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Ethnic and Racial Studies
ISSN: 0141-9870 (Print) 1466-4356 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rers20
Whither anti-racism?
Yin Paradies
To cite this article: Yin Paradies (2016) Whither anti-racism?, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 39:1,
1-15, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2016.1096410
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1096410
Published online: 23 Nov 2016.
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Whither anti-racism?
Yin Paradies
Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University, Burwood, Australia
ABSTRACT
In a world where racism persists undiminished (if not intensified) in a multitude
of configurations, there is a pressing need to consider the state of anti-racist
theory and practice. Drawing on the multidisciplinary contributions to this
special issue alongside a panoramic snapshot of current scholarship, this
article wrestles with several matters central to the ongoing development of
anti-racism. Junctures with social justice, equality, recognition, tolerance,
indifference, and acknowledgement are explored along with the varieties, and
co-constitutions, of racism and anti-racism. Post-racial potentialities and the
double-bind of anti-racism amidst the twin liberal desires of sameness and
difference are examined alongside the nascent growth of alter-racism via
concepts such as embodiment, viscerality, humour, affective ambiences, and
everyday race labour. It is hoped that this article will foster ongoing reflection,
discussion, and, most importantly, action aimed at defying racism across the
globe.
ARTICLE HISTORY Received 7 September 2014; Accepted 16 September 2015
KEYWORDS Racism; anti-racism; tolerance; affect; post-racialism; alterity
Introduction
Despite the UN’s Three Decades to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination
(United Nations 2009), racism continues to cause human suffering and fore-
close life choices in every nation of the world. With increased migration
flows, volatile geopolitics, and pronounced permeability and securitization
of national borders, there is an ongoing global need to combat racism
(UNESCO 2005).
Although the term anti-racism was only coined in the mid-twentieth
century (Bonnett 2000), opposition to racism has existed as long as the
phenomenon itself, adapting to contest its mutating schemas across time
and space (Aptheker 1992; Lloyd 1998). In contemporary times, this resistance
is commonly labelled anti-racism, racial justice, or racial equality. Although
numerous scholars have studied various aspects of race, racialization, and
racism, relatively few have centred their work on anti-racism. Important
© 2015 Taylor & Francis
CONTACT Yin Paradies yin.paradies@deakin.edu.au
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES, 2016
VOL. 39, NO. 1, 1–15
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1096410
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exceptions include early monographs (Bonnett 2000; Dei 1997; Gilborn 1995)
and edited collections (Anthias and Lloyd 2002; Bowser 1995; Derman-Sparks
and Phillips 1997; Lentin and McVeigh 2002), along with more recent chapters
(Fozdar, Wilding, and Hawkins 2008;O’Brien 2007; Ruzza 2013), journal special
issues (Arai and Kivel 2009; Young and Condon 2013), and numerous stand-
alone articles (a sample of which I engage with below).
Despite the important contribution of extant scholarship, we still lack a
‘shared notion of what is meant by anti-racism –either at the level of ideology
or political practice’(Solomos and Back 1996, 104), nor is there yet ‘a well
developed typology of anti-racist theory and practice anywhere in the aca-
demic world’(O’Brien 2007, 427). Anti-racism has been minimally defined
by Bonnett (2000)as‘forms of thought and/or practice that seek to confront,
eradicate and/or ameliorate racism’(4) and as ‘ideologies and practices that
affirm and seek to enable the equality of races and ethnic groups’(Bonnett
2006, 1099). Other scholars have described anti-racism as a situation ‘in
which people can live together in harmony and mutual respect’(Anthias
and Lloyd 2002, 16), or the creation of ‘a more just, humane world’(Essed
2013, 3), while Taguieff (2001) critiques anti-racism as ‘a dream of universal
and perpetual peace’(150).
Given this abundance of views, it is not surprising that Keith (2013)has
recently asked what is sought ‘when we engage with the politics of race …
Social justice? Equality? Participation? Recognition? Humanism without
race?’(2–3). Should society strive to eliminate the trope of race entirely or
seek only to eliminate the adverse side-effects of racial membership? In this
special issue lead article, I canvass the spectrum of aporias that coalesce at
the juncture of race, racialization, racism, and anti-racism, examining the
limits and potential (re)configurations of anti-racism(s) in opposing contem-
porary manifestations of racism. I begin by considering definitions of anti-
racism, including various interplays with racism, before reflecting upon the
anti-racist potential of tolerance in particular. After briefly touching on the
concept of indifference, I examine the potential to thwart racism by moving
beyond race. The double-binds that constrain anti-racism are then elucidated
alongside alternatives that may surpass these limitations. I conclude with
implications for evolving anti-racist scholarship and practice in the twenty-
first century.
