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Ethnic Groups in Conflict
... This is the most popular typology in African majority-based governments, albeit exemplifying the most limited form of executive power sharing in internally divided countries. This version seems to resonate well with Horowitz's (1985) integrative approach to power sharing, which is discussed later in this chapter. ...
... This study sought to examine the veracity of these contentions in the context of the GNU type of power sharing in sub-Saharan Africa. Horowitz (1985), the fiercest critic of Lijphart's consociational approach to power sharing, proposed an "integrative" approach to power sharing and peacebuilding in internally divided countries. Although in reality being a revisionist extension of Lijphart's four-point plan, Horowitz (1985) sought to provide a simplified but thorough version of power sharing. ...
... Horowitz (1985), the fiercest critic of Lijphart's consociational approach to power sharing, proposed an "integrative" approach to power sharing and peacebuilding in internally divided countries. Although in reality being a revisionist extension of Lijphart's four-point plan, Horowitz (1985) sought to provide a simplified but thorough version of power sharing. His main contention was that consociationalism has tendencies of naturalising social cleavages and creating a fractured nation state that exists under conditions of a perpetual possibility of conflict whenever vested interests are violated. ...
This study comparatively examined how governments of national unity (GNUs) in Liberia (2003), Kenya (2008), and Zimbabwe (2009) served as an institutional engineering mechanism for political stability, inclusion, and socio-economic and human development (SEHD) in sub-Saharan Africa. It was conducted under the auspices of consociational theory and the liberal institutional reform approach to peacebuilding. The main research question of this study was: Are GNUs a necessary political solution to facilitate political stability, as well as to facilitate post-conflict cooperative governance or coalitions for the advancement of economic development and human security as set out in Africa’s Agenda 2063? The study found that political stability measured in terms of peacefulness, rule of law, political inclusion, and political freedom indicators improved during GNU power sharing in two sampled GNU cases. Some SEHD indicators in the post-GNU segment also improved compared to the pre-GNU period. The study observed that capability of GNU power sharing to improve political stability and SEHD was more in cases that had more favourable contextual factors and adhered to more key conceptual principles of consociationalism in a power-sharing framework. External pressures
and guarantees were very useful in creating the sticks and carrots needed to create a successful GNU in all cases. The study contributes to liberal institutional reform approach to peacebuilding by redefining political stability to include indicators such as the rule of law, respect for human rights and SEHD in addition to the cessation of hostilities as key result areas to be assessed in evaluating the successes of GNUs. To consociational theory, the study contributed by developing analytical frames that can be used to collect and create public datasets on GNUs and conceptualise peacebuilding interventions in a manner that emphasises sustainable development goals. This study argues that the cessation of hostilities after GNUs can only mean sustainable political stability when accompanied by the institutionalisation of strong rule of law, respect for human rights and addressing socio-economic triggers of political instability. The conclusion that the inclusion of more conceptual tenets of consociational power sharing in GNUs increases political stability and SEHD in a post-conflict era is of primary interest to institutional designers in divided societies and regional and international peace and development players.
Keywords: Government of national unity, Power sharing, Socio-economic and human
development, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Liberia
... La non-récurrence des coups d'État est aussi associée à la mise en place de techniques de « coup proofing » (Horowitz 1985 ;Quinlivan 1999 ;Roessler 2011 ;Sudduth 2017 ;De Bruin 2018). L'une des techniques les plus relevées ici est la constitution de contrepoids militaires mieux formés, mieux entrainés, mieux équipés et mieux renseignés que les armées régulières. ...
... L'infiltration est mobilisée dans la perspective de déceler les complots avant qu'ils ne se concrétisent, de diviser pour mieux régner ou de faire obstruction à 1996-1997Luc Loé Administrateur civil 1991-1996Jean Fochivé Police 1990-1991François Roger Nang Juriste 1989-1990 Gilbert Andze Tsoungui Administrateur civil 1985-1989Denis Ekani Administrateur civil 1983-1984 Martin Mbarga Nguele Police Source : Compilation originale de l'auteur à partir des recherches faites sur les sites internet de la présidence de la République et de la Délégation à la sûreté nationale (DGSN). ...
Résumé
Dans la littérature existante, les auteurs associent l'absence et la non-récurrence des intrusions militaires dans le champ politique à la peur des sanctions d'un éventuel échec, à des nominations militaires sélectives sur la base identitaire, à la mise en place de contrepoids militaires, à l'institutionnalisation d'un régime de privilèges militaires et au sens de professionnalisme de l'armée. Partant du postulat que les militaires sont des acteurs rationnels dont la loyauté et la fidélité peuvent évoluer en fonction des conjonctures et des « fenêtres d'opportunités » qui se présentent à eux, cet article montre que ces facteurs ont un pouvoir explicatif limité et soutient qu'une surveillance efficace – aussi bien des militaires que des acteurs sociopolitiques qui peuvent leur donner un prétexte d'intrusion dans le champ politique – est le facteur déterminant. Au-delà de la non-occurrence du coup d’État, cette explication contribue à la littérature sur les stratégies de survie autoritaire. Cette littérature met un accent exclusif sur la répression, la cooptation et la légitimation ; or, la surveillance s'entremêle avec ces stratégies, et ce sont leurs effets combinés qui créent les conditions de la persistance autoritaire.
