a certain knowledge toward
the idea that students could have more choice in what
they learned. As the course offerings at elite universities
broadened and included electives, the Swiss evangelical
environmental determinist, Arnold Guyot, sparked the
interest of northeastern intellectuals when he gave a
series of lectures in the US in the late 1840s (published in
1849 as Earth and Man). Ira Young, a professor of natural
philosophy at Dartmouth, immediately picked up on
these lectures and the associated monograph and in 1850
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offered a course based on that text. In 1854, Guyot joined
Princeton’s faculty, eventually chairing a Geography
Department there until 1880. Guyot’s crude and theo-
logically informed linking of nature and human activity,
for better or for worse, helped leverage geography as an
academic discipline, and the use of his text diffused from
Princeton and Dartmouth to some other Ivies.
Darwin’s theories of evolution stimulated new interest
in the environment, furthering geography’s recovery as a
university subject in the Ivy League. Geography course
work at Dartmouth, Pennsylvania, and Princeton became
available, moving away from the early accents on math-
ematical geography and navigation toward understanding
‘man–land’ relationships. Harvard formally offered in-
struction in geography again soon after the Civil War and
Yale reintroduced geography with Daniel Gilman’s ap-
pointment as Professor of Physical and Political Geog-
raphy. Gilman’s appointment, it may be worth noting,
occurred two decades before Halford Mackinder’s selec-
tion as Reader in Geography at Oxford. An active scholar
and teacher, Gilman left to take up the presidency of the
University of California in 1872 and later headed Johns
Hopkins University. His employment at Yale, neverthe-
less, led to growth in geography at that institution. Francis
Walker (Professor of political economy and history) suc-
ceeded Gilman and taught regional and statistical geog-
raphy. William Brewer soon joined Walker on the faculty.
A polymath with a specific interest in fluvial geomorph-
ology, Brewer worked on sedimentation.
The emphasis at Harvard in the late nineteenth cen-
tury also inclined toward physical geography, a trend
cemented in 1878 with the appointment of William
Morris Davis as an instructor in geology. Davis became
the most infl uential geographer of his time, building the
program at Harvard, shifting the center of inquiry in US
Geography to theories of physiography and causation,
and more generally championing the discipline. In 1885,
he oversaw geography’s move from the Department of
Natural History to the newly created Department of
Geography and Geology.
As Harvard’s program grew, the University of Penn-
sylvania’s Wharton School of Business developed a rival
approach to that of Davis’ physiography. Wharton scho-
lars under Emory Johnson focused on economic geog-
raphy, as the study of human use of natural resources.
With the emergence of the social sciences as elds of
study in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century,
the emphasis on physiography at certain institutions
complicated geography’s intellectual identity. Some
programs, however, maneuvered between physical and
human geography. At Dartmouth College, for example,
President William Jewett Tucker pushed for the devel-
opment of the social sciences throughout the 1890s and
when the Department of Social Science split into Soci-
ology and Economics, these new entities both sponsored
instruction in geography. In addition, Dartmouth’s new
Tuck School of Business Administration offered geog-
raphy courses from the start. Brown revived geography
around the same time with modest offerings in physical
geography. Cornell’s curriculum included geography for
the rst time in the 1890s; both economic and physical
geography were offered. At Yale in the late 1890s, Her-
bert Gregory began strengthening the geography wing of
the geology department. Columbia made its Geography
Department independent in 1896.
1900–20: The Heyday of Ivy League
Geography
By the turn of the century, geography was part of the
curricula of all eight Ivy League universities. This period
may have been, in some senses, the heyday of Ivy League
Geography. The Ivies, and especially Harvard, produced
the rst generation of professional geographers in the
United States. One of its graduates, Wallace Atwood,
took a position at Harvard and subsequently moved to
Clark, establishing the Graduate School of Geography at
that institution. Clark now boasts the oldest sustained
program in the US and one that has generated more
PhDs in geography than any other. Another Davis stu-
dent, Herbert Gregory, hired half a dozen geographers at
Yale between 1900 and 1910.
