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Culture and Power: A Media, Culture and Society Reader
... Medya aynı zamanda toplumsal kültür üzerinde de etkilidir. Bu etki kimi zaman kültürün yayılması veya gelişmesi şeklinde olabilirken, kimi zaman ise yozlaşma ile neticelenebilmektedir (Scannell, 1992). Her ne şekilde etkiler ise etkilesin "21. ...
... Özellikle, ileri sürülen teknoloji ile gelişen internetin kültür üzerindeki yozlaştırıcı etkisine (Bkz. Scannell, 1992) katılımcıların inanmadıkları ortaya çıkmaktadır. Katılımcılar, sosyal normları ve kültürleri öğrenme konusunda internetin faydalı bir ajan olduğunu belirtmişlerdir. ...
Teknolojik gelişmeler ile medya, internet ortamına taşınmıştır. İnternet ile insanlar daha hızlı etkileşime geçebilmekte ve yeni toplum anlayışları, sanal toplum gibi, gelişebilmektedir. Gelişen teknoloji, uluslararası insan hakları hukukunu olumlu ve olumsuz şekilde etkilemektedir. Örneğin gelişen teknoloji insan haklarının korunması ve tanınmasındaki noksanlıkların sona erdirilmesinde olumlu rol oynarken, eşitsizliğin yaygınlaşacağı, ayrımcılığın ve nefret suçlarının artacağı düşüncesi olumsuz yönde yapacağı etkiler arasında gösterilmektedir. Bu makale gelişen teknoloji, farklılaşan medya kavramı ve değişen toplum anlayışı ile uluslararası insan hakları hukuku arasındaki etkileşimleri incelemektedir. Türkiye’de bu etkileşimlerin yansımalarını anlayabilmek için saha araştırması olarak çevrimiçi anket çalışması gerçekleştirilmiştir. Anket verilerinin de gösterdiği üzere, katılımcılar arasında toplum anlayışı, gelenekselden sanal toplum anlayışına doğru şekillenmektedir. Anket verilerine göre Türkiye’de internetin ve teknolojinin insan hakları kültürünün yaygınlaşmasına katkı sağladığına, desteklediğine ve savunmasız grupları koruduğuna yönelik olumlu etkilerden söz edilmektedir. Ancak, internetin her zaman tüm dünyada insan hakları standartlarını desteklemek için kullanılacağına inanılmaması veya toplumu kutuplaştırmak amacı ile kullanılabilir olması gibi olumsuz etkilerden de söz edilmektedir.
... Medya aynı zamanda toplumsal kültür üzerinde de etkilidir. Bu etki kimi zaman kültürün yayılması veya gelişmesi şeklinde olabilirken, kimi zaman ise yozlaşma ile neticelenebilmektedir (Scannell, 1992). Her ne şekilde etkiler ise etkilesin "21. ...
... Özellikle, ileri sürülen teknoloji ile gelişen internetin kültür üzerindeki yozlaştırıcı etkisine (Bkz. Scannell, 1992) katılımcıların inanmadıkları ortaya çıkmaktadır. Katılımcılar, sosyal normları ve kültürleri öğrenme konusunda internetin faydalı bir ajan olduğunu belirtmişlerdir. ...
Teknolojik gelişmeler ile medya, internet ortamına taşınmıştır. İnternet ile insanlar daha hızlı etkileşime geçebilmekte ve yeni toplum anlayışları, sanal toplum gibi, gelişebilmektedir. Gelişen teknoloji, uluslararası insan hakları hukukunu olumlu ve olumsuz şekilde etkilemektedir. Örneğin gelişen teknoloji insan haklarının korunması ve tanınmasındaki noksanlıkların sona erdirilmesinde olumlu rol oynarken, eşitsizliğin yaygınlaşacağı, ayrımcılığın ve nefret suçlarının artacağı düşüncesi olumsuz yönde yapacağı etkiler arasında gösterilmektedir. Bu makale gelişen teknoloji, farklılaşan medya kavramı ve değişen toplum anlayışı ile uluslararası insan hakları hukuku arasındaki etkileşimleri incelemektedir. Türkiye'de bu etkileşimlerin yansımalarını anlayabilmek için saha araştırması olarak çevrimiçi anket çalışması gerçekleştirilmiştir. Anket verilerinin de gösterdiği üzere, katılımcılar arasında toplum anlayışı, gelenekselden sanal toplum anlayışına doğru şekillenmektedir. Anket verilerine göre Türkiye'de internetin ve teknolojinin insan hakları kültürünün yaygınlaşmasına katkı sağladığına, desteklediğine ve savunmasız grupları koruduğuna yönelik olumlu etkilerden söz edilmektedir. Ancak, internetin her zaman tüm dünyada insan hakları standartlarını desteklemek için kullanılacağına inanılmaması veya toplumu kutuplaştırmak amacı ile kullanılabilir olması gibi olumsuz etkilerden de söz edilmektedir.