... decades, there has been an expansion in research on why individuals in these areas support self-determination movements or secession and on territorial preferences more broadly. Events in Catalonia, Scotland and Corsica, among others, have renewed attention to self-determination movements, and social scientists have provided theory and evidence on their origins, success and potential for violence (see, e.g., Cunningham, 2014;Gehring & Schneider, 2020;Griffiths, 2016;Hechter, 2001;Horowitz, 1985, Elias et al., 2015. This scholarly literature, including studies of the aforementioned regions, welcomingly hones in on the individual-level correlates of support for such movements and associated political parties (e.g., Agneman, 2022;Argelaguet, 2021;Hierro & Queralt, 2021;Loewen et al., 2015;Muñoz & Tormos, 2015;Serrano, 2013). ...
... This literature, in unpacking group-level claims and focusing on individual preferences, challenges and builds upon classic works that had theorised about group-level sub-state identities-such asHorowitz (1985) regarding ethnic separatism orHechter's (2001) typologies of political struggles of nations-which tended to downplay the nuances of individual territorial preference in favour of group-level analysis.2 For example, in Quebec, there is discussion about the economic effects that the self-determination referendum had on the regional economy, with many firms relocating from Montreal for Toronto. ...
Research on territorial preferences in self-determination disputes has traditionally focused on economic and identity-related factors. However, the impact of social costs-encompassing overall societal comfort and conviviality-on specific preferences for territorial strategies remains understudied. This paper presents a novel perspective by investigating how social costs affect such policy preferences in Catalonia, a region in Spain where secession has become a politically salient and defining feature of the political debate in recent decades. Through embedded experiments conducted within regionally representative online surveys over two time periods, we examine the relationship between social costs and preferences for territorial strategies. Our theoretical framework and empirical findings underscore the importance of considering social costs as a determinant of policy preferences, warranting further cross-national exploration-beyond territorial debates.
... In the field of ethnic studies, there are incessant debates regarding the conceptualization of ethnicity, its structure, complexities, subtleties, distinctiveness, and how these impact ethnic conflicts (Brubaker, 2006;Brubaker et al., 2004;Chandra, 2006;Comaroff & Comaroff, 2009;Horowitz, 1985;Jenkins, 2014). Green (2022, p. 22) asserts that ethnicity is an "almost 'chameleonic' concept to grasp" not only because it is often conflated with similar notions such as race, tribe, and nationhood but also as a consequence of the fact that arriving at a universally accepted characterization of ethnicity is quite a daunting task for scholars of ethnic studies as the term varies from one society to another. ...
... Our definition is consonant with those of eminent scholars of ethnic studies (Eriksen, 2010, pp. 16-17;Horowitz, 1985;Varshney, 2002;Wimmer, 2013). What is more, we employ ethnic cosmopolitanism to refer to an inclusive worldview that recognizes and values cultural diversity and promotes harmonious coexistence amongst peoples from different ethnic backgrounds. ...
... Az etnikai csoportok fogalmával (Weber, 1921;Horowitz, 1985) és az etnikai mobilizáció okaival (Deutsch, 1966;Olzak, 1983), valamint az etnikai pártok definíciójával kapcsolatban terjedelmes szakirodalom áll rendelkezésre. Az etnikai párt egy vagy több etnikai csoport érdekeit képviseli, miközben kizár másokat, és ez a képviselet a szervezet mobilizációs stratégiájának központi eleme (Bugajski, 1994;Chandra, 2011;Chandra-Metz, 2002). ...
... Az etnikai párt egy vagy több etnikai csoport érdekeit képviseli, miközben kizár másokat, és ez a képviselet a szervezet mobilizációs stratégiájának központi eleme (Bugajski, 1994;Chandra, 2011;Chandra-Metz, 2002). Bár Horowitz (1985) azt állítja, hogy az etnikai pártot a támogatói bázisa alapján lehet azonosítani, Chandra (2011) szerint több mutató (pl. név, kampányüzenet, képviselt témák, támogatói bázis, vezetés) együttes vizsgálata szükséges ahhoz, hogy egy pártot etnikainak lehessen nevezni. ...
