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... For example, Perez reported that Microsoft's Tay (an artificial intelligence chatbot) suffered a coordinated attack that led it to exhibit racist behavior [65]. Researchers have also reported that image search or predictive search results may reinforce or exaggerate societal bias or negative stereotypes related to race, gender, or sexual orientation [4,49,62,64]. Others raised concerns about potential use of Facebook activity to compute non-regulated credit scores, especially as this may disproportionately disadvantage less privileged populations [17,82]. ...
... Inspired by[20], which reported an experiment in which simulated men visiting the Times of India website were more likely than simulated women to see an ad for a career coaching service for $200K+ executive positions.3 Inspired by[62].4 Inspired by[73]. ...
Conference Paper
Algorithmic systems increasingly shape information people are exposed to as well as influence decisions about employment, finances, and other opportunities. In some cases, algorithmic systems may be more or less favorable to certain groups or individuals, sparking substantial discussion of algorithmic fairness in public policy circles, academia, and the press. We broaden this discussion by exploring how members of potentially affected communities feel about algorithmic fairness. We conducted workshops and interviews with 44 participants from several populations traditionally marginalized by categories of race or class in the United States. While the concept of algorithmic fairness was largely unfamiliar, learning about algorithmic (un)fairness elicited negative feelings that connect to current national discussions about racial injustice and economic inequality. In addition to their concerns about potential harms to themselves and society, participants also indicated that algorithmic fairness (or lack thereof) could substantially affect their trust in a company or product.
... Here, the phrasing of "this teen is no angel" cannot be understood as purely beholden to this commenter. This reiterated phrase was so central to depictions of Martin that it appeared in a feature article for the New York Times-"But Trayvon was a teenager, not an angel" 62 -and it was so proliferative that it was the second search suggestion for Google following the phrase "Trayvon Martin was." 63 In this particular usage, the commenter's palpable racist 21 anger is clearly being cathected by Martin's portrayal as a child, and by what they imagine to be a collective refusal to recognize Martin's actual age. The images of Martin as a young child are thus posed here as manipulative and as sharing an incendiary distortion that this author argues is inherent to those supporting Martin. ...
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The history of negating black childhood, and the history of rendering the full potential of black citizenship an unbegotten promise, are paired together through violent notions of time. Examining black childhood in two eras, this article argues that childhood is deadly under anti-blackness because of its ambivalent and discrepant stickiness to black bodies, and its positioning of blackness within differing relations to futurity and temporality. The first section critically unpacks infantilizing discourses within colonial law, abolitionist discourse, and gradual emancipation during the antebellum era. The second undertakes an interrogation of the discursive constructions of Trayvon Martin’s adolescence during the so-called post-racial era. Across these eras, the constructions of black childhood and adolescence as being out of time, as defined by prolonged dependency and elongated becoming, allow the violences of anti-blackness to continue amidst dubious claims to progress: the alleged success of Northern abolition, and the emergence of a post-racial society. Pairing the temporal negations of black childhood in these two eras, it offers the framing of adolescent citizenship. Adolescent citizenship is the produced relation between some citizens and the nation whereby the adolescent citizen’s demands for recognition are dismissed under the guise of the citizen’s, and the demand’s, inappropriate timing.
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Across time, frameworks for assessing school safety have failed to acknowledge the harm that institutional racism in school inflicts upon Black students. Such frameworks coupled with disparate outcomes resulting from policies meant to increase safety in schools have long begged the questions, “What does school safety look like for Black youth?” and “How do we promote it?” This manuscript calls for an intersectional ecological framework that considers racial–cultural, gender and queer identity, academic, social–emotional, interpersonal, and physical safety as critical dimensions of school safety for Black adolescents in middle and high school. This paper centers race—specifically Blackness—to offer a heuristic theoretical model for moving beyond colorblind paradigms of school safety. Implications for research and practice are also discussed. Impact Statement By highlighting the impact of institutional racism on Black students’ safety, this manuscript offers important theoretical contributions to help inform how researchers define and assess school safety. This manuscript also highlights common, day-to-day systems and practices in schools that threaten the safety of Black students, and offers school leaders, teachers, and staff a vision of what school safety could look like for Black students in middle and high school.
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Smartphone apps for anti-racism education and intervention are being developed by organisations in various countries. The ubiquity of smartphone use and app methodology, as Grant argues, have the potential to disrupt racial knowledges and facilitate anti-racist action. I use Nicholas Mirzoeff’s ‘zones of appearance and non-appearance’ and Derek Hook’s discussion of ‘racialising embodiment’ to discuss the potential of one such app, Everyday Racism, to challenge and disrupt white supremacy. The Australian-based app uses gamification to encourage users to participate in ‘bystander anti-racism’. However, by failing to question the neutrality of the default white bystander, the app risks reproducing hegemonic constellations of white agency versus racialized inaction. I argue that, in the zone of appearance, it is not enough to make racism apparent. It is necessary to appear. To appear first requires exposing nonappearance including the role even of the well-intentioned in maintaining it.
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The present work provides evidence that people assume a priori that Blacks feel less pain than do Whites. It also demonstrates that this bias is rooted in perceptions of status and the privilege (or hardship) status confers, not race per se. Archival data from the National Football League injury reports reveal that, relative to injured White players, injured Black players are deemed more likely to play in a subsequent game, possibly because people assume they feel less pain. Experiments 1-4 show that White and Black Americans-including registered nurses and nursing students-assume that Black people feel less pain than do White people. Finally, Experiments 5 and 6 provide evidence that this bias is rooted in perceptions of status, not race per se. Taken together, these data have important implications for understanding race-related biases and healthcare disparities.
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Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of people of color and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development. The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination-that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example, is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of political empowerment and social reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite- that it frequently conflates or ignores intra group differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring differences within groups frequently contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that frustrates efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color' have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Al-though racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as "woman" or "person of color" as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective here is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color. Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. Focusing on two dimensions of male violence against women-battering and rape-I consider how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism... Language: en
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Searching for Black Girls: Old Traditions in New Media.” PhD diss
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Talking Trayvon: Race, Media and the Politics of Spectacle Panel.” The 10th Annual University of Illinois Communications Collaboration Conference
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