The intellectual core of the discipline at this time
largely centered on Davisian physical geography. Davis
himself came to recognize, however, that the eld was
broader than this. He tried to get practitioners, especially
his mentees, to develop a set of subfi elds like climatology,
anthropogeography, and commercial geography under
the rubric of what he called ‘ontography’. Some of Davis’
students, Isaiah Bowman (PhD Yale and on Yale’s faculty
1905–15) and Ellsworth Huntington (also Yale), helped
provide meaning for this new term, retaining a con-
nection to Darwinian ideas of natural selection and
evolution but assessing human activity in the context of
the physical environment. Lurking in all this was, of
course, environmental determinism. With roots tracing
back to Guyot and some strong tendrils in eugenics,
determinism’s dark gravitational force continued to drag
on the discipline.
The loss of a number of important intellectual leaders
at Harvard, Cornell, and Yale checked much of the
progress of the previous couple of decades. In 1906,
Harvard physical geographer Nathaniel Shaler died and
6 years later, Davis retired from Harvard. His departure
was a huge loss; none of his successors could match his
energy and vision. With Atwood leaving in 1920, Har-
vard’s program in geography was unquestionably weaker
than 20 years earlier. In this period, Cornell’s Ralph S.
Tarr, a student of Shaler and Davis, died unexpectedly.
Ivy League and Geography in the US 617
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He had developed a burgeoning geography program
through the Geology Department. Tarr oversaw Cor-
nell’s development as a center for research and graduate
education, and eventually headed the new Department of
Physical Geography in 1906. At Princeton, William
Libbey, Guyot’s successor, left the university’s geography
program in a reduced state. In 1915, Herbert Gregory,
the champion of geography at Yale, became seriously ill
and was forced to relinquish his chairmanship. In the
same year, Isaiah Bowman the Harvard-trained scholar-
diplomat became the new director of the American
Geographical Society. The geography wing of the
Geology Department was subsequently terminated. The
University of Pennsylvania also suffered a major loss in
1919 when J. Russell Smith left for Columbia. A dedi-
cated organizer, Smith oversaw the unification of geog-
raphy and industry as a separate subdivision of the
Department of Economics and Social Science at Whar-
ton. He was recruited by Columbia’s President to or-
ganize economic geography at the University’s new
School of Business, as he had done at Wharton. Three
other established scholars also soon left. Given Wharton’s
previous loss of Walter Tower to the University of Chi-
cago, Pennsylvania geography was substantially dimin-
ished. Brown’s geography instruction terminated around
1914, leaving only Columbia and Dartmouth well pos-
itioned in the inter-war period. All this downsizing oc-
curred as many English, French, and German universities
institutionalized geography as a discipline, associated
with both a new phase of empire building and pedagogic
needs (for high school geography teachers). The absence
of formal empire probably contributed to the erosion of
the place for geography in the US during this period.
1918–45: Theory and Practice
World War I produced new attitudes about geography as
a discipline. The large-scale employment of professional
geographers by government agencies led to a push for the
development of the technical aspect of the eld over
the theoretical. At the same time, its major theoretical
foundation environmental determinism came under
increasing scrutiny. Determinism had little international
support as well as a skeptical domestic audience, yet
some influential scholars, notably Ellen Semple (Chi-
cago) and Huntington, continued to champion it. Al-
though the late 1920s were marked by a new emphasis on
the region, the regional concept failed to provide the
unifying framework geography needed to maintain its
prestige in the most elite institutions of higher learning.
Historians of the discipline note that it was not intel-
lectually strong in the rst half of the century. Amateur’
and ‘mediocre’ are two of the most damaging terms
used to describe the scholarly state of affairs by both
commentators at the time and by those writing histories.
At elite, infl uential universities, such frailty would be a
particular problem.
Increased demand for practical education and the
attack on environmental determinism was devastating for
geography in the Ivy League universities; these insti-
tutions increasingly emphasized the importance of theory
and held technical instruction in low esteem. In contrast,
geography departments in the new land-grant colleges of
the Midwest prospered in this environment. Because
these universities were designed in part to support to the
Midwestern agricultural economy and serve the broader
public, they welcomed the applied elements of geog-
raphy. Thus, the considerable expansion of geography in
the inter-war period occurred most significantly in the
state universities and comparatively less so in the elite
colleges of the Northeast. Ivy League geography pro-
grams which were already vulnerable from major
pre-war losses that exposed their still unsuccessful
institutionalization began to lose ground to Midwestern
geography departments. Ironically, the earliest geography
faculties at many land-grant universities were drawn
largely from students trained at the Ivy Leagues, under
the likes of Davis, Gregory, and Tarr.
