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Abstract

In a world where racism persists undiminished (if not intensified) in a multitude of configurations, there is a pressing need to consider the state of anti-racist theory and practice. Drawing on the multidisciplinary contributions to this special issue alongside a panoramic snapshot of current scholarship, this article wrestles with several matters central to the ongoing development of anti-racism. Junctures with social justice, equality, recognition, tolerance, indifference, and acknowledgement are explored along with the varieties, and co-constitutions, of racism and anti-racism. Post-racial potentialities and the double-bind of anti-racism amidst the twin liberal desires of sameness and difference are examined alongside the nascent growth of alter-racism via concepts such as embodiment, viscerality, humour, affective ambiences, and everyday race labour. It is hoped that this article will foster ongoing reflection, discussion, and, most importantly, action aimed at defying racism across the globe.
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Ethnic and Racial Studies
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Whither anti-racism?
Yin Paradies
To cite this article: Yin Paradies (2016) Whither anti-racism?, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 39:1,
1-15, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2016.1096410
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Whither anti-racism?
Yin Paradies
Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University, Burwood, Australia
ABSTRACT
In a world where racism persists undiminished (if not intensied) in a multitude
of congurations, there is a pressing need to consider the state of anti-racist
theory and practice. Drawing on the multidisciplinary contributions to this
special issue alongside a panoramic snapshot of current scholarship, this
article wrestles with several matters central to the ongoing development of
anti-racism. Junctures with social justice, equality, recognition, tolerance,
indifference, and acknowledgement are explored along with the varieties, and
co-constitutions, of racism and anti-racism. Post-racial potentialities and the
double-bind of anti-racism amidst the twin liberal desires of sameness and
difference are examined alongside the nascent growth of alter-racism via
concepts such as embodiment, viscerality, humour, affective ambiences, and
everyday race labour. It is hoped that this article will foster ongoing reection,
discussion, and, most importantly, action aimed at defying racism across the
globe.
ARTICLE HISTORY Received 7 September 2014; Accepted 16 September 2015
KEYWORDS Racism; anti-racism; tolerance; affect; post-racialism; alterity
Introduction
Despite the UNs Three Decades to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination
(United Nations 2009), racism continues to cause human suffering and fore-
close life choices in every nation of the world. With increased migration
ows, volatile geopolitics, and pronounced permeability and securitization
of national borders, there is an ongoing global need to combat racism
(UNESCO 2005).
Although the term anti-racism was only coined in the mid-twentieth
century (Bonnett 2000), opposition to racism has existed as long as the
phenomenon itself, adapting to contest its mutating schemas across time
and space (Aptheker 1992; Lloyd 1998). In contemporary times, this resistance
is commonly labelled anti-racism, racial justice, or racial equality. Although
numerous scholars have studied various aspects of race, racialization, and
racism, relatively few have centred their work on anti-racism. Important
© 2015 Taylor & Francis
CONTACT Yin Paradies yin.paradies@deakin.edu.au
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES, 2016
VOL. 39, NO. 1, 115
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exceptions include early monographs (Bonnett 2000; Dei 1997; Gilborn 1995)
and edited collections (Anthias and Lloyd 2002; Bowser 1995; Derman-Sparks
and Phillips 1997; Lentin and McVeigh 2002), along with more recent chapters
(Fozdar, Wilding, and Hawkins 2008;OBrien 2007; Ruzza 2013), journal special
issues (Arai and Kivel 2009; Young and Condon 2013), and numerous stand-
alone articles (a sample of which I engage with below).
Despite the important contribution of extant scholarship, we still lack a
shared notion of what is meant by anti-racism either at the level of ideology
or political practice(Solomos and Back 1996, 104), nor is there yet a well
developed typology of anti-racist theory and practice anywhere in the aca-
demic world(OBrien 2007, 427). Anti-racism has been minimally dened
by Bonnett (2000)asforms of thought and/or practice that seek to confront,
eradicate and/or ameliorate racism(4) and as ideologies and practices that
afrm and seek to enable the equality of races and ethnic groups(Bonnett
2006, 1099). Other scholars have described anti-racism as a situation in
which people can live together in harmony and mutual respect(Anthias
and Lloyd 2002, 16), or the creation of a more just, humane world(Essed
2013, 3), while Taguieff (2001) critiques anti-racism as a dream of universal
and perpetual peace(150).
