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Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet
Mediterran e i
The Eastern Celts
Th e ea s T e r n Ce l T s
E
iloš
C o n t e n t s
, Péter
, Boris
99
Dragi
rd
163
funerary elements that belonged to the pre-Celtic period,
for example the graves M 198 and M 203 (Németi 1989,
62). The typical features of local burials, dated to the
period prior to the Celtic arrival, are illustrated by the
cemetery at Sanislău (Németi 1982). On the contrary,
at Fântânele in Transylvania the funerary rite and ritual
belong exclusively to the Celtic tradition, although 80
The so-called ‘Latènization’ of the eastern Car-
pathian Basin resulted from a process of colo-
nisation, at the beginning of the Late Iron Age. Thus,
rst Celtic groups advanced from Transdanubia towards
the east, to the northern part of the Great Hungarian
Plain and the Upper Tisa Basin. Further advance con-
tinued towards the south, along the Carpathian Apuseni
Mountains and later on, some groups settled in Tran-
sylvania. These gradual movements are attested by a
series of cemeteries that mark the above-mentioned
route (g. 1). Earlier cemeteries start at the end of Lt B1
and the beginning of the Lt B2 sub-phase, while others
were established only from Lt B2 onwards, which may
suggest a slow advance, in successive stages, covering
a period between the second half of the 4th century and
the beginning of the 3rd century BC.
On their way, different Celtic groups interacted with
the indigenous communities and a similar process can
also be observed in the newly colonised regions. How-
ever, archaeological evidence indicates that the way in
which these interactions developed varies signicantly
in the areas under discussion, due to the mixed cultural
character of the local communities. For example, within
the cemetery at Muhi – Kocsmadomb in Hungary it
was observed that the Celts and the Scythians were
buried on the same plot, although each ethnic group
carefully preserved its specic funerary rite and ritual
(Hellebrandt 1999, 233-236, Fig. 192). Another example
is the cemetery from Pişcolt in north-western Romania,
in which a series of cremation burials preserved several
The Celts from Transylvania and the eastern
Banat and their southern neighbours.
Cultural exchanges and individual mobility
AUREL RUSTOIU
Figure 1
Cemeteries that begin in the Lt B1/B2 (white circles) or in
the Lt B2 (black dots) phase, and the Celtic advance towards
the eastern Carpathian Basin (List 1).
Aurel Rustoiu
164
31-32). The jewellery includes three bronze bracelets
(a pair and a single different one – g. 2: 27-29), a
silver ring (g. 2: 24) and another one made of bronze
(g. 2: 20), two bronze earrings (g. 2: 18-19), six
iron brooches, poorly preserved and which have not
been restored (very probably they formed three pairs),
a bronze Pauken brooch (g. 2: 25) and another of the
Thracian type (g. 2: 26). Beside these, the deceased
also wore a necklace consisting of ve clay beads
(g. 2: 1), two light green glass beads (g. 2: 10-11),
four blue glass beads of various shapes and sizes
(g. 2: 6, 12, 14-15), seven beads made of bronze wire
or sheet (g. 2: 2-5,7-9), a bronze pendant (g. 2: 17),
a yellow translucent amphora-shaped bead (g. 2: 13)
and an amber bead (g. 2: 16). Two simple bronze rings
(g. 2: 21-22), together with an iron one (g. 2: 23),
may have also been part of the necklace, if they were
not used as garment accessories with unknown function.
The jewellery set is specic for the La Tène environ-
ment and includes some elements of southern origin,
like the Thracian brooch and the amphora-shaped bead.
According to the typology of the Thracian brooches,
made by V. V. Zirra (who wrongly includes the brooch
from Fântânele in the sub-variant Ic: Zirra 1996-1998,
38), the piece under discussion belongs to the sub-
variant IIIb, dated to the rst half of the 3rd century
BC. All other associated jewellery may help establish
the dating of the grave towards the beginning of the
3rd century BC. Concerning the amphora-shaped bead,
similar pieces were imported into the Carpathian Basin,
from the Mediterranean world, from the second half
of the 4th century until the beginning of the 3rd century
BC (Popović P. 1997). The bead from Fântânele was
perhaps brought to Transylvania through the indigenous
communities from the south of the Carpathians, where
such pieces were very popular (see for example the
bead from Zimnicea: Alexandrescu 1980, Fig. 52: 6).