Despite these shifts, Dartmouth and Columbia, the
two institutions that had not suffered major setbacks in
the pre-war era, fared relatively well during this period.
At Columbia, J. Russell Smith managed the geography
program and the university averaged a PhD per year in
geography in the inter-war period. Dartmouth, which
has historically focused on undergraduate education in
the Arts and Sciences and has never formally offered
graduate coursework in geography, continued to develop
a program for undergraduates. Dartmouth’s adminis-
trative leadership looked upon geography with favor, and
in 1942 the discipline achieved department status.
1945–Present: And Then There Was One
World War II, like World War I, stimulated institutional
interest in geography in the American academy. In the
Ivy League, however, the picture was much more mixed.
By the 1980s, every Ivy League program with the ex-
ception of Dartmouth’s had been disbanded. The reasons
behind these terminations vary around themes of weak
faculty and the discipline’s uncertain intellectual terrain.
The adverse scal context faced by institutions in the
aftermath of World War II probably made things worse.
Although geographers can be counted among the faculty
at Brown and Princeton (notably Julian Wolpert the
Bryant Professor of Geography, Public Affairs, and Urban
Planning at the Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of
Public and International Affairs), these two institutions
never developed programs in geography to the same
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extent as their sister schools. The rest of the essay de-
scribes events at the remaining six universities.
The closure of Harvard’s program in 1948 dealt a
severe blow to Ivy League geography and to US geog-
raphy more generally. Harvard’s program had remained
modest in the 1920s. Still part of the Department of
Geology and Geography, geography had nevertheless
begun to show signs of life. Kirk Bryan was appointed in
1926 to bolster physical geography; 2 years later, French
geographer Raoul Blanchard and Derwent Whittlesley
joined the faculty. These appointments were designed
to build up the human side of the program and steer
geography toward being a separate field. These ap-
pointments appear to have affected PhD production;
Harvard granted two PhDs in geography in the 1920s
(including the only one to a woman Millicent Todd
Bingham) whereas eight were awarded in the 1930s. The
appointments of Edward Ullman (PhD Chicago) and
Edward Ackerman (PhD Harvard) in the 1940s augured
a new day for geography at Harvard built on human
geography. In May 1947, however, the ad hoc promotion
committee agreed to promote Edward Ackerman to As-
sociate Professor; conflict ensued when geologist Mar-
land Billings protested the vote. Billings appealed to
Provost Paul Buck, asserting Geology’s need for the half
position they would be losing by Ackerman’s full ap-
pointment in geography as well as casting doubt on the
intellectual merits of human geography as a eld.
That year, an Ad Hoc Committee on Geography was
formed, and included the President of Johns Hopkins,
Isaiah Bowman. Bowman knew the President of Harvard
well, and thus played an infl uential role in the decisions
regarding the future of geography. Bowman had little
respect for Harvard’s geography program as it tended
more toward the human side of the eld and away from
the physiography he enjoyed as an undergraduate at
Harvard. Whittlesley, the only tenured human geog-
rapher, proved to be a poor advocate for the discipline;
Edward Ullman did much more in the program’s defense.
Yet Bowman’s lack of support probably sealed the pro-
gram’s fate. His inaction was perhaps a favor to President
Conant, who likely already had geography’s elimination
as a set objective, given budget stresses at the university
at the time and his personal disdain for the discipline.
While protests from numerous geographers ensued, the
Committee used selective evidence from Carl Sauer, who
wrote the chairman, saying that the eld of geography ‘‘is
very poorly defi ned’’ and that geography has often been
done best by nongeographers. Ackerman and Ullman
were fired; Richard Logan, an instructor teaching intro-
ductory courses on a term appointment, was not rehired.
Whittesley was retained as the sole tenured geographer;
Ullman departed Harvard for the University of Wash-
ington in 1951 to join William Garrison and some
other (quantitative) revolutionaries in Smith Hall (see
Quantitative Revolution). Ironically, 15 years later when
Harvard became the home for the Laboratory for
Computer Graphics and Spatial Analysis (LCGSA),
University of Washington graduates Waldo Tobler and
Brian Berry gured among the rst scholars to give
papers at the new facility. Berry would return (1976–81)
as an endowed Chair and Professor of City and Regional
Planning and Director of the LCGSA. This laboratory
developed SYMAP, the early computer mapping pro-
gram and precursor to geographic information science
(see Bowman, I.; Garrison, W.).