Given this abundance of views, it is not surprising that Keith (2013)has
recently asked what is sought when we engage with the politics of race
Social justice? Equality? Participation? Recognition? Humanism without
race?(23). Should society strive to eliminate the trope of race entirely or
seek only to eliminate the adverse side-effects of racial membership? In this
special issue lead article, I canvass the spectrum of aporias that coalesce at
the juncture of race, racialization, racism, and anti-racism, examining the
limits and potential (re)congurations of anti-racism(s) in opposing contem-
porary manifestations of racism. I begin by considering denitions of anti-
racism, including various interplays with racism, before reecting upon the
anti-racist potential of tolerance in particular. After briey touching on the
concept of indifference, I examine the potential to thwart racism by moving
beyond race. The double-binds that constrain anti-racism are then elucidated
alongside alternatives that may surpass these limitations. I conclude with
implications for evolving anti-racist scholarship and practice in the twenty-
rst century.
Dening anti-racism
Given the manifold expressions of racism, there is a clear need to recognize
the concomitant plurality of anti-racisms (OBrien 2009). To date, the largest
body of anti-racist scholarship has focused on internalized, interpersonal,
and institutional racism through prejudice reduction, countering stereotypes,
and reducing discriminatory behaviour among individuals (Beelmann and
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Heinemann 2014; Paluck and Green 2009; Pettigrew and Tropp 2006). Closely
related research has centred on race-related organizational diversity,
inclusion, and equality (Curtis and Dreachslin 2008; Kandola 2008; Oswick
and Noon 2014). Anti-racist collective action and social change aimed at
addressing inequitable power relations, material disadvantage, and/or realiz-
ing racial justice, ranging from small-scale bystander action (Nelson, Dunn,
and Paradies 2011) to social marketing (Donovan and Vlais 2006; Kwate
2014) and popular movements (Da Costa 2010; Farrar 2004; Lentin 1997),
have also been the focus of seminal scholarship. In addition, conict resol-
ution and cosmopolitan approaches to anti-racism have examined recog-
nition, acknowledgement, and understanding of cultural difference as key
to viable, sustainable, and legitimate race relations beyond harmony (Al
Ramiah and Hewstone 2013; Dessel and Rogge 2008; Nagda et al. 2009;
Noble 2013b).
Hage (this issue) details a 6-part typology of anti-racism: (1) reducing the
incidence of racist practices, (2) fostering a non-racist culture, (3) supporting
the victims of racism, (4) empowering racialized subjects, (5) transforming
racist relations, and (6) fostering an a-racist culture.
As Hage (this issue) acknowledges, each of these anti-racism types overlap
in practice, an observation emphasized by research ndings that mutual
reinforcement across various anti-racisms is most effective in foiling racism
(Paluck and Green 2009; Paradies et al. 2009; Pedersen et al. 2011; Williams
and Mohammed 2013). Given this, it is debatable whether distinct types of
anti-racism can be distinguished or, more importantly, what the value is in
doing so. The task of delineating individual and systemic anti-racism
(OBrien 2007) is a case in point, given the close connection between individ-
ual agency and institutional structures (Berard 2010).
More broadly, Bonnett (2000) argues that anti-racism cannot be ade-
quately understood as the inverse of racism(2) in that one persons con-
ception of anti-racism is anothers idea of racism. An historical illustration of
this is the anti-racist movement that established the West African nation of
Liberia in 1822, a movement that was strongly supported by the Ku Klux
Klan, who welcomed the exodus of blacks from the USA (OBrien 2007). Impor-
tantly, even when manifestations of racism and anti-racism are clear, they are
often co-constituted within individuals and locales. For example, neighbour-
hoods where racism is rife can also be characterized by the most profound
forms and moments of solidarity(Keith 2013,17). Hage (2014a) has even
argued for the existence of racist anti-racismin which individuals protest
racism against themselves and their group but condone it when directed at
other groups in society.