Defining anti-racism
Given the manifold expressions of racism, there is a clear need to recognize
the concomitant plurality of anti-racisms (O’Brien 2009). To date, the largest
body of anti-racist scholarship has focused on internalized, interpersonal,
and institutional racism through prejudice reduction, countering stereotypes,
and reducing discriminatory behaviour among individuals (Beelmann and
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Heinemann 2014; Paluck and Green 2009; Pettigrew and Tropp 2006). Closely
related research has centred on race-related organizational diversity,
inclusion, and equality (Curtis and Dreachslin 2008; Kandola 2008; Oswick
and Noon 2014). Anti-racist collective action and social change aimed at
addressing inequitable power relations, material disadvantage, and/or realiz-
ing racial justice, ranging from small-scale bystander action (Nelson, Dunn,
and Paradies 2011) to social marketing (Donovan and Vlais 2006; Kwate
2014) and popular movements (Da Costa 2010; Farrar 2004; Lentin 1997),
have also been the focus of seminal scholarship. In addition, conflict resol-
ution and cosmopolitan approaches to anti-racism have examined recog-
nition, acknowledgement, and understanding of cultural difference as key
to viable, sustainable, and legitimate race relations beyond harmony (Al
Ramiah and Hewstone 2013; Dessel and Rogge 2008; Nagda et al. 2009;
Noble 2013b).
Hage (this issue) details a 6-part typology of anti-racism: (1) reducing the
incidence of racist practices, (2) fostering a non-racist culture, (3) supporting
the victims of racism, (4) empowering racialized subjects, (5) transforming
racist relations, and (6) fostering an a-racist culture.
As Hage (this issue) acknowledges, each of these anti-racism types overlap
in practice, an observation emphasized by research findings that mutual
reinforcement across various anti-racisms is most effective in foiling racism
(Paluck and Green 2009; Paradies et al. 2009; Pedersen et al. 2011; Williams
and Mohammed 2013). Given this, it is debatable whether distinct types of
anti-racism can be distinguished or, more importantly, what the value is in
doing so. The task of delineating individual and systemic anti-racism
(O’Brien 2007) is a case in point, given the close connection between individ-
ual agency and institutional structures (Berard 2010).
More broadly, Bonnett (2000) argues that anti-racism ‘cannot be ade-
quately understood as the inverse of racism’(2) in that one person’s con-
ception of anti-racism is another’s idea of racism. An historical illustration of
this is the anti-racist movement that established the West African nation of
Liberia in 1822, a movement that was strongly supported by the Ku Klux
Klan, who welcomed the exodus of blacks from the USA (O’Brien 2007). Impor-
tantly, even when manifestations of racism and anti-racism are clear, they are
often co-constituted within individuals and locales. For example, neighbour-
hoods where racism is rife can also be ‘characterized by the most profound
forms and moments of solidarity’(Keith 2013,17). Hage (2014a) has even
argued for the existence of ‘racist anti-racism’in which individuals protest
racism against themselves and their group but condone it when directed at
other groups in society.
Conversely, it is possible to be an ‘anti-racist racist’(Leonardo and Zemby-
las 2013, 156) in which individuals recognize their own racism while still striv-
ing to overcome it. For those who believe that racism is inherent to
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 3
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contemporary societies and that anti-racist racism is therefore the only achiev-
able goal, an avowed identity of ‘non-racism’only detracts from ongoing
efforts to combat personal racism (Leonardo and Zembylas 2013). This
tension between recognizing and overcoming personal racism has also
been explored in concepts such as reflexive anti-racism (Kowal, Franklin,
and Paradies 2013) and reflexive race cognizance (O’Brien 2001, 56).
In the context of struggles to achieve anti/non-racism, Balint (2006) has
proposed tolerance as a minimal anti-racism whereby citizens are ‘encour-
aged to accommodate differences they may otherwise find distasteful’(57).