While many commentators recall Jean Gottmann’s
declaration that the closure of this department was ‘‘a
terrible blow yto American geography,’’ the fallout
from the demise of geography at Harvard was not im-
mediate. One year after the events at Harvard, Yale re-
instated Geography to departmental status. After the
collapse of Yale’s geography program in 1915, Ellsworth
Huntington had returned as a research associate and
the only geographer in the Geology Department. A few
dissertations were completed at this time, and almost all
of the doctoral work completed in the 1930s was in
physical geography. In 1945, however, Stephen Jones,
hired originally in International Studies, was appointed
associate professor of geography. Although geography
gained department status in 1949, and had hired several
more geographers on faculty, Jones’ efforts to fully in-
stitutionalize the subject were unsuccessful. The geog-
raphers he employed were not productive scholars and
proved incapable of maintaining a coherent independent
identity for the program in the face of competition for
resources especially from area studies. The department
at Yale awarded one PhD in the 1950s and another one in
the 1960s. In addition, Time Magazine’s 1963 article on
‘easy A’s’ highlighted the ‘gut’ geography courses at Yale
mocking the political geography course that had no re-
quired reading. Yale terminated geography for the last
time in 1967.
At the University of Pennsylvania, geography moved
along an alternative trajectory with geography being or-
ganized through the university’s business school, Whar-
ton. Although the inter-war period had been marked by
the growth of business administration with an emphasis
on economic geography, the trend was reversed in
the post–World War II years. Declining enrollments in
geography resulted in a shift in business programs away
from economic geography. In the mid-1950s, Walter Isard
moved from MIT to join Penn’s economics faculty, with
the mandate to establish a regional science PhD program.
Within 2 years, Isard was chairing a separate Department
of Regional Science, which had links to geography.
Michael Dacey, Duane Marble, Julian Wolpert, and Allen
Scott were all faculty members at one time in Penn’s
Department of Regional Science and Regional Science at
Penn has produced scholars who now occupy positions in
Ivy League and Geography in the US 619
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geography. In 1963, the University of Pennsylvania closed
its Geography Department and shifted some faculty
positions to Regional Science. Isard moved to Cornell in
1979; 14 years later, Penn’s Regional Science department
closed having granted about 140 PhDs since its in-
ception. Cornell’s City and Regional Planning program
contains the only Regional Science track in the Ivies. In
the past two decades, Cornell has conferred 31 PhDs in
regional science; some of these graduates have also ob-
tained academic positions in geography.
Columbia University’s excellence in graduate studies
in geography went unmatched by the other Ivy Leagues
for much of the twentieth century, but this did not pre-
vent the department’s eventual termination. After early
success in establishing geography at Columbia, Russell
Smith did not do enough to strengthen the program and
consolidate its position at the university: he spent little
time on campus and dedicated most of his efforts to
writing textbooks. In later years, Columbia’s graduate
enrollment numbers were reasonable, but the best and
most promising students were opting instead to study
at expanding departments at Michigan, Wisconsin, or
Chicago. With roots in Columbia’s School of Business,
the department also suffered from the decline of eco-
nomic geography in the post-war period. Smith’s retire-
ment during this time was followed by the eradication of
two tenured positions in the 1970s, appointments lled
by junior colleagues on 3-year contracts. Another loss
came when the department’s chairman, William Hance,
retired in 1981. Although graduate enrollments were still
around a dozen each year in the early 1980s, the ad-
ministration claimed that the quality of the students had
declined. Undergraduate course requirements in geog-
raphy were eliminated in 1985 and new courses in re-
mote sensing were not permitted. Given the lack of
popularity of geography courses outside the department,
administrators felt that it was not fulfilling either its in-
tellectual or its service function. The decision to close
the department nally came in 1986.
The establishment of a full-blown Department of
Geography at Dartmouth coincided with the appoint-
ment of a third professor of geography Van English; he
joined Al Carlson and Trevor Lloyd on the faculty. All
three held Clark PhDs. The curricula offerings in the
1940s refl ected the times with a War Course as well as
map interpretation as part of Defense Instruction joining
the more regular fare of regional and physical geography.
With the end of global conflict, war-related courses de-
faulted to more conventional rubrics of air photo inter-
pretation and cartography. Robert Huke (PhD Syracuse)
joined the faculty in 1953 and championed the discipline
on campus. He was a beloved teacher and an energetic
promoter of geography among students and faculty.