Conversely, it is possible to be an anti-racist racist(Leonardo and Zemby-
las 2013, 156) in which individuals recognize their own racism while still striv-
ing to overcome it. For those who believe that racism is inherent to
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contemporary societies and that anti-racist racism is therefore the only achiev-
able goal, an avowed identity of non-racismonly detracts from ongoing
efforts to combat personal racism (Leonardo and Zembylas 2013). This
tension between recognizing and overcoming personal racism has also
been explored in concepts such as reexive anti-racism (Kowal, Franklin,
and Paradies 2013) and reexive race cognizance (OBrien 2001, 56).
In the context of struggles to achieve anti/non-racism, Balint (2006) has
proposed tolerance as a minimal anti-racism whereby citizens are encour-
aged to accommodate differences they may otherwise nd distasteful(57).
Balint (this issue) denes racial intolerance as an act where a person is
somehow hindered because of their ethno-racial characteristics, whether
or not the perpetrator is fully aware of, or intending, this hindrance. Hence,
racial tolerance is dened as intentionally not negatively interferingwith
someone on the basis of their ethno-racial characteristics.
The three key critiques of tolerance as anti-racism are that: (1) it is morally
inadequate in that racism should be overcome rather than abided (Habermas
2003), (2) it perpetuates or, at least, fails to remedy the asymmetrical power
relations inherent in racialized systems of disadvantage/oppression (Hage
1998), and (3) it cannot be achieved (Latour 2004) in the context of super-
diversity(Vertovec 2007). These concerns beg the question of what alterna-
tives to tolerance are possible? Respect, admiration, love, or even celebration
may be ultimate goals for many. However, can these more demanding orien-
tations be achieved without tolerance as an intermediary (Bessone 2013)? Fur-
thermore, if tolerance is too difcult to achieve in modern pluralistic societies,
what hope is there of achieving these more ambitious goals? (Wilson 2014).
Mirchandani and Tastsoglou (2000,5657) question the implicit assump-
tion that tolerance always involves a majority and a minority, where the
former invariably tolerates the later. They cite relations between Quebec
and the rest of Canada as an example in which both the majority-minority dis-
tinction and the implied power relations are not clear-cut. Ramadan (2010)
has argued that even when standing on equal footing, one does not
expect to be merely tolerated or grudgingly accepted(47). However, such
equalized power relations appear to be precisely the situation in which toler-
ance is most appealing. When two parties (for example) with commensurate
power elect to recognize each others legitimacy to such an extent that they
refrain from translating real and felt objections into hindrance, this is the ideal
basis for negotiation and resolution at the heart of democratic politics (Mouffe
2000).
Balint (this issue) argues that a requirement that goes beyond tolerance to
appreciation and respect for racial difference risks creating new racial hierar-
chies of appeal and favour (e.g. which group do I like best?), while excluding
from the ideal of a good citizen those who are merely neutral or indifferent.
Similarly, Noble (2013a) contends that a moralistic insistence upon the
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appreciationof difference may irritate whatever fault lines exist(838).
Interestingly, while conceiving of tolerance as a minimal moral obligation,
Balint (this issue) considers indifferenceas the eventual anti-racist ideal
(see also Hynes, forthcoming on in-difference as an ambiguous yet productive
process). Akin to this notion of indifference, Van Leeuwen (2010) has pro-
posed side-by-sidenesscentred on a desire to live with others rather than
a compulsion to get close to them(647) as a moral minimum alongside min-
ority accommodation on the political-institutional leveland attention to the
basic needs of others(van Leeuwen 2015, 804805). Related concepts such
as banal sociality(Mayblin, Valentine, and Andersson, forthcoming), cultural
blandness,andmundane co-presence(Jones et al. 2015) also focus on the
under-appreciated value of minimal, light, or non-confrontational
interactions.
Amin (2010), however, is not convinced by such a politics of distance, while
Noble (2013b, 164) asserts that such intercultural civility is not an antidote to
racism. Perhaps then, we must look to post-raciality as a viable counter to
institutional and systemic racisms beyond the inuence of tolerance and indif-
ference? What are the possibilities for a post- or non-racial society? Is racism a
necessary condition for the reproduction of race?(Carter and Fenton 2010,
14). Can or should races persist without racism?