Balint (this issue) defines racial intolerance as ‘an act where a person is
somehow hindered …because of their ethno-racial characteristics’, whether
or not the perpetrator is fully aware of, or intending, this hindrance. Hence,
racial tolerance is defined as ‘intentionally not negatively interfering’with
someone on the basis of their ethno-racial characteristics.
The three key critiques of tolerance as anti-racism are that: (1) it is morally
inadequate in that racism should be overcome rather than abided (Habermas
2003), (2) it perpetuates or, at least, fails to remedy the asymmetrical power
relations inherent in racialized systems of disadvantage/oppression (Hage
1998), and (3) it cannot be achieved (Latour 2004) in the context of ‘super-
diversity’(Vertovec 2007). These concerns beg the question of what alterna-
tives to tolerance are possible? Respect, admiration, love, or even celebration
may be ultimate goals for many. However, can these more demanding orien-
tations be achieved without tolerance as an intermediary (Bessone 2013)? Fur-
thermore, if tolerance is too difficult to achieve in modern pluralistic societies,
what hope is there of achieving these more ambitious goals? (Wilson 2014).
Mirchandani and Tastsoglou (2000,56–57) question the implicit assump-
tion that tolerance always involves a majority and a minority, where the
former invariably tolerates the later. They cite relations between Quebec
and the rest of Canada as an example in which both the majority-minority dis-
tinction and the implied power relations are not clear-cut. Ramadan (2010)
has argued that even ‘when standing on equal footing, one does not
expect to be merely tolerated or grudgingly accepted’(47). However, such
equalized power relations appear to be precisely the situation in which toler-
ance is most appealing. When two parties (for example) with commensurate
power elect to recognize each other’s legitimacy to such an extent that they
refrain from translating real and felt objections into hindrance, this is the ideal
basis for negotiation and resolution at the heart of democratic politics (Mouffe
2000).
Balint (this issue) argues that a requirement that goes beyond tolerance to
appreciation and respect for racial difference risks creating new racial hierar-
chies of appeal and favour (e.g. which group do I like best?), while excluding
from the ideal of a good citizen those who are merely neutral or indifferent.
Similarly, Noble (2013a) contends that a ‘moralistic insistence upon the
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“appreciation”of difference …may irritate whatever fault lines exist’(838).
Interestingly, while conceiving of tolerance as a minimal moral obligation,
Balint (this issue) considers ‘indifference’as the eventual anti-racist ideal
(see also Hynes, forthcoming on in-difference as an ambiguous yet productive
process). Akin to this notion of indifference, Van Leeuwen (2010) has pro-
posed ‘side-by-sideness’centred on ‘a desire to live with others rather than
a compulsion to get close to them’(647) as a moral minimum alongside ‘min-
ority accommodation on the political-institutional level’and attention to the
‘basic needs of others’(van Leeuwen 2015, 804–805). Related concepts such
as ‘banal sociality’(Mayblin, Valentine, and Andersson, forthcoming), ‘cultural
blandness’,and‘mundane co-presence’(Jones et al. 2015) also focus on the
under-appreciated value of minimal, light, or non-confrontational
interactions.
Amin (2010), however, is not convinced by such a politics of distance, while
Noble (2013b, 164) asserts that such intercultural civility is not an ‘antidote to
racism’. Perhaps then, we must look to post-raciality as a viable counter to
institutional and systemic racisms beyond the influence of tolerance and indif-
ference? What are the possibilities for a post- or non-racial society? Is racism ‘a
necessary condition for the reproduction of “race”?’(Carter and Fenton 2010,
14). Can or should races persist without racism?
Towards a post-racial future?
Never arbitrary but always historically contingent (Saldahna 2006), ‘race’is var-
iously defined as innate, immutable, reifying, and hegemonic while simul-
taneously, supple, radical, and indeterminate. Race is a biosocial trope
centred on ascribed and essentialized distinctions of appearance, ancestry,
ethnicity, language, culture (Paradies 2006), and, increasingly, religion (Hart-
mann et al. 2011; Meer 2013; Taras 2013). It is undeniable that race has
served as a focal point for belonging, social networks, and communities
(Gines 2003), as well as affirmative action and positive discrimination policy
and practice (Taylor 2014), with ‘collective identities articulated through
race function as a powerful means to coordinate action and engender solidar-
ity’(Paul 2014, 11). Nonetheless, in light of calls to transcend race (Gilroy
2000), proponents of social justice tend to conceive of race as synonymous
with racism in defining individual ‘resources, choices, and opportunities’
(Weiner 2012, 333), with extreme formulations contending that race precludes
equality: while ‘races exist, equality does not’(Colombo 2006, as quoted in Da
Costa, forthcoming-a, 8).