The department slowly grew to include six full-time
lines by the mid-1970s. Laura Conkey became the first
woman appointed to a tenure-track position in the de-
partment and subsequently the rst woman tenured in a
Geography Department in the Ivy League. Between 2000
and 2005, the department added three new positions.
Today the department includes nine full-time tenure-
track faculty; two hold joint appointments (with Women’s
and Gender Studies and Environmental Studies re-
spectively), and two others now hold endowed chairs
the rst such appointments conferred on geographers at
Dartmouth in its history. In 2007, women in tenure-track
appointments in the department outnumbered men for
the rst time.
Why has this Ivy League department not only sur-
vived but also ourished when the others foundered?
Without a doubt, Bob Huke’s personality and tireless
efforts on behalf of geography helped trump doubts
about the department’s viability and place in a liberal
arts environment. The department always cared deeply
about undergraduate teaching and developed consist-
ently sound undergraduate enrollments. The department
has also hired carefully, emphasizing teaching and re-
search excellence as well as collegiality. In the last couple
of decades, the department has only put forward strong
candidates for tenure and promotion whose work res-
onates across campus and the discipline. Geography at
Dartmouth has been opportunistic, open to moving in
new directions when the chance arose. In addition, for
decades, department chairs have steered a course that
promotes the unique contribution of geography as a
theoretically oriented discipline, and marking it as
distinct from potentially competing campus programs
in environmental studies, various area studies, and
its sister social science departments Anthropology and
Sociology. The department also values and celebrates
research collaborations between faculty and under-
graduates this article being one example among
many.
The Geography Department at Dartmouth recently
developed ad hoc postbaccalaureate and postdoctoral
programs, which the faculty plan to leverage into a
masters degree course sooner rather than later. Hopes for
new Ivy League graduate programs in geography, how-
ever, do not rest entirely with Dartmouth. In 2003,
Brown’s initiative in spatial structures in the social sci-
ences came on line; this interdisciplinary research cluster
analyzes the impacts of spatial relations and contextual
effects on social problems. Harvard’s interdisciplinary
Center for Geographic Analysis, opened in May 2006,
also augments geography’s (Ivy League) standing. Whe-
ther these new research centers seed new departments
at Harvard and Brown or new programs in geography
elsewhere in the Ivy League remains to be seen.
See also: Anglo-American/Anglophone Hegemony;
Feminist Geography, Prehistory of.
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Further Reading
DeBres, K. (1989). An early frost: Geography at Teachers College,
Columbia and Columbia University, 1896–1942. The Geographical
Journal 155(3), 392--402.
Fellmann, J. D. (1986). Myth and reality in the origin of American
economic geography. Annals of the Association of American
Geographers 76(3), 313--330.
Glick, T. F. (1988). Before the revolution: Edward Ullman and the crisis
of geography at Harvard, 1949–1950. In Harmon, J. E. & Rickard, T.
J. (eds.) Geography in New England, pp 49--62. New Britain, CT:
New England–St. Lawrence Valley Geographical Society.
Koelsch, W. A. (2001). Academic geography, American style: An
institutional perspective. In Dunbar, G. S. (ed.) Geography:
Discipline, Profession and Subject Since 1870: An International
Survey, pp 245--279. Norwell, MA: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Martin, G. J. (1988). Geography, geographers and Yale University, c.
1770–1970. In Harmon, J. E. & Rickard, T. J. (eds.) Geography in
New England, pp 2--9. New Britain, CT: New England/St. Lawrence
Valley Geographical Society.
Martin, G. J. (1998). The emergence and development of geographic
thought in New England. Economic Geography 74, 1--13.
Simpson, R. E. and Huke, R. E. (1988). One view of geography at
Dartmouth College. In Harmon, J. E. & Rickard, T. J. (eds.)
Geography in New England, pp 10--24. New Britain, CT: New
England/St. Lawrence Valley Geographical Society.
Smith, N. (1987). Academic war over the field of geography: The
elimination of geography at Harvard, 1947–1951. Annals of the
Association of American Geographers 77(2), 155--172.
Spencer, J. E. (1974). The evolution of the discipline of geography in the
twentieth century. Geographical Perspectives 33, 20--35.