Towards a post-racial future?
Never arbitrary but always historically contingent (Saldahna 2006), raceis var-
iously dened as innate, immutable, reifying, and hegemonic while simul-
taneously, supple, radical, and indeterminate. Race is a biosocial trope
centred on ascribed and essentialized distinctions of appearance, ancestry,
ethnicity, language, culture (Paradies 2006), and, increasingly, religion (Hart-
mann et al. 2011; Meer 2013; Taras 2013). It is undeniable that race has
served as a focal point for belonging, social networks, and communities
(Gines 2003), as well as afrmative action and positive discrimination policy
and practice (Taylor 2014), with collective identities articulated through
race function as a powerful means to coordinate action and engender solidar-
ity(Paul 2014, 11). Nonetheless, in light of calls to transcend race (Gilroy
2000), proponents of social justice tend to conceive of race as synonymous
with racism in dening individual resources, choices, and opportunities
(Weiner 2012, 333), with extreme formulations contending that race precludes
equality: while races exist, equality does not(Colombo 2006, as quoted in Da
Costa, forthcoming-a, 8).
Such reasoning has lead to the growing popularity of colour-blindness,
muteness (Pollock 2004), and evasion (Neville et al. 2013), along with post-/
non-raciality, as intertwined concepts in which individuals are either
unaware of, or unconcerned with, racial difference (Walton et al. 2014). A
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 5
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colour-blind approach was foundational to the US civil rights movement
(Sears 1996), continues to be the preferred policy in nations such as France
(Bonnet 2013), and may be an anodyne form of forgettingas resilience
(while also remembering as resistence) for those most affected by racism
(Da Costa, forthcoming-b; Hage 2015). Nonetheless, in contemporary dis-
courses, these concepts are frequently deployed to invalidate struggles
against racism by claiming an already achieved state of individual and societal
obliviousness to racial difference and, hence, an implied equality of opportu-
nity/outcomes across races. Such anti-anti-racismincreasingly hampers
efforts to achieve racial justice, while the institutionalization of racial govern-
ance becomes ever more entrenched and legitimated(Kapoor 2013, 1029).
In recent times, the race as racismperspective has been co-opted by neo-
liberals, resulting in what Goldberg (2009) has termed racism without race
and even racisms without racism. Similarly, Moussavi et al. (2007) has
described colour-blindness as racism without racists. Within such worldviews,
the eliding of racial injustice is so extreme that anyone invoking the spectre of
racism (or even race) are accused of being the racists themselves (Kapoor
2013).
Although for some, the goal of a non-racist societyhas an implied equiv-
alence with hope for a non-racial society(Hage this issue), I concur with
Lentin (2014) that the post-race argument is not equivalent to one that
would advocate for a post-racist society(2). Similarly, Monahan (2006) has
asked if eliminating or rejecting race ontologically will undermine racism as
a social phenomenon(9). In asking us to give up on race before and
without addressing the scars of racisms(Goldberg 2009, 21), racial neoli-
beralism blithely assumes that time will heal all wounds. Lentin (this issue)
demonstrates how the need to ask at all is moot when spectacles of racism
in publicare encapsulated as abhorrent and aberrant frozen racismof
bygone eras while the contemporary motilitiesof public racismthat under-
pin societal institutions are successfully erased through deection, distancing,
and denial.
Despite the ease with which post-raciality can be commandeered for racist
purposes, a sharp rupture from race in utopian vision of the future-perfect
(Povinelli 2002) seems palatable (if not preferable) to many proponents of
social justice. However, these same proponents would be disquieted by
moves to erase social difference more generally (e.g. gender, sexuality, and
so on). Few who advocate for race to be abolished also wish to do away
with social distinctions altogether. To conate the non-/anti-racist with the
non-/post-racial as virtuous deracination(Calhoun 2003, 544) fails to recall
that race is nothing more, nor less, than a facet of human diversity. Just as
gender and sexuality (for example) have their own fused genealogies of
oppression and celebration, the ght against racism is only one instance in
the wider struggle for an alternative mode of social existence(Hage 2014a,
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237). As such, following Monahan (2011) it seems clear that racial justice is
about fostering the conditions wherein racialized selves can truly make
manifest their humanity(222) and that it is neither necessary nor desirable
for race (even whiteness) to disappear along with racism (Jeffers 2013).