Such reasoning has lead to the growing popularity of colour-blindness,
muteness (Pollock 2004), and evasion (Neville et al. 2013), along with post-/
non-raciality, as intertwined concepts in which individuals are either
unaware of, or unconcerned with, racial difference (Walton et al. 2014). A
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 5
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colour-blind approach was foundational to the US civil rights movement
(Sears 1996), continues to be the preferred policy in nations such as France
(Bonnet 2013), and may be an anodyne form of ‘forgetting’as resilience
(while also remembering as resistence) for those most affected by racism
(Da Costa, forthcoming-b; Hage 2015). Nonetheless, in contemporary dis-
courses, these concepts are frequently deployed to invalidate struggles
against racism by claiming an already achieved state of individual and societal
obliviousness to racial difference and, hence, an implied equality of opportu-
nity/outcomes across races. Such ‘anti-anti-racism’increasingly hampers
efforts to achieve racial justice, ‘while the institutionalization of racial govern-
ance becomes ever more entrenched and legitimated’(Kapoor 2013, 1029).
In recent times, the ‘race as racism’perspective has been co-opted by neo-
liberals, resulting in what Goldberg (2009) has termed ‘racism without race’
and even ‘racisms without racism’. Similarly, Moussavi et al. (2007) has
described colour-blindness as ‘racism without racists’. Within such worldviews,
the eliding of racial injustice is so extreme that anyone invoking the spectre of
racism (or even race) are accused of being the racists themselves (Kapoor
2013).
Although for some, the goal of a ‘non-racist society’has an implied equiv-
alence with hope for ‘a non-racial society’(Hage this issue), I concur with
Lentin (2014) that ‘the post-race argument is not equivalent to one that
would advocate for a post-racist society’(2). Similarly, Monahan (2006) has
asked if ‘eliminating or rejecting race ontologically will undermine racism as
a social phenomenon’(9). In asking us to ‘give up on race before and
without addressing the …scars of racisms’(Goldberg 2009, 21), racial neoli-
beralism blithely assumes that time will heal all wounds. Lentin (this issue)
demonstrates how the need to ask at all is moot when spectacles of ‘racism
in public’are encapsulated as abhorrent and aberrant ‘frozen racism’of
bygone eras while the contemporary ‘motilities’of ‘public racism’that under-
pin societal institutions are successfully erased through ‘deflection, distancing,
and denial’.
Despite the ease with which post-raciality can be commandeered for racist
purposes, a sharp rupture from race in utopian vision of the ‘future-perfect’
(Povinelli 2002) seems palatable (if not preferable) to many proponents of
social justice. However, these same proponents would be disquieted by
moves to erase social difference more generally (e.g. gender, sexuality, and
so on). Few who advocate for race to be abolished also wish to ‘do away’
with social distinctions altogether. To conflate the non-/anti-racist with the
non-/post-racial as ‘virtuous deracination’(Calhoun 2003, 544) fails to recall
that race is nothing more, nor less, than a facet of human diversity. Just as
gender and sexuality (for example) have their own fused genealogies of
oppression and celebration, the fight ‘against racism is only one instance in
the wider struggle for an alternative mode of social existence’(Hage 2014a,
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237). As such, following Monahan (2011) it seems clear that racial justice ‘is
about fostering the conditions wherein …racialized selves can truly make
manifest their humanity’(222) and that it is neither necessary nor desirable
for race (even whiteness) to disappear along with racism (Jeffers 2013).