Warntz, W. (1964). Geography Now and Then. New York: American
Geographical Society.
Withers, C. W. J. and Mayhew, R. J. (2002). Rethinking ‘disciplinary’
history: Geography in British universities, c. 1580–1887.
Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 27(1),
11--29.
Relevant Websites
http://www.s4.brown.edu
Brown University Spatial Structures in the Social Sciences.
http://www.dartmouth.edu
Department of Geography, Dartmouth College.
http://www.gis.harvard.edu
Harvard University Center for Geographic Analysis.
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... In addition, it can be noted that the old and ancient universities need to conduct periodic maintenance for their buildings, such as colleges, institutes, and research centers [31] [28]. This may seem at no cost to new universities, and those universities and HEIs established after 1975 but it might have a very large impact for universities built before 1800 such as Harvard, Oxford, and Yale in particular, and this is clearly evident in the Ivy League universities Which includes (Brown University, Columbia University, Cornell University, Dorsmith College, Harvard University, University of Pennsylvania, Princeton University, and Yale University) [53]. ...
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... As noted by Bjelland (2004), they are missing at more than 90 percent of U.S. liberal arts colleges and universities. Among the eight Ivy League schools, geography is currently found only at Dartmouth College (Wright and Koch 2009). ...
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Between 2000 and 2014, more than thirty geography departments adopted revised or new names, with some entirely dropping geography. Although renaming and rebranding efforts are not new to higher education, the rapid pace at which geography department names have changed raises questions about the discipline's identity and health. We examine the renaming trend within geography programs together with intended and unexpected factors as perceived by faculty. Specifically, we look at the renaming and rebranding trend within the context of four pillars offered by Pattison (196438. Pattison, W. D. 1964. The four traditions of geography. Journal of Geography 63 (5): 211–16.View all references) to define geography's principal academic domains—earth-science, man–land, area/regional studies, and spatial traditions.2000 年至 2014 年间, 三十所以上的地理系採用了修正或崭新的系名, 有些甚至完全去除地理一词。儘管再命名或品牌重塑的尝试, 对高等教育而言并不陌生, 但地理系名称的快速变迁, 引发了有关该领域的认同与健康状态的疑问。我们检视地理学程的再命名潮流, 以及教职员所认为的预期或非预期因素。我们特别检视派特森 (Pattison 1964) 所提出的四大支柱脉络中的再命名与品牌重塑潮流, 以定义地理学的首要学术领域——地球科学, 人类—土地, 地区/区域研究, 以及空间传统。Entre 2000 y 2014, más de treinta departamentos de geografía adoptaron nombres revisados o nuevos, en tanto que algunos abandonaron enteramente la geografía. Aunque los esfuerzos por renombrar y cambiar de denominación no son nuevos en la educación superior, el rápido paso con el que los nombres de los departamentos de geografía se cambian promueve interrogantes acerca de la identidad y la salud de la disciplina. En el artículo se examina la tendencia hacia el cambio de nombres dentro de los programas de geografía, junto con los factores previstos e inesperados, según se perciben como explicación por los profesores. Específicamente, observamos la tendencia de renombrar y cambiar denominaciones dentro del contexto de los cuatro pilares ofrecidos por Pattison (1964) para definir los principales dominios de la geografía—geociencia, hombre–tierra, estudios de área/regionales, y tradiciones espaciales.
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This account of political geography shows how it coemerged with modern geography in the era of interimperial rivalries (1870–1945) within a longer historical perspective. Geography was then a unitary, synthetic form of knowledge, encompassing the natural world and human history. Although Darwinian notions of struggle for survival applied to world politics influenced the naturalized ideas of pioneers of political geography such as Ratzel and Mackinder and, to different degrees, French and American geography, all these national traditions evolved differently in the interwar period. While the field was temporarily eclipsed after World War II, its Cold War revival shifted political geography's focus from environmental determinism to the relationship between power and knowledge, and later that between power and representations. Contemporary geopolitics points to a continued need for effective planetary governance, and the cultural changes it may require ask for greater imagination based in historical understanding.
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The article explains the limited presence of geography in New England higher education as a result of the structure of the region’s higher education system. Blending the geography and history of education literatures, it identifies type of control (public vs. private), institution type, urban location, multi-campus university systems, and the weak position of geography in secondary schools and community colleges as key influences upon the existence of an undergraduate major in geography. The article also considers windows of opportunity when geography departments were commonly established and provides selected examples of institutions that closed geography departments.