All the above-mentioned artefacts illustrate the
existence of some contacts between the La Tène com-
munities from the inner Carpathians area and those from
the northern Balkans. Many nds may have not been a
result of commercial exchanges, since the mechanisms
through which material culture circulates across wide
areas can be diverse (for the nature of various possible
relationships between Iron Age communities see Ven-
per cent of the graves dating from Lt B2 contain local
pottery, which may suggest a rapid integration of the
indigenous population. Nevertheless, despite regional
variations, the main funerary patterns of the cemeteries
from the eastern Carpathian Basin are different from
those belonging to the populations of the northern Bal-
kans. As a consequence, a series of interactions between
different communities from these two regions can be
identied within certain archaeological contexts.
First La Tène artefacts appeared in the northern
Balkans shortly after the establishment of the Celtic
groups in the eastern Carpathian Basin. They mostly
consist of metallic pieces, like brooches or bracelets,
and less of ceramic vessels, all recovered from indig-
enous contexts. Therefore in the ‘70s, Zenon Wozniak
(1974, 70-74, Fig. 6; 1976, 389, Fig. 3) and Vlad Zirra
(1971, 223-226, Fig. 23; 1976, 175-177, Fig. 1), while
discussing the origins of such artefacts and assemblages
in the Thracian areas, dating from Lt B2-C1, believed
that they are the results of various sporadic contacts
between these populations. Besides occasional trading
relationships, the Celtic plundering raids and invasions,
at the beginning of the 3rd century BC, were also taken
into consideration. The more recent discoveries from
the northern Balkans did not signicantly change the
overall distribution pattern of La Tène artefacts from
the Thracian environment. Aside from the metallic
and ceramic nds recovered from sites in present-day
eastern Bulgaria, which might have been related to
the existence of the Kingdom of Tylis (Anasstasov
2006; Lazarov 2006), the number of other artefacts
and assemblages dated to the LT B2-C1 remains small,
compared with the territories inhabited by the Celtic
groups in the Carpathian Basin.
At the same time, a series of artefacts from the
southern region has been discovered in La Tène con-
texts from Transylvania and the Banat. For example,
a few Thracian brooches are known from different
Celtic assemblages (Zirra 1996-1998, 34, 42-44, Fig.
7-8). A similar brooch has been recovered from an
inhumation burial belonging to a woman, from the
cemetery at Fântânele. Its funerary inventory con-
sists of a rich set of jewellery, an iron knife with a
curved blade (g. 2: 30) and two ceramic vessels (a
truncated bowl and a beaker, both handmade – g. 2:
Aurel Rustoiu
165
The Celtic warriors, who participated in military
campaigns in the southern Balkans and were later re-
cruited as mercenaries in the eastern Mediterranean,
constituted another important factor of mobility. The
well-known grave from Ciumeşti, containing a helmet
and dating from Lt C1, very probably belonged to a
Celtic chieftain who fought as a mercenary in the Hel-
lenistic south. The burial was discovered accidentally
clová 2002, 72-74). Regular commercial contacts usually
underline a more general orientation of economic inter-
ests towards certain geo-cultural areas. Therefore, such
exchanges are often archaeologically visible through the
concentration of specic artefacts in distinct areas of
distribution and consumption. On the other hand, some
imported artefacts appear as isolated nds in foreign
cultural environments, which may suggest that they
were less likely the subject of constant and consistent
commercial exchanges. In such cases, the individual
mobility must have played an important role in the dis-
tribution of culturally specic artefacts over wider areas.
The practice of exchanging gifts between political
and military leaders of different communities represents
another way through which some artefacts may have
travelled between various cultural areas. For example,
the well-known golden torques from Gorni Tsibar, in
Bulgaria, might have been the material expression of
certain political relationships established by a Celtic
group with a Triballian chieftain from today’s north-
western Bulgaria (Theodossiev 2005, 85-86). An iron
horse-bit found in the La Tène cemetery from Ciumeşti,
in north-western Romania, dated after the second
quarter of the 3rd century BC (Bader 1984, 85-90; Rus-
toiu 2006a, 43-44, 64, Fig. 2: 7), may suggest similar
diplomatic connections between Celtic communities
from the Carpathian Basin and populations from the
northern Balkans. Similar pieces are known from the
Thracian environment in modern-day Bulgaria, dating
from the 5th – 4th centuries BC (Werner 1988, 34-36).