... Their priorities are also different. Sparks (1992) has itemized the main concerns of tabloid newspapers -relatively more preference for sports than to politics, more attention to human interest than to economic life and heavy concentration on individuals (personality) than institutions and contexts. He further explains "the nature of this difference … is one in which the immediate issues of daily life are given priority over those concerns traditionally ascribed to the 'public sphere.' ...
... In media, the limits separating between the public and private domains are restructured, so for example a public event could be consumed in a private domain, while a private event or concern could be a public one if media sheds light on it (Fairclough, 1995, p. 37). Media developed a "communicative ethos" as well as "communicative style" (Scannell, 1992, as cited in Fairclough, 1995 in order to connect between the conditions of both public production and private consumption which adapts "the priorities, values and practices of private life" (p. 37/8). ...
This research is concerned with studying politeness and conversational patterns in cross-gender political media discourse in Cairene colloquial Arabic of the educated. Its significance lies in the fact that gender studies in Arabic are few, and hence it aims at participating in filling this gap in the literature of Arabic linguistics. The main purpose of the study is to investigate in which ways men and women use politeness strategies and conversational patterns in spoken Cairene colloquial Arabic of the educated. Brown and Levinson's (1987) theory of politeness formed the theoretical framework of the study. In addition, conversation analysis, namely Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson's (1974) turn taking model, is used as a toolkit in analyzing the data. The data consists of institutional conversations from Egyptian talk shows in which there are one interviewer and two guests, a male and a female, debating a political topic. The researcher made a broad transcription of the data, using the turn taking model. Two variables related to this model, namely the turn length and interruptions, were examined in the data. Moreover, the negative and positive politeness strategies according to Brown and Levinson's theory were analyzed. Finally, the aggregate results of the participants were compared with one another. Keywords: Politeness, gender differences, conversation analysis, turn-taking model, political media discourse, Egyptian talk shows.
... In exploring the US cultural and political history of audiences from the nineteenth century to the present, Richard Butsch (2007) demonstrated that, while mass media attitudes toward audiences have shifted over time, US-Americans writ large have judged audiences consistently against standards of good citizenship. Paddy Scannell (1991Scannell ( , 1996Scannell, Schlesinger & Sparks 1992) shed light on the interactions between viewers/listeners, the intentions of broadcaster, and the understanding of those intentions by the audience. Toby Miller (1998Miller ( , 2007 developed a theory cultural citizenship, looking at the coverage of September 11th, the Iraq invasion, and infotainment (such as Food and Weather channels) to see how citizens become part of "the global commodity chain" through television. ...
Sociological inquiries into journalism have considered journalism as the product of cultural, economic, political, and technological forces in different times and spaces. As part of (and like) the field of media sociology, the sociology of journalism is an interdisciplinary subfield. It has several objectives of inquiry: examining situational and larger cultural differences of journalisms; analyzing systemic complexities in which journalism arises (i.e. technological formats and change, events, normative crises or organizational structures); illuminating intended and unintended consequences of practical routines of journalism; and exploring long-term patterns of professional, institutional, and organizational changes in journalism. Analyzing journalism through the sociological prism is central for understanding its larger societal implications and a continuous reminder that journalism studies is not an end in itself. Starting in the late 1950s, the gradual relocation of sociology of journalism from sociology to communication coincided with the establishment and professionalization of the two social science disciplines in US academia. Even as communication science has now produced generations of graduates in its own doctoral programs, the intellectual centrality of the sociology of journalism continues and has been recently confirmed through post-financial crisis academic hires. This paper introduces some of the major strands of the sociology of journalism research from the beginning of the 20th century to today. It also argues that the sociology of journalism took on a new ideational and professional significance within the field.