Recently, it has been suggested that we should seek the freedom not from
race or of a particular race, but the freedom to embrace race without sacri-
cing other afliations, to be both racial and anti-racial at the same time(Slate
2014, 238). Not to be confused with the gradual erosion of cultural difference
through interethnic mixture and hybridisation(Amin 2002, 967), this decen-
tring (rather than sublimation) of race within a multiplicity of identities may
be a compromise between hollow claims of post-raciality and the ever-
present danger of racial essentialism. More broadly, this quest for a stable
middle ground stems from anti-racisms equivocal oscillation between parti-
cularism and universalism (Detant 2005) in which the tension between differ-
ence and equality (Kowal 2008) means that any right to differencecould lead
to a difference of rights(Ford 2013, 706). Borrowing a term deployed in
relation to racism (Hesse 2004) and whiteness (Ellsworth 1997), this constitu-
tes the potentially ineluctable double-bindof anti-racism.
Evading anti-racisms double-bind
Hušek and Tvrdá (this issue) describe the collective singularity, a phenomenon
metaphorically akin to a black hole that traps anti-racism in the dispositives
[of] hysteria, paternalism, individualism and bionumerics. This singularity
compels anti-racist actors to frame their practices and create lines of argu-
mentation based upon a scheme identical to that employed by the racists,
leaving racist hegemony and oppression unchecked. Fozdar (2012) has also
highlighted the trap of countering racist discourses about the deviant
otherwith anti-racist depictions of the perfect same, whereby sameness is
re-inscribed while difference is demonized.
In response, recent alter-racist (Hage 2012) scholarship has sought to trans-
cend binary dualisms and dissolve ossied distinctions through alternatives
ranging from the role of white vulnerability and openness in transforming
self-conceptions (Bailey 2011)toaslow anti-racismthat exploits barely per-
ceptible non-verbal gestures of individuals (Sharpe and Hynes 2014). In an
episteme suffused and saturated by post-racial neo-liberal discourses, can
such creative approaches effectively repel racism?
Drawing on ethnographic eldwork in the charged racial environment of
Australias far north, Lobo (this issue) explores one such creative variegation
of alter-racism, arguing that the stiing affective atmospheres of visceral
racism perpetrated through glances, gestures, and silences cannot be con-
tested via thought, reection, and reasoning. Rather, Lobo suggests that such
embodied acts of negation must be fundamentally transgured through
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 7
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haptic sensations and memories wherein human dignity is renewed, vitality
afrmed, and non-racist futures invoked.
Sharpe and Hynes (this issue) also engage with viscerality, in their case the
distinct embodiment of humour, specically the way our body laughs often
against our better judgments. They describe the incongruity of humour as a
force with both racist and anti-racist potential. Because racist humour can
often y under the moral radarat the less than conscious level,itmay
best to ght humour with humour rather than an explicitly didacticanti-
racism. Sharpe and Hynes (this issue) describe the potential of anti-racist
humour to admonish a perpetrator while also inviting them to laugh at them-
selves. As they note, such humour can also spare targets of racism from the
reductive racialization of moralizing anti-racist discourses (akin to the collec-
tive singularity explored by Hušek and Tvrdá in this issue). Playing with the
margins of a given moment(Sharpe and Hynes this issue) anti-/alter-
racist humour may instead transcend this double-bind by inhabiting, rather
than seeking to smooth over, the complex ethics and politics of racism and
anti-racist practice.
Diverging from Lobo, Sharpe, and Hynesuse of the affective turn, Aquino
(this issue) explores the cultural repertoires of middle-class Filipino immi-
grants in Australia who nd themselves in a liminal space between
inclusion/exclusion and equality/inequality where they are both recognized
and misrecognized. In particular, Aquino explores social mobility of Filipino
migrants based on the tropes of strategic assimilation and individualism.
Drawing on Goffman (1963), Aquino (this issue) reveals the identity work
through which the compromises and ambivalences of everyday anti-racism
are played out. She shows how this careful process of ghting stigma and
maintaining respectis key to surviving, and even thriving, despite the
wear and tear of routine racism. Moving beyond neo-Marxist neglect of
the middle class, this research highlights the vital need to attend to both
sides of the class divide in the complicated labour of ghting racism on the
ground.