Two other horse-bits found in Oltenia (Werner 1988,
35, no. 116-117), closely related to the piece from
Ciumeşti, are dated to a later time, which suggests that
such harnessing elements were used for a longer period.
Very often, the diplomatic negotiations and treatises
were enforced through exchanging gifts, and horses
with complete harnessing gear were frequently included.
For example, Titus Livius (XLIII, 5) mentions a Celtic
embassy at Rome, who received two horses decorated
with phalerae and accompanied by their grooms (other
similar examples at Xenophon, Anabasis, I, 2; Tacitus,
Germania, XV, 2). In this context, the horse-bit from
Ciumeşti perhaps illustrates the existence of similar
practices within the relationships between a Celtic and
a Thracian community from this region.
Aurel Rustoiu
Figure 2
Grave no. 79/1973 from the cemetery at Fântânele-Dâmbul
Popii (select inventory). 1-clay; 2-5, 7-9, 17-22, 25-29 bronze;
6, 10-15 glass; 16 amber; 23, 30 iron; 24 silver. 1-29 scale
1:1, 30-32 scale 1:2.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
10 11 12 13 14 15
16 17
181818
23
22
21
20
19
26
25
24
28 2927
31 3230
166
phy). The greaves, made by a Greek workshop, were
not commonly imported commodities, because they
were always manufactured following the precise size
and anatomic characteristics of the owner, and these
details required a direct contact with the artisan. Thus,
the greaves were very probably made in a Mediterranean
workshop, following an order of the Celtic chieftain,
who wanted a status symbol similar to that of the Greek
ofcers, with whom he perhaps mingled.
However, not only warriors were responsible for
the circulation of various artefacts far from their origi-
nal area of consumption. Very recently, Betina Arnold
has brought into discussion the mobility of the women
within Iron Age societies, mostly as a consequence of
matrimonial alliances between different communities,
sometimes over large distances. The author considers
that such mobility, resulting from distant marriages,
may be archaeologically visible when the women’s
dress accessories were highly differentiated and if the
newcomers preserved their native costume and jewel-
lery in the adoptive community (Arnold 2005).
A grave discovered at Remetea Mare in Banat is
a signicant example for this interpretation (Medeleţ
mss; Rustoiu 2006b, 215-216, Fig. 6-8). The cemetery
itself had a short lifespan, during the Lt B2 and at the
beginning of the Lt C1 phase. Its funerary rite and
ritual illustrate the cultural mixture that characterised
the above-mentioned Celtic cemeteries from the eastern
Carpathian Basin. With a single exception, the cemetery
only contains cremation graves, which have typical La
Tène inventories. The exception refers to an inhumation
grave that belonged to a woman, and whose inventory
includes a handmade bowl (g. 4: 6), a wheel-made
small bi-truncated pot (fig. 4: 7), iron tweezers (?) with
fragments of cloth still attached (fig. 4: 5), a Thracian
bronze brooch (g. 4: 3) and a segment of a belt with
astragals reused as pendants (g. 4: 4).
Both the funerary rite (singular within the entire
cemetery) and the inventory suggest that the deceased
belonged to an ethnically different community. The
belts with astragals had known a longer evolution in
the north-western Balkans, starting with the Early Iron
Age (Jovanović M. 1998). The fragment from Remetea
Mare belongs to the Osijek type, well-known in the
Scordiscan environment (Božič 1982). Similar belts
and its inventory recovered and published in succes-
sive stages. The assemblage consists of two ceramic
vessels, an iron chain, a fragmentary brooch, a javelin
head (g. 3: 2), a chain mail (g. 3: 4), an iron helmet
decorated with a bird of prey made in a realistic manner
(g. 3: 1), and two bronze greaves (g. 3: 3) (see further
discussion in Rustoiu 2006a, with previous bibliogra-
Aurel Rustoiu
Figure 3
Grave goods from the grave with a helmet from Ciumeşti
(after Rusu 1969). 3-bronze; others iron. Different scales.