... Getting educated on the rote learner rather than learning, and debate and discuss the characteristics of individuals who are cultivating long-standing debates are important issues and researchers in formal education should be utilized through mass media. As it was previously stated, when the mass media is used well, it gives good results in twenty years (Scannell et al. 1992). Today, social development ensures progress in education and especially developing countries are trying to take advantage of this. ...
The aim of this research is to investigate the impact of the mass media tools on students who attend the 10th grade secondary education within the formal education system in North Cyprus and their feedback on the use of the media tools. The specific objective is to determine the role and the importance of the mass media tools on students at the secondary level who reside in relatively rural areas and find the opportunity to attend the standardized education system. Observations were made in classrooms and interviews were administered with teachers. During the survey, a total of 95 questionnaires were administered for the students in three different schools. The results of the research reveal that the students are in relation with the mass media tools. Besides, it is observed that students use the knowledge gained from the mass media tools in different fields of their lives.
... Verschillende auteurs hebben bijvoorbeeld aangetoond hoe televisieuitzendingen kunnen bijdragen aan noties van nationale identiteit. Door een nationaal publiek aan te spreken, en door belangrijke gebeurtenissen te begeleiden en te becommentariëren, zou de televisie een nationale eenheid stimuleren (Cardiff & Scannel, 1987;Scannell, 1992;Van den Bulck, 2001). Uitgangspunt van veel van deze studies is het klassieke werk van Benedict Anderson. ...
Auteursnaam op omslag: Stijn Reijnders. Proefschrift Universiteit van Amsterdam. Met lit. opg. - Met samenvatting in het Engels.
Hegemony [greek: Hegemonía] denotes the dominance of a powerful few over a large mass. The theory of hegemony explains how the ruling class retains their power without coercion and despite their capital advantages mainly by generalising values, norms, and objectives as a collective will (Vey, 2015, p. 44). The hegemonic order hereby becomes a mainstream ideology, reproduced and legitimised through everyday actions. There are signs indicating that neoliberalism, less as a pure economic mode, and more as a network of policies, values and ideologies, is becoming increasingly hegemonic. In that case, it is, rather than a state, specific markets, or the general organisation of society through the market as a free agent who assume a position of hegemony. Because a hegemonic order is reproduced and legitimised in day-to-day life, counter-hegemonic practices that aim to break with hegemonic discourses and rewrite socio-political narratives, have to likewise find a place in everyday life. Occupying empty houses in urban spaces allows the creation of arenas that enable and support counter-hegemony. They function as experimental spaces for anti-systemic radicalism, social solidarity and civic self-empowerment and therefore play an increasingly important role in shifting power and influence from the state and market to civil society. Through sharing space and resources – material and immaterial – the residents and activists in urban squats are constantly negotiating with each other and their environment. The associated ongoing scrutinising and re-conceptualising of collective will oppose the hegemonic order. This work approaches the idea of counter-hegemony on a theoretical, conceptual, and practical level and illustrates how squatted houses reveal counter-hegemonic potential. Using the example of a squatted industrial area in the Brussels-Capital Region, concrete opportunities and limitations of counter-hegemony in an urban context are demonstrated.