Recently, it has been suggested that we should seek ‘the freedom not from
race or of a particular race, but the freedom to embrace race without sacrifi-
cing other affiliations, to be both racial and anti-racial at the same time’(Slate
2014, 238). Not to be confused with ‘the gradual erosion of cultural difference
through interethnic mixture and hybridisation’(Amin 2002, 967), this decen-
tring (rather than sublimation) of race within a multiplicity of identities may
be a compromise between hollow claims of post-raciality and the ever-
present danger of racial essentialism. More broadly, this quest for a stable
middle ground stems from anti-racism’s equivocal oscillation between parti-
cularism and universalism (Detant 2005) in which the tension between differ-
ence and equality (Kowal 2008) means that ‘any right to difference’could lead
to a ‘difference of rights’(Ford 2013, 706). Borrowing a term deployed in
relation to racism (Hesse 2004) and whiteness (Ellsworth 1997), this constitu-
tes the potentially ineluctable ‘double-bind’of anti-racism.
Evading anti-racism’s double-bind
Hušek and Tvrdá (this issue) describe the collective singularity, a phenomenon
metaphorically akin to a black hole that traps anti-racism in the ‘dispositives
[of] hysteria, paternalism, individualism and bionumerics’. This singularity
compels anti-racist actors to ‘frame their practices and create lines of argu-
mentation based upon a scheme identical to that employed by the racists’,
leaving racist hegemony and oppression unchecked. Fozdar (2012) has also
highlighted the trap of countering racist discourses about the ‘deviant
other’with anti-racist depictions of the ‘perfect same’, whereby sameness is
re-inscribed while difference is demonized.
In response, recent alter-racist (Hage 2012) scholarship has sought to trans-
cend binary dualisms and dissolve ossified distinctions through alternatives
ranging from the role of white vulnerability and openness in transforming
self-conceptions (Bailey 2011)toa‘slow anti-racism’that exploits barely per-
ceptible non-verbal gestures of individuals (Sharpe and Hynes 2014). In an
episteme suffused and saturated by post-racial neo-liberal discourses, can
such creative approaches effectively repel racism?
Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in the charged racial environment of
Australia’s far north, Lobo (this issue) explores one such creative variegation
of alter-racism, arguing that the stifling affective atmospheres of visceral
racism –perpetrated through glances, gestures, and silences –cannot be con-
tested via ‘thought, reflection, and reasoning’. Rather, Lobo suggests that such
embodied acts of negation must be fundamentally transfigured through
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haptic sensations and memories wherein human dignity is renewed, vitality
affirmed, and non-racist futures invoked.
Sharpe and Hynes (this issue) also engage with viscerality, in their case the
distinct embodiment of humour, specifically the way ‘our body laughs –often
against our better judgments’. They describe the incongruity of humour as a
force with both racist and anti-racist potential. Because racist humour can
often ‘fly under the moral radar’at the ‘less than conscious level’,itmay
best to fight humour with humour rather than an ‘explicitly didactic’anti-
racism. Sharpe and Hynes (this issue) describe the potential of anti-racist
humour to admonish a perpetrator while also inviting them to ‘laugh at them-
selves’. As they note, such humour can also spare targets of racism from the
reductive racialization of moralizing anti-racist discourses (akin to the collec-
tive singularity explored by Hušek and Tvrdá in this issue). ‘Playing with the
margins of …a given moment’(Sharpe and Hynes this issue) anti-/alter-
racist humour may instead transcend this double-bind by inhabiting, rather
than seeking to smooth over, ‘the complex ethics and politics of racism and
anti-racist practice’.
Diverging from Lobo, Sharpe, and Hynes’use of the ‘affective turn’, Aquino
(this issue) explores the cultural repertoires of middle-class Filipino immi-
grants in Australia who find themselves in a liminal space between
inclusion/exclusion and equality/inequality where they are both recognized
and misrecognized. In particular, Aquino explores social mobility of Filipino
migrants based on the tropes of strategic assimilation and individualism.
Drawing on Goffman (1963), Aquino (this issue) reveals the ‘identity work’
through which ‘the compromises and ambivalences of everyday anti-racism’
are played out. She shows how this ‘careful process of fighting stigma and
maintaining respect’is key to surviving, and even thriving, despite the
‘wear and tear of routine racism’. Moving beyond neo-Marxist neglect of
the middle class, this research highlights the vital need to attend to both
sides of the class divide in the ‘complicated labour of fighting racism on the
ground’.