1 2
34
167
re), an iron horse-bit and two iron elements which
probably belonged to a ceremonial cart. The entire
assemblage of jewellery and garment accessories is
characteristic for the Celtic environment dating from
the Lt C1 phase (second half of the 3rd century and
the beginning of the 2nd century BC). The bronze belt
belongs to the so-called Hungarian type (g. 6), well-
known in the middle Danube region (see the discussion
in Stancsik, Vaday 1971; Jovanović B. 1983; Rustoiu
2004-2005, 54-55, 67-68, Fig. 3 – distribution map).
Therefore, the funerary inventory from Teleşti represents
an isolated Celtic assemblage in a region occupied by
Getae communities, in which similar La Tène nds are
rare. The presence of this Celtic woman, who wore a
richly adorned, albeit typical attire points to the pos-
sible existence of an inter-ethnic matrimonial alliance.
have been found in graves dated to Lt C, but some pieces
might have already been in use during the Lt B2. The
segment recovered from Remetea Mare was reused as
a pendant, but a similar practice has also been observed
in other cases. For example, in a grave from Mahrevići,
in Bosnia-Herzegovina, a pendant made of a segment
that belonged to an enamelled belt of the Hungarian
type was found (Truhelka 1912, 21, Fig. 12; Guštin
1984a, 340, n. 106). The Thracian brooch from Remetea
Mare belongs to the IIb variant and was dated to the
rst half of the 3rd century BC (Zirra 1996-1998, 41,
Fig. 4/5, but here its drawing is wrong). These brooches
are widespread mainly in north-western Bulgaria and
southern Romania (at Zimnicea and Bâzdâna), but
also in the southern Banat (Banatska Palanka) and the
Danube’s Iron Gates region (Zirra 1996-1998, Fig.
10). Recently, R. Vasić has mentioned some similar
nds from the western Balkans and underlined their
concentration in the eastern Scordiscan territory and in
the Iron Gates region, in which they remained in use
for a longer period (Vasić 2000). Therefore, it is not
a coincidence that several hybrid pieces, showing a
mixture of Thracian and La Tène type details, appeared
in the same area.
Taking into consideration the composition of jewel-
lery and garment accessories, it may be presumed that
the grave from Remetea Mare belonged to a woman,
who came from a community settled to the south of the
Danube, in a contact zone between the Thracians and
the Scordiscan – Illyrians, in which inhumation was
the preponderant funerary rite. Furthermore, she might
have come to Remetea Mare to full a matrimonial
alliance, probably established during the rst half of
the 3rd century BC, between a Celtic community from
Banat and her own south Danubian people.
Yet, similar matrimonial relationships must have
also resulted from Celtic women entering into ethnically
different communities. An isolated cremation grave,
discovered by chance in 1977 at Teleşti in Oltenia,
suggests this phenomenon (see the entire discussion
in Rustoiu 2004-2005). Its inventory consists of a
fragmentary bronze belt (g. 5: 6-13), two fragmen-
tary bronze brooches (probably a pair; one destroyed
on the pyre) (g. 5: 5), four glass beads (g. 5: 1-4),
fragments of a blue glass bracelet (also damaged by
Aurel Rustoiu
Figure 4
Grave no. 3 from the cemetery at Remetea Mare (after
Medeleţ mss; Rustoiu 2006b). 3-4 bronze, 5-iron. 3-5 scale
1:1. 6-7 scale 1:4.
0 2 cm
0 2 cm
0 2 cm 0 8 cm
0 8 cm
1
2
5
6
7
3
4
168
funerary ritual might suggest the presence of a suite,
which probably came together with the bride, and was
aware of and able to perform all traditional prescrip-
tions. As a consequence, such matrimonial alliances
required, even if only temporary, the movement of a
signicant number of individuals from one community
to another.
The individual mobility facilitated the cultural
exchanges between different populations, often visi-
ble through the distribution of various archaeological
artefacts. However, besides the circulation of material
culture, the movement of people over large distances
also facilitated, according to Natalie Venclová, less
visible exchanges of knowledge, ideology and cultural
practices (Venclová 2002, 74-75). The above-mentioned
examples may suggest that individual mobility was a
social practice, which mainly characterised the Iron
Age elite, but is less evident in other social groups.
Her belt, as well as other garment accessories, suggests
that the deceased came from a Celtic area, perhaps
from the middle Danube region, Transylvania or the
Scordiscan territory.