This paper attempts to explore the multiple layers that intervene in the relationship between media and culture. The authors argue that media products and messages have always been constructed to either serve the dominant elite’s ideology, gain public consent, or consolidate racial and gender stereotypes. Media forms, types and genres are cultural filters or ideological paradigms targetting the audiences’ Hedonist propensity for visual pleasure. In his book Media Culture, Douglas Kellner (1995) highlights the sinuous relationship between media and culture by stating that media culture has emerged whereby sounds and spectacles help produce the fabric of everyday life and help shape political views and social behavior. When we look at media from a cultural studies perspective, we become conscious of its sweeping impact on people’s political views and identity. Noam Chomsky (1988) argues that media “manufactures consent”, therefore confirming the manipulative facet of media culture through his five filters: ownership, advertising, media elite, flak and common enemy. With the increasing normalization of digital technology, “techno-culture” has taken on a more incisive turn by driving people to keep swinging between online and offline cultures. Through virtual and immersive actions, new cultural forms have been invented, namely e-society, cyber communities and cultural identities. Hence, by adopting a cultural studies perspective, this paper attempts to provide a theoretical framework for media culture by exploring the concepts of “techno-culture”, Chomsky’s and Herman’s five filters, and cyberculture.
The article examines the current challenges and opportunities facing the Italian public broadcaster Rai in relation to global sporting events in the digital scenario. Adopting a sys- temic perspective, the study explores the tensions among the increasing commercialisation/ political disenchantment of major sporting events, and the public remits of Rai to secure them within the current EU regulation on sport rights and in terms of public service media. An historical overview of Rai’s linkage with sports is provided to contextualise the discussion of the online TV service RaiPlay and its current strategy for both on-demand sports content and the live coverage of recent global sporting events, such as Tokyo 2020 and Qatar 2022. The article concludes by emphasising the potential for Rai to enable new forms of engage- ment, while also urging a careful consideration of the traditional remits and values of public service in the face of evolving media landscapes.
The paper is a discussion of verbal and non-verbal communication issues encoutered by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) students as immigrants in Australia. It is based on a large survey study as well as interview studies of PRC students who were granted residence status by the Australian government after the 1989 Tiananmen events. When immigrants initially live in a society which is culturally different, their own culture is still with them mainly in three ways: language, value and customs, and self-identity, each of which is related to another. This paper seeks to demonstrate that values and customs are manifested not only in non-verbial communication but also in verbial communication in that native language influences the speakers’ ways of using a non-native language. At the same time native linguistic knowledge, values and customs impose constraints on how immigrants identify themselves. The paper concludes that it is sometimes difficult to make difference between what is cultural and what is linguistic, that acquisition of a second language is not culturally value-free, that aculturalization and linguistic competence goes hand in hand, and that aculturalization indicates identity shift.
For China’s cultural sectors, maintaining ideological unity at home and improving national image abroad are now key objectives of recomposing contemporary national discourse as well as expediting their access to the global market. Cultural content, especially documentaries, has become a favourite format for China’s state-run media to ‘present an officially sanctioned view of history’ (Müller, Documentary, world history, and national power in the PRC: Global rise in Chinese eyes, Routledge, 2013, p. 1), given the power of narration figured in the discursive elements of factual production. Scholars are debating the public and global values geared towards assimilating cultural discourse to the political and diplomatic interests of the country. This chapter reviews the problems of ideological mediation and contestations in the digital communication spaces by interrogating the historical and contemporary arguments around China’s state-led communication network, its national cultural policy and its soft power initiative. In particular, it highlights state media’s engagement with national policy, and how they negotiate, thereby assessing the role of China’s media industries in the interconnected, competitive global cultural sphere.KeywordsPublic sphereNational discourseState mediaChina’s soft-power initiativeDocumentariesDigital globalisation
Bu araştırmada sığınmacılara yönelik paylaşımların yapıldığı sosyal medyada yer alan sözlüklerden birinde sığınmacılara yönelik algıya bakılmıştır. Yöntem olarak nitel desende olan bu çalışmada, bir sosyal medya sitesinde yer alan paylaşımlar içerik analizi yoluyla derinlemesine incelenip yorumlanmıştır. Araştırmanın sonucunda sosyal medya kullanıcılarının sığınmacıları büyük bir güvensizlik ortamı ve huzursuzluk yaratan bireyler olarak gördükleri saptanmış, sığınmacılarla yaşanan deneyimlerin ve medyadaki haberlerin bu düşüncelerin oluşmasında etkisinin olduğu belirlenmiştir. Bunun yanında sosyal medya kullanıcılarının devletin sığınmacılar konusunda yanlış politika izlediğini düşündükleri ve sığınmacılar için etkili bir planlama yapılmadığını ifade ettikleri görülmüştür. Çalışmanın sonuçları doğrultusunda medyada sığınmacılar hakkında çıkan haberlerde olumsuz ve şiddet temalı haberlerin azaltılması, Suriyeli sığınmacıların durumu, sahip oldukları haklar ve topluma yansımaları hakkında doğru ve bilgilendirici kamu spotları hazırlanması ayrıca sığınmacıların topluma entegre olma sürecinin her basamağında daha planlı ve etkili bir yol izlenmesi önerilebilir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHPerceptions about Syrian refugees on social media: an evaluation of a social media platformIn this research, posts which are about Syrian refugees were published in a social media platform, called as “sözlük” were investigated. The research is a qualitative research. The posts in this platform are analyzed with content analysis method. According to results of analyses, social media users see Syrian refugees as people who create an insecure and a restless environment. The experiences people had with them and news have an effect on this view. In addition, social media users think that government made inappropriate policies and ineffective plans about Syrian refugees. It is suggested negative news about Syrian refugees should be decreased and government should make safer policies. In addition, adaptation of refugees to society should be made in more planned and effective way.