Utilizing Lentins(2004)conceptualization of anti-racism as either proximal
or distant from public political culture, we can also ask if anti-/alter-racism
should oppose the state, operate in parallel to it, or seek to co-optneo-
liberal discourses through appeals ranging from the legal opprobrium of
human rights to arguments of economic efciency. In other words, to what
extent is anti-racism founded on democracy, the rule of law, human rights,
equality, toleranceversus emancipation, empowerment, resistance and liber-
ation(Lentin 2008, 314). This question depends, in part, on whether racism is
becoming intimately fused with the logic and needs of neo-liberal capitalist
accumulation(Hage this issue), or, indeed, whether racism existed prior to
the advent of capitalism (Isaac 2004; Bethencourt 2014) or persists undimin-
ished in communist and post-communist societies (Law 2012).
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Like racisms without racism, perhaps anti-racisms can be pursued without
anti-racism. This would be an anti-racism subsisting on the ghost-like pres-
ence of non-antiracism(Chouhan and Lee 2001), striving to reach beyond
racism without explicit reference to it (Hamaz 2008).
Do such approaches sidestep racism by a sleight of hand or do they instead
allow the knotty issue of inequalities to slipby unremarked (Valentine 2008,
333)? While some scholars maintain that the equalisation of the material con-
ditions is the best hope for a just society, without racism(Sian, Law, and
Sayyid 2013, 128), the persistence of anti-Semitism (Kremelberg 2009)
without group-level Jewish disadvantage suggests otherwise. This is, of
course, the redistribution-recognition dilemmaidentied by Fraser (1997,
13) that prompts questions like: Does distribution ow from recognition
(Butler 1997) and to what extent are sociocultural and material disadvantage
intertwined?
Questions can also be asked about what forms of difference should be
recognized. Anti-racism often focuses on disparities in belonging between
social groups sharing common (or largely overlapping) worldviews, cultures,
languages, and so on. How then should anti-racism be inected, if at all, by
radical alterity in which the Othercan be culturally as well as socially alien?
Should anti-racism grapple with the incomprehensibility of patterns of
action(Van Leeuwen 2008, 1545) that epitomize cultural alterity, or is the
cry of incommensurable cultural difference only ever camouage for
ongoing socially-mediated racism targeted at minorities?
This raises the broader issues of the extent to which anti-/alter-racism is
embroiled in the dialectics of particularism versus universalism, advantage
versus disadvantage, proximity versus distance, visibility versus invisibility,
or peace versus conict. Are such entanglements vital to, or a distraction
from, what we do in the presence of the other(Markell 2003, 34), including
the pragmatic mundane routinesof everyday anti-racism (Aquino this issue)?
Conversely, ought alter-racism shun a politics of recognition and identity?
Perhaps acknowledgement is an alternative to recognition that can transcend
the choice between a false universalism or an indifferent relativism by
placing the emphasis upon the constitutive receptivity of selves or commu-
nities to otherness(Barnett 2005,19) such that alterity is not denied by
attempting to reduce the other to the same(Grehan 2009, 13).
Future scholarship should also consider whether, as Laurie and Bonnett
(2002) have suggested, the dominance of Westerndiscourses on equality
and inequalityperforce marginalize[s] and erase[s] other traditions of antira-
cism(43) (see, for example, Da Costa 2014). For example, Hage (this issue)
behoves us to move beyond a Western instrumentalist and domesticating
form of anti-racism that valorizes the value of the otherto modes of existence
that privilege reciprocity and mutuality. In such modes, anti-racism is con-
ceived as primarily affective and magical, where the otheris experienced
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 9
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as a gift in, and of, themselves or even as a life that animates and enriches our
own existence.
As shown throughout this article, there are numerous conundrums being
explored by scholars dedicated to understanding and challenging race,
racism, and racialization globally. In asking whither anti-racisms will voyage,
this article has posed many more questions than it has answered. Rather
than prematurely foreclosing through resolution, I have instead attempted
to prole the emerging terrain of anti-racist scholarship. Encompassing contri-
butors from cultural studies, geography, political science, philosophy, and
sociology, this special issue aims to inform the continued growth of anti-/
alter-racisms into the future.