The presence of such funerary assemblages in
foreign cultural environments raises some questions
concerning the status of the deceased within the receiv-
ing communities. In the above-mentioned cases, the
deceased were buried with their specic attire and
following the rite and ritual of their own community
of origin. Therefore, the careful display of all personal
jewellery and costume accessories, which were not
hidden behind local garment elements, might suggest
a privileged status within their adoptive community,
perhaps enforced by the diplomatic nature of the mar-
riage. At the same time, the careful observance of the
Aurel Rustoiu
Figure 5
The grave from Teleşti (select inventory, after Rustoiu 2004-
2005). 1-4 glass; others iron.
0 5 cm
Figure 6
Distribution of the Hungarian type belts (List 2, after Rustoiu
2004-2005).
169
identied within the Celtic culture and civilization in
the eastern Carpathian Basin, but also for the Celtic
elements adopted by various populations from the
above-mentioned southern areas.
This paper is supported by the CNCSIS research grant no.
1256/2007-2008.
Therefore, despite a rather small number of specic
artefacts, the relationships between eastern Celtic
communities and the populations from the northern
Balkans might have been more intense and diverse than
previously considered. In this context, many of the so-
called ‘invisible’ contacts might have been responsible
for the eastern Mediterranean and Balkan inuences
Aurel Rustoiu
1. LIST OF THE CEMETERIES THAT BEGIN IN LT
B1/B2 (X) AND LT B2
HUNGARY
1. Aszód: Hellebrandt 1999, 11.
2. Bercel: Hellebrandt 1999, 147.
3. Csővár: Hellebrandt 1999, 15-21.
4. Felsőméra: Kotigoroško 1995, Fig. 15; Szabó 2006,
102, Fig. 3, no. 30.
5. Gyoma (X): Maráz 1977, p. 61, Fig. 3, 5.
6. Hatvan-Boldog: Petres, Szabó 1986.
7. Hatvan-Bajpuszta (X): Hellebrandt 1997, 69,
Fig. 1.
8. Hort: Hellebrandt 1999, 168.
9. Kistokaj-Kültelkek (X): Hellebrandt 1999, 199-
215.
10. Kosd: Szabó, Petres 1992, 91-93, cat. no. 27-
37; Szabó 1995, 63, Fig. 8.
11. Ludas: Szabó, Tankó 2006.
12. Magyartés: Maráz 1977, 61, Fig. 4/4.
13. Muhi-Kocsmadomb (X): Helebrandt 1999,
215-236.
14. Nógrádmarcal: Hellebrandt 1999, 148-149.
15. Novajidrány-Sárvár (X): Hellebrandt 1997, 70-71,
Fig. 6-7.
16. Penc: Hellebrandt 1999, 31-35.
17. Radostyán: Hellebrandt 1999, 239-251.
18. Rozvágy: Szabó 2006, 102, Fig. 3, no. 16.
19. Szentes: Maráz 1977, 62.
20. Szöreg: Maráz 1977, 62.
21. Tiszarád: Szabó 2006, 102, Fig. 3, no. 15.
22. Vác (X): Hellebrandt 1999, 55-102.
SLOVAKIA
23. Cejkov: Szabó 2006, 102, Fig. 3, no. 14.
ROMANIA
1. Arad-Ceala: Crişan 1974b, 38-39.
2. Arad-Gai (X): Crişan 1974b, 39-40.
3. Aradu Nou (X): Crişan 1974b, 40-44.
4. Archiud: Dănilă 1973-1974, 479; Vaida 2006, 299-
300.
5. Cepari: Vaida 2006, 300 (with literature).
6. Copşa Mică: Zirra 1971, Fig. 3/12.
7. Curtuiuşeni: Chidioşan, Săşianu 1982.
8. Dezmir: Crişan 1964, 91-100.
9. Diosig (X): Németi 1988, 72, Fig. 11/5-9.
10. Dipşa: Horedt 1941-1944, 196-200; Vaida 2006,
300-301, Fig. 5.
11. Fântânele – Dealu Popii: unpublished.
12. Fântânele – La Gâţa: Vaida 2006, 302, Fig. 10-12.
13. Mediaş (X?): Nestor 1937-1940, 162-163
14. Pecica (X): Crişan 1974b, 44-48; Zirra 1971, Fig.
1/1, 2/1.