The 2017 West Bank Municipal elections were framed by locally-based non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the Palestinian Authorities – albeit to a lesser extent – in terms of the desirability of increasing female participation in them in two particular ways: participation as representatives and participation as voters. Both aspects of participation were supported by extensive radio campaigns conducted by locally-based NGOs. The effectiveness of these campaigns and the approaches used form the basis of this article. Using a mixed methods approach consisting of both quantitative and qualitative data, it concludes that radio has endemic socio-technical advantages for reaching women, particularly in conflict-affected areas, and that broadcasting content aimed at women by women is essential in terms of increasing their representation and voting.
Bu çalışmada medyanın birey, toplum ve kültür ile ilişkileri sosyolojik bağlamıyla, görgül örnekler üzerinden betimlenmiştir. Medya aracılığıyla oluşan etkileşim, çok sayıda bileşen tarafından belirlenmekte olup, konu birey odaklı ele alındığında; kişilerin toplumsal öz mensubiyetleri, yaş, cinsiyet, meslek, hayat tarzı, hayata bakış açıları, zihinsel ve zeka özellikleri, karakterleri, inançları... gibi birçok değişkenle ilişkilidir.Toplumsal yapılar düzeyindeki medya etkisi analizlerinde ise -çoğunlukla bu denli geniş ele alınmasa da- tarihsel gelişme ve kırılmaların, sosyal gruplardaki hakim demokrasi, özgürlük, medeniyet tasavvurlarının, etnik, ahlaki ve dini yönelişlerin de değerlendirme çerçevesine dahil edilmesi daha derinlikli tespitlere imkan vermektedir. Medya türlerinin yapısal özellikleri, iletilerin simgesel yapısı da hedeflenen etkilerin hem niteliksel hem de niceliksel boyutları üzerinde en az alıcı özellikleri kadar belirleyicidir. İletilerin taşıdıkları mesajla, Dünyamız yeniden şekillenmekte, boyut kazanmaktadır. Toplumsal yapı ile medya arasında derin ve karmaşık etkileşim bireylere, gruplara olduğu kadar, toplum ve kültürlere de yeni yorumlar katmaktadır.
This study uses empirical examples to describe the relationships betvveen media on the one hand, and indlvidual, soclety and culture on the other. The interaction formed via media is shaped by multiple factors, and in the case of individuals, it is influenced by many variables including social affillatlon, age, gender, occupation, lifestyle, worldview, cognitive and intellectual characteristlcs, and beliefs, among others. İn analyses of media effects at the level of social structures, on the other hand -even though they are not as comprehensive- the incluslon of historical developments and ruptures, dominant ideas about democracy, freedom and clvilization, and ethnic, moral and religious orlentations vvithin the framework of analysis allows for deeper insights. Structural characteristics of different media genres and the symbolic structure of a message are at least as important as recipient characteristics on the qualitatlve and quantitative dimensions of the Intended effects. Meanings carried by messages reshape the vvorld and add nevv dimensions. The deep and complicated relationship betvveen media and the social structure creates nevv interpretations of not only individuals and groups, but of societies and cultures as well.