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Early geography in the United States has a rich history, though not always understood or acknowledged. One American geographer in the pre-Humboldt era who has been largely overlooked is Columbia University’s John Daniel Gross, who has been described as “arguably the first American professional geographer.” The purpose of this research is to shed more light on this eighteenth-century geographer. Evidence suggests that, unlike some other prominent geographers of their day who subsequently became relegated to obscurity, Gross displayed neither controversial views nor a personality that conflicted with more powerful contemporary rivals. Instead, although geographical, synchronistic, epistemological, and personal attributes make it seem likely that his work created a bridge to the new geography of Alexander von Humboldt and Carl Ritter, his work and reputation appear to have been overshadowed by that of the “new geography.” The demise of Ivy League geography appears to have cemented his lost legacy.
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The University of Michigan Department of Geography was discontinued in 1982, after a grueling review process that saw the discipline’s necessity very publicly called into question. Despite the fact that Michigan’s department was central to most of twentieth-century academic geography’s major intellectual movements, it was also the first in a series of major department closures in the early to mid-1980s. With the exception of the well-known case at Harvard, these events have gone largely unexamined. When austerity arrived following a decade of disinvestment, administrators raised this question: Which disciplines were least essential to the university? We find that many at Michigan had been prepared to answer “geography” since at least the mid-1970s. This answer was at the ready for reasons that had a great deal to do with the department’s self-defense (and its misalignment with its actual practices). We draw on oral histories and archival research at the University of Michigan’s Bentley Historical Library to trace the events surrounding the closure. We see this study as the first in a series of necessary histories that begin from the discipline’s deinstitutionalization rather than its growth and development, what we call breakdown historiography.
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Despite numerous and significant writings by historians of geography and biographers from other disciplines, and his authorship of the first geography textbooks written in and for the new American republic, most geographers are largely unaware of the contributions of Jedidiah Morse in academic geography. Writings about Morse suggest that he had alienated himself from many of his contemporaries early in his career through his authoritarian brand of Calvinistic republicanism, a perceived contradiction of that style with his entrepreneurial ambitions, his role in the controversial Bavarian Illuminati, and a dispute with a noted New England historian. But subsequent, broader intellectual movements sealed Morse's fate as a forgotten geographer (to most), including the end of the Second Great Awakening, Transcendentalism, Darwinism, and the “new,” process-based geographical thinking inspired by Carl Ritter, Alexander von Humboldt, and Arnold Guyot. Regardless of the reasons for Morse's lost legacy, his contributions to geographical education are important and should be remembered.
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The relevance of a scientific discipline determines its position in the context of other scientific disciplines, which nowadays increasingly compete among themselves for limited financial sources and try to increase the attractiveness of human resources. Therefore, the question of relevance may become a question of its further development or even survival. Academic institutional establishment of geography can be considered as an important signal of confirmation of its social relevance. Institutional changes related to geography can significantly influence its social position and its future. Throughout the history of geography we can differentiate a number of events and turmoil that either significantly strengthened or, on the contrary, weakened the prestige of geography. The first option included establishment or renewal of academic geographic departments. The other involves attenuation and abolishment of geographic departments. In our contribution we will briefly indicate how were the changing circumstances of the institutionalization of geography related to its social relevance.
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The late 19th century (in the United States, the post-Civil War period) saw the emergence of permanent institutions created to sustain interests that had earlier been undifferentiated, erratic, or personal: symphony orchestras, comprehensive arts museums, research universities, academic disciplines. These new ventures owed much to rising levels of personal and national wealth, increasing cultural and civic consciousness in burgeoning American cities, the march of academic specialization and, not least, the career strategies and seized opportunities of individuals in an era of faith in science, progress and broadened access to education and culture (Dunbar, in Blouet 1981, 71–88; Koelsch, in Blouet 1981, 89–104). These developments form the context for the rise of geography as an American university discipline after 1870 and the emergence of the geographer as a credentialed academic amidst the mix of disciplines and scholars competing for newly available resources and status in a season of new beginnings and high expectations.