Disclosure statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the author.
Funding
This work was supported by an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship
[FT130101148].
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... Social exclusion, harassment, prejudice, and bias persist and contribute to discriminatory behavior toward others in all realms of society, including the workplace and school settings (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2008). Psychologists and social scientists have demonstrated that understanding and changing attitudes, beliefs, and perspectives about others is necessary to reduce discriminatory and unfair treatment toward others as well as to improve psychological well-being (Bonilla-Silva, 2015;Killen & Dahl, 2021;Paradies, 2016;Taylor et al., 2020;Verkuyten, 2014). It is especially important to understand the development of group norms in childhood, as norms that groups hold contribute to decision making about social inclusion and exclusion (Burkholder et al., 2021;Nesdale & Lawson, 2011). ...
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... Vi viser hvordan de ignorerer, konfronterer, deler erfaringer, rapporterer og demonstrerer. 1 Slik motstand eller «hverdagslig antirasisme» har fått lite oppmerksomhet i forskningen sammenliknet med de offentlige tiltakene mot rasisme og etnisk diskriminering (Lamont & Fleming, 2005;Paradies, 2016). Studien vår viser hvor viktig det som foregår i hverdagen, er for å forstå både hvordan rasisme kommer til uttrykk, og hvordan den motarbeides. ...
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Mange etniske minoriteter opplever rasisme som et stort problem i Norge. Dette gjelder spesielt mikroaggresjoner basert på kulturelle forestillinger om at «det norske» er overlegent. I denne artikkelen beskriver vi ulike former for rasisme og legger vekt på hvordan disse ble motarbeidet gjennom det vi kaller hverdagsmotstand. Studien er basert på 41 kvalitative intervjuer med personer med minoritetsbakgrunn, hovedsakelig svarte, som deltok i Black Lives Matter-demonstrasjonene i Norge. Fem former for hverdagsrasisme var spesielt framtredende: skjellsord og nedsettende ytringer, forskjellsbehandling og diskriminering, antakelser om ikke å vaere «norsk», antakelser om lav sosial status og fordomsfull inkludering. Dette var i hovedsak mikroaggresjoner som fant sted i hverdagslig sosial samhandling. De fem vanligste reaksjonene på rasisme var forsøk på å motvirke den ved å ignorere, konfrontere, dele erfaringer, rapportere og demonstrere. Studien viser hvor sentralt det hverdagslige er for å forstå etniske minoriteters opplevelser av rasisme - og motstand. Vi argumenterer for at denne typen hverdagsmotstand, er viktigere enn både politisk protest og formelle rapporteringer. Dette er fordi hverdagen har en regelmessighet og kontinuerlig tilstedevaerelse som andre former for motstand mangler. Minoriteter i Norge opplever mye hets og forskjellsbehandling, men de er ikke passive ofre. Denne studien viser hvordan de aktivt forhandler, håndterer og kjemper mot rasisme.
... That said, I worry, with many thinkers in both black studies and the continental philosophical tradition, about what happens when we emphasize only the effectiveness of our tools and not the forms, costs, or risks thereof. 7 As Yin Paradies (2016) has argued, while numerous scholars have focused their attention on race, racialization, and racism, far less scholarly attention and, I would add, specifically less philosophical attention, has gone into examining what takes place in our attempts at, and conceptions of, anti-racism. While public and academic focus has often centered on racism as a discrete phenomenon or set of overlapping phenomena-asking where racism comes from, how it can be defined, where it exists, and how it works-it is less common to think about anti-racism in the same way. ...
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This paper explores the selective uptake of Martin Heidegger’s work in critical philosophy of race and in black studies. While scholars have drawn from Heidegger’s thinking on technology to offer accounts of the technological production of race in general and of blackness in particular, few have engaged with Heidegger’s response to technology: his discussions of Gelassenheit or “releasement.” This paper analyzes this avoidance of Gelassenheit, arguing that its interpretation as passivity points to broader anxieties about the need to act that are symptomatic of Heidegger’s account of technology itself. These anxieties lead to a potentially damaging tacit prioritization of action at the expense of thought, and a reduction of black people to their value as actors or workers, even among thinkers like Saidiya Hartman who valorize a resistant waywardness.