Utilizing Lentin’s(2004)conceptualization of anti-racism as either proximal
or distant from public political culture, we can also ask if anti-/alter-racism
should oppose the state, operate in parallel to it, or seek to ‘co-opt’neo-
liberal discourses through appeals ranging from the legal opprobrium of
human rights to arguments of economic efficiency. In other words, to what
extent is anti-racism founded on ‘democracy, the rule of law, human rights,
equality, tolerance’versus ‘emancipation, empowerment, resistance and liber-
ation’(Lentin 2008, 314). This question depends, in part, on whether racism is
‘becoming intimately fused with the logic and needs of neo-liberal capitalist
accumulation’(Hage this issue), or, indeed, whether racism existed prior to
the advent of capitalism (Isaac 2004; Bethencourt 2014) or persists undimin-
ished in communist and post-communist societies (Law 2012).
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Like racisms without racism, perhaps anti-racisms can be pursued without
anti-racism. This would be an anti-racism subsisting on the ghost-like pres-
ence of ‘non-antiracism’(Chouhan and Lee 2001), striving to reach beyond
racism without explicit reference to it (Hamaz 2008).
Do such approaches sidestep racism by a sleight of hand or do they instead
‘allow the knotty issue of inequalities to slip’by unremarked (Valentine 2008,
333)? While some scholars maintain that ‘the equalisation of the material con-
ditions …is the best hope for a just society, without racism’(Sian, Law, and
Sayyid 2013, 128), the persistence of anti-Semitism (Kremelberg 2009)
without group-level Jewish disadvantage suggests otherwise. This is, of
course, the ‘redistribution-recognition dilemma’identified by Fraser (1997,
13) that prompts questions like: Does distribution flow from recognition
(Butler 1997) and to what extent are sociocultural and material disadvantage
intertwined?
Questions can also be asked about what forms of difference should be
recognized. Anti-racism often focuses on disparities in belonging between
social groups sharing common (or largely overlapping) worldviews, cultures,
languages, and so on. How then should anti-racism be inflected, if at all, by
radical alterity in which the ‘Other’can be culturally as well as socially alien?
Should anti-racism grapple with the ‘incomprehensibility of …patterns of
action’(Van Leeuwen 2008, 154–5) that epitomize cultural alterity, or is the
cry of incommensurable cultural difference only ever camouflage for
ongoing socially-mediated racism targeted at minorities?
This raises the broader issues of the extent to which anti-/alter-racism is
embroiled in the dialectics of particularism versus universalism, advantage
versus disadvantage, proximity versus distance, visibility versus invisibility,
or peace versus conflict. Are such entanglements vital to, or a distraction
from, ‘what we do in the presence of the other’(Markell 2003, 34), including
the pragmatic ‘mundane routines’of everyday anti-racism (Aquino this issue)?
Conversely, ought alter-racism shun a politics of recognition and identity?
Perhaps acknowledgement is an alternative to recognition that can transcend
the choice between ‘a false universalism or an indifferent relativism …by
placing the emphasis upon the constitutive receptivity of selves or commu-
nities to otherness’(Barnett 2005,19) such that alterity is not denied ‘by
attempting to reduce the other to the same’(Grehan 2009, 13).
Future scholarship should also consider whether, as Laurie and Bonnett
(2002) have suggested, ‘the dominance of “Western”discourses on equality
and inequality’perforce ‘marginalize[s] and erase[s] other traditions of antira-
cism’(43) (see, for example, Da Costa 2014). For example, Hage (this issue)
behoves us to move beyond a Western instrumentalist and domesticating
form of anti-racism that valorizes the value of the ‘other’to modes of existence
that privilege reciprocity and mutuality. In such modes, anti-racism is con-
ceived as primarily affective and ‘magical’, where the ‘other’is experienced
ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES 9
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as a gift in, and of, themselves or even as a life that animates and enriches our
own existence.
As shown throughout this article, there are numerous conundrums being
explored by scholars dedicated to understanding and challenging race,
racism, and racialization globally. In asking whither anti-racisms will voyage,
this article has posed many more questions than it has answered. Rather
than prematurely foreclosing through resolution, I have instead attempted
to profile the emerging terrain of anti-racist scholarship. Encompassing contri-
butors from cultural studies, geography, political science, philosophy, and
sociology, this special issue aims to inform the continued growth of anti-/
alter-racisms into the future.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Funding
This work was supported by an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship
[FT130101148].
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