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Despite the presence of two of the most highly regarded figures in American geography, the geography departments of Columbia University and Teachers College, Columbia did not expand and remain competitive with other geography departments in the first half of the twentieth century. J. Russell Smith of Columbia University and Richard Dodge of Teachers College helped the cause of geography in general in the United States through their excellent textbooks, while neglecting personal research and their own departments. This behaviour established a precedent which continued long after their retirements, causing geography to exist in a dangerous intellectual and political vacuum which eventually resulted in the closure of both departments.
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Some of the early settlers of New England brought with them the works and thought of European geographers, notably Ptolemy, Münster, Cluver, Carpenter, and Varenius. Beginning in the 1600s the work of British geographers Gordon and Salmon and Guthrie and Pinkerton was acknowledged, preceding that of Jedidiah Morse, “Father of American Geography.” Morse led the way for a large number of geography texts written by Americans, emphasizing North America and characterized by Varenius's special geography. Early collegiate developments in New England geography were led by Harvard and Yale universities, the College of Rhode Island (later renamed Brown University), and Dartmouth College. The 20 or so normal schools throughout New England, introduced in the middle 1800s, constituted a nursery for geographic education. Also noted are more recent college and university geography departments established throughout the region, including notably Clark University. The founding of societies and associations in New England also furthered the cause of geography.
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Against a background of recent work in the history of geography and of geographical knowledge, the paper considers evidence for the place of geography within British universities before the formal establishment of the first departments of geography. Attention is paid to geography’s discursive connections with other subjects within given university curricula, and to the values placed upon its teaching by contemporaries. The paper argues that extant historiographies for British geography should be revised in the light of such evidence. More importantly, the paper raises questions about the sites and intellectual spaces in which geography has been situated and about the content, nature and purpose of writing geography’s ‘disciplinary’ history.
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The organization of American economic geography and the enunciation of a new, human-focused conceptual orientation appropriate to it have been attributed to scholars at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. I argue here that such attribution is too limited and does disservice to the rich history of the discipline. Economic geography as a university subject was introduced by economists influenced by German economic historicism. It was adopted by departments of geography when abandoned by economists. Earliest formulations of a new non-Davisian model of geographic inquiry were the work of individuals not connected with the Wharton group of Emory Johnson, J. Russell Smith, J. Paul Goode, and Walter S. Tower. The general recognition of the philosophic and subject organization contribution of the Pennsylvania group is appropriate but made more realistic by a fuller understanding of the diverse roots of American economic geography.
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Abstract After modest but optimistic expansion in the 1940s, the geography program at Harvard University was suddenly terminated in 1948, touching off a widely publicized “academic war over the field of geography.” It was a severe blow to the discipline, not only because of Harvard's position in American education but because in the course of the closure the President of Harvard University suggested that geography was not an appropriate university subject. The disciplinary history of the Harvard episode is dominated by oral accounts and discussions of personalities, but a more detached archival reconstruction of events is necessary today, if only to reclaim what actually occurred and thereby to allow us to understand it less defensively. For whatever the role of specific personalities, and Isaiah Bowman appears to have been more instrumental than is generally realized, there is a larger question concerning the vulnerability of geography, at Harvard and elsewhere. In the course of the termination and reconsideration of geography at Harvard, several key issues emerged concerning the efficacy of the discipline, and these are still relevant today. While this is mainly a historical reconstruction, therefore, it also touches on themes of contemporary relevance. For it may be that today as well as in Harvard in 1948, the discipline itself bears some responsibility for the failures that occur.
Before the revolution: Edward Ullman and the crisis of geography at Harvard, 1949-1950
  • T F Glick
Glick, T. F. (1988). Before the revolution: Edward Ullman and the crisis of geography at Harvard, 1949-1950. In Harmon, J. E. and T. J. Rickard (eds.) Geography in New England, pp 49-62. New Britain, CT, New England-St. Lawrence Valley Geographical Society.
Geography, geographers and Yale University, c. 1770-1970
  • G J Martin
Martin, G. J. (1988). Geography, geographers and Yale University, c. 1770-1970. In Harmon, J. E. and T. J. Rickard (eds.) Geography in New England, pp. 2-9. New Britain, CT, New England/St. Lawrence Valley Geographical Society.
One view of geography at Dartmouth College
  • R E Simpson
  • R E Huke
Simpson, R. E. and Huke R. E. (1988). One view of geography at Dartmouth College. In Harmon, J. E. and T. J. Rickard (eds.) Geography in New England, pp. 10-24. New Britain, CT, New England/St. Lawrence Valley Geographical Society.