... To further inform our analysis of the substantive equity content in strategic plans, we noted the frequency of five equity-related root words in each strategic plan, including "equity" (Loh and Kim 2021; Solis 2020; Zapata and Bates 2017), "justice" (Blue, Rosol, and Fast 2019;Fainstein 2010), "diversity" (Sweet and Etienne 2011;Thomas 1996), "inclusion" (Judd and McKinnon 2021;Quick and Feldman 2011), and "anti-racism" (Mullenbach et al. 2022;Paradies 2016;Schell et al. 2020). ...
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In a time of heightened politicization of equity, this research examines how equity, a long-standing value of planning, guides planning education priorities. Using equity-related language in planning education and research as a guide, we assess how these issues manifest today in the missions and strategic plans of fifty graduate planning programs accredited by the Planning Accreditation Board. We find that more recent plans have stronger equity orientations but that overall plans are limited in their claims and priorities. These findings animate opportunities for discussion and collective revisiting of the roles that equity plays in planning education and accreditation and the rigor and intentionality of our strategic plans.
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Motivation This article argues that the NGO sector should prioritize translation as an anti‐racist practice because failing to tackle colonial language hierarchies replicates historic power structures. Aligned with the locally led approach to development, the article responds to calls for more research into the role of translation in shaping development outcomes, and answers direct appeals from NGO practitioners for translation glossaries in different languages to improve communication between development actors. Purpose We introduce a new participatory method for co‐producing translations of terms that community members deem important for their visions of “development” and social change. We contend that participatory translation fosters an anti‐racist approach to knowledge production by centring communities in the construction of meaning, which may encompass language and concepts outside the international development lexicon. Approach and methods The study was based on the principles of community‐based participatory research, and an Advisory Board of community members was instrumental in its design. The draft of the glossary was produced in two three‐day participatory workshops in Lilongwe and Zomba, Malawi. These were attended by 36 people representing potential user groups of the glossary. Findings The workshop participants created 385 translations of development terms, including 70 translations that are not listed in the Oxford Chichewa–English Dictionary. They also engaged in critically reflective discussions that challenged dominant discourses of development. We argue that participatory translation is a tool to transcend the language barrier in a way that simultaneously subverts conventional power hierarchies and offers access to different ways of understanding the world. Policy implications NGOs in different linguistic and geographical contexts could adopt participatory translation activities in the early stages of forming relationships with communities and local partners to build trust and common understanding. In line with an anti‐racist approach, this would help to combat systemic linguistic exclusion, which exacerbates other forms of disadvantage.
Article
In this editorial, we address the concepts of diversity, multiculturalism, equity, racial equity, racism, anti-racism, and intersectionality in urban planning. Despite their significance, these concepts have not received sufficient attention in the mainstream planning discourse. We argue that prioritizing anti-racism is essential for fostering effective anti-racist praxis in planning, leading to institutional and structural change. The special issue introduces key terms and papers, highlighting the importance of context, intersectionality, and Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC)/community-led initiatives. In addition, we emphasize the need for reparative planning practices to address historical injustices and disrupt structural racism in the planning field. We call on urban planners to integrate anti-racism as a core principle in their praxis. By dismantling entrenched systems of racism and embracing intersectional approaches, the field of urban planning can contribute significantly to the pursuit of equitable and inclusive urban environments for all. Prioritizing anti-racism, embracing intersectionality, and incorporating reparative planning practices are crucial steps for urban planners to create institutional and structural changes in the planning field. Integrating anti-racism as a core principle can lead to more equitable and inclusive urban environments, addressing historical injustices and promoting positive transformations.
Book
Preface - Theoretical Perspectives - Historical Perspectives - Social Relations and Racial Inequality - Racism, Class and Political Action - Racism and Anti-Racism - Identity, Hybridity and New Ethnicities - Race, Racism and Popular Culture - Shifting Meanings of Race and Racism - Guide to Further Reading - Bibliography - Index