15. Peţelca: Crişan 1973b, 51-52.
16. Pişcolt (X): Németi1988; 1989; 1992; 1993.
17. Pruniş: Crişan, Rustoiu, Palkó 1995.
18. Remetea Mare: Rustoiu 2006b, 215-216, Fig. 6-8.
19. Sanislǎu: Zirra 1972; Németi 1975, 245-248.
20. Săcuieni: Németi1989, 113.
21. Sălacea: Németi 1989, 113.
22. Şeica Mică: Crişan 1973b, 52-54.
23. Tărian: Chidioşan, Ignat 1972.
24. Toarcla: Horedt 1941-1944, 189-194.
25. Turdaş (X): Crişan 1973a, 46-47; Rustoiu 2005a,
58, Fig. 3.
26. Vurpăr: Horedt 1941-1944, 189; Ferencz 1998,
215.
SERBIA
27. Pećine: Jovanović B. 1984; Jacanović 1992.
2. LIST OF HUNGARIAN TYPE BELTS
HUNGARY
1. Arka: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 1.
2. Bonyhád: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 3.
3. Bölcske – Madocsahegy: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17,
no. 4.
4. Cece: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 5.
5. Csákberény: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 6.
6. Dunafödvár: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 7.
7. Farmos (two pieces in the graves no. 5 and 6): Hel-
lebrandt 1999, 26-27, pl. 8-10.
170
TRANSCARPATHIAN UKRAINE
31. Mukaćevo: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 21, no. 45-46.
SERBIA
32. Belgrad-Rospi Ćuprija: Jovanović B. 1983, 46.
33. Boljevci: Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, pl. 1/1.
34. Hrtkovci-Gomolava: Jovanović B. 1983, 47-51.
35. Mitrovica: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 14.
36. Novi Banovci: Jovanović B. 1983, 45.
37. Pečka Bara: Jovanović B. 1983, 51.
38. Sombor-Bački Monoštor: Jovanović B. 1983, 47.
39. Umčari: Popović P. 2002, 350, pl. 1/2 (variant).
40. Zemun-Beljarica: Jovanović B. 1983, 46.
41. Zemun-Surčin: Jovanović B. 1983, 46.
CROATIA
42. Osijek: Jovanović 1983, 47.
43. Vukovar: Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, pl. 7/5.
SLOVENIA
44. Valična vas: Teržan 1973, pl. 12/6.
BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA
45. Mahrevići: Truhelka 1912, 21, g. 12 (segment
reused as pendant).
ROMANIA – TRANSYLVANIA
46. Ciumeşti: Zirra 1967, 29, g. 14.
47. Turda: Róska 1944, 71, no. 134, g. 51.
48. Valea lui Mihai: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 21, no. 47.
49. Veţel: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18; Rustoiu 2005b,
g. 9/2.
ROMANIA – OLTENIA
50. Teleşti: Rustoiu 2004-2005, 56-57,
Fig. 1/6-13.
8. Jászberény: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 10.
9. Kajdacs: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 11.
10. Karancslapujtő: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 21, no. 44.
11. Kiskunfélegyháza: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 12.
12. Lengyel: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 13.
13. Regöly: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 16.
14. Sárosd: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 19, no. 17.
15. Sárszentlőrincz: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 19, no. 18.
16. Somlóvásárhely: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 19,
no. 19.
17. Százhalombatta: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20,
no. 21.
18. Szentes: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20, no. 22.
19. Szennyespuszta: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20,
no. 23.
20. Tápiófarmos: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20, no. 24.
21. Tengelic: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20, no. 25.
22. Törökszentmikós-Surján: Stanczik, Vaday 1971,
20, 23-24, no. 27.
23. Vác – Gravel pit: Hellebrandt 1999, 60, pl. 27.
24. Vezseny: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 7-12, 20, no. 29.
25. Unknown site – Komitat Fejér: Stanczik, Vaday
1971, 17, no. 8.
26. Unknown site – Komitat Tolna: Stanczik, Vaday
1971, 20, no. 26.
27. Unknown sites – Hungary (Magyar Nemzeti Muz-
eum – 12 pieces): Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20-21, no.
32-43).
AUSTRIA
28. Raggendorf: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 15.
SLOVAKIA
29. Holiare: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 9.
30. Surány: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 19, no. 20.
Aurel Rustoiu
261
Arnold 2005
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