The language of a nation carries a great weight on transferring the unique values and richness from one generation to another. The Mass media, besides users of that language, has the responsibility of passing on the language richness to the next generation. Especially, usage of the foreign originated vocabulary, mispronounced words, non-Turkish alphabet letters and inaccurate sentences used on the mass media, which has a great effect on people's lives leads people unconsciously use that language in their daily lives. The aim of this paper is to determine prospective teachers' views on Turkish language used in written and spoken forms in news, entertainment programs, and commercials on mass media.
Mass media play an especially important role in democratic societies. They are presupposed to act as intermediary vehicles that reflect public opinion, respond to public concerns and make the electorate cognizant of state policies, important events and viewpoints. The fundamental principles of democracy depend upon the notion of a reasonably informed electorate. The `propaganda model' of media operations laid out and applied by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky in Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media postulates that elite media interlock with other institutional sectors in ownership, management and social circles, effectively circumscribing their ability to remain analytically detached from other dominant institutional sectors. The model argues that the net result of this is self-censorship without any significant coercion. Media, according to this framework, do not have to be controlled nor does their behaviour have to be patterned, as it is assumed that they are integral actors in class warfare, fully integrated into the institutional framework of society, and act in unison with other ideological sectors, i.e. the academy, to establish, enforce, reinforce and `police' corporate hegemony. It is not a surprise, then, given the interrelations of the state and corporate capitalism and the `ideological network', that the propaganda model has been dismissed as a `conspiracy theory' and condemned for its `overly deterministic' view of media behaviour. It is generally excluded from scholarly debates on patterns of media behaviour. This article provides a critical assessment and review of Herman and Chomsky's propaganda model and seeks to encourage scholarly debate regarding the relationship between corporate power and ideology. Highly descriptive in nature, the article is concerned with the question of whether media can be seen to play a hegemonic role in society oriented towards legitimization, political accommodation and ideological management.
En: Revista española de orientación y psicopedagogía Madrid 2000, v. 11, n. 20, segundo semestre ; p. 187-198 Tres son las dimensiones en torno a las cuales se articula nuestra reflexión en relación con la atención a la diversidad: el desarrollo de nuesvos significados sobre qué sea la diversidad, la modulación de una cultura escolar que acepte la diversidad, y la promoción de prácticas inclusivas que aseguren el éxito escolar y eviten la discriminación de determinados grupos de estudiantes. Esto supone actuar sobre dimensiones trandicionalmente escasamente atendidas, como son: la revisión de los criterios y procedimientos de diagnóstico aplicados habitualmente para clasificar, seleccionar y evaluar a los estudiantes, y las conexiones del centro con la comunidad, Bibliografía al final del artículo
This thesis analyses forms of New Zealand national identity constructed in conjunction with successive America's Cup campaigns in 1987, 1992 and 1995. It is argued that New Zealand national iconography was appropriated by government and corporate interests and utilised as a mechanism for corporate capital accumulation and legitimation.The first New Zealand challenge was set against a background of neo-liberal policy reform initiated by the fourth Labour government in 1984. The comprehensive economic and social policy implementation had multiple negative effects for New Zealand's political economy. This thesis undertakes a comprehensive analysis of these effects and argues that the commitment to neo-liberalism resulted in both the means for a New Zealand America's Cup syndicate and the necessity for an event which could obscure New Zealand's economic decline. National identity was reformulated through America's Cup nationalism to incorporate the values of neo-liberalism.As a result of the entrenchment of neo-liberal values, the needs of corporate interests and state enterprises to define citizens as consumers concluded in the commercialisation of culture. This thesis argues that the pursuit of effective corporate branding strategies led to the appropriation of symbols and images of national identity by corporate interests. The 1992 and 1995 America's Cup challenges represent the convergence of the discourses of sport, media and capitalism under the shared agenda of capital accumulation and legitimation. This convergence was structured around a commercialised conception of national identity which bore little relation to the social and economic reality experienced by many New Zealanders.
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