Az etnoregionális pártok törekvésein, a megfogalmazott célok különbségein alapuló tipológiák megalkotásának Nyugat-Európában évtizedes hagyományai vannak. A kelet-közép- európai térség etnikai, etnoregionális szervezeteiről ilyen összegző munkák a rendszerváltozás óta eltelt három évtized során alig születtek. Szinte közvetlenül a demokratikus átalakulás után, a nemzeti és etnikai identitások (újjá)éledésének, valamint a kulturális és területi igények megfogalmazásának időszakában a térség etnikai mozgalmait Janusz Bugajski rendezte típusokba. A kialakított kategóriák – kulturális megújulás, politikai autonomizmus, területi önrendelkezés, szeparatizmus, irredentizmus – felülvizsgálatára, a szervezetek céljainak újbóli értékelésére mindezidáig nem került sor. Jelen tanulmány az egyik legfrissebb, a korábbi munkákat szintetizáló nyugat-európai tipológia adaptálásával, a szervezetek alapdokumentumaiban megfogalmazott céljainak vizsgálata alapján a kelet-közép-európai etnoregionális pártok típusainak meghatározására tesz kísérletet.
... Ethnic and religious cleavages can also contribute to the dynamics of conflict and violence within societies. In contexts where different ethnic or religious groups compete for resources, power, or influence, these divisions can exacerbate social tensions and lead to the emergence of violent extremism (Fearon & Laitin, 2003;Horowitz, 1985). Moreover, historical grievances and a legacy of intergroup violence can create a self-reinforcing cycle of violence and retaliation, in which terrorist acts by one group are met with counter-violence by other groups, further fueling the escalation of terrorism (Lake & Rothchild, 1996;Sambanis, 2001). ...
In an increasingly interconnected world, the specter of terrorism continues to haunt societies across the globe. Terrorism has evolved over time, adapting to the changing contours of political, social, and economic landscapes. With its persistence and ability to cause widespread fear, terrorism poses significant challenges to global security, peace, and prosperity. It is, therefore, imperative to deepen our understanding of terrorism, its driving factors, and its various manifestations to develop effective strategies and policies to counter it. "Understanding Terrorism: Concepts, Theories, and Causes" aims to equip readers with the necessary knowledge and tools to comprehend this complex phenomenon and contribute to informed debates on counter-terrorism.
The lack of a universally accepted definition of terrorism has hindered our ability to fully understand and address the issue. This book critically engages with the existing definitions and acknowledges the political nature of the term, which has contributed to the difficulty in reaching a consensus. Despite this challenge, it is essential to investigate the theories that have emerged to explain the persistence of terrorism. By examining psychological, sociological, and political perspectives, we will delve into the multifaceted nature of terrorism and the factors that drive its occurrence.
A comprehensive understanding of terrorism necessitates an exploration of its causes. By analyzing individual, structural, and ideological factors, we seek to provide a nuanced understanding of the various drivers of terrorism. This book will focus on the political, economic, psychological, social, and cultural factors that underpin terrorism, shedding light on the conditions and motivations that give rise to such acts.
To ground our analysis in empirical evidence, we will examine a wide range of case studies from different regions and historical periods, illustrating the diverse forms and manifestations of terrorism. These case studies will help readers gain insights into the complex dynamics at play, the relationships between terrorist groups and their targets, and the broader political contexts within which these groups operate.
This book will also explore the potential emergence of a fifth wave of terrorism and the prospects for effective counterterrorism in the face of evolving challenges. By understanding the drivers of terrorism and the factors that shape its trajectory, I hope to empower readers to contribute to the development of sound strategies and policies for a more secure world.
... In (an extended version of) communal democracy, we can argue that there are many different types of communities that can become acknowledged, for instance, ethnic, linguistic or religious communities, but also corporations, with the latter bringing in corporatist models (see, e.g., McRae, 1979). In particular, the democratic practices in, and research on, so-called 'divided societies' produce a diversity of communal democratic models, including consociational democracy (Lijphart, 1969), integrative democracy (Horowitz, 1985) or centripetalism, and communalism (Reilly, 2011). 9 Federalism can also be seen as a formal translation of the model of communal democracy. ...
Democracy and Media in Europe: A Discursive-Material Approach is a theoretical reflection on the intersection of democracy and media through a constructionist lens.
This focus allows us to understand current political struggles over democracy, and over media’s democratic roles, with the latter ranging from the traditional support for an informed citizenry and the watchdog role, to the organization of agonistic debate and generating fair and dignified representations of society and its many (sub)groups, to the facilitation of maximalist participation in institutionalized politics and media. Moreover, the book’s reconciliation of democratic theory and media theory brings out a detailed theoretical analysis of the core characteristics of the assemblages of democracy and media, their conditions of possibility and the threats to both democracy and media’s democratic roles.
This short book provides in-depth reflections on the different positions that can be taken when it comes to the performance of democracy as it intersects with the multitude of media in the 21st century. As such, the volume will be of interest to scholars of media and communication and related fields in the social sciences.
... La confrontación entre poderes del Estado constituye una manifestación paradigmática de un conflicto político en un sentido amplio. Los conflictos bajo esta tipología pueden definirse como fenómenos complejos en su estructura-Crisis política y conflicto interinstitucional entre el Parlamento y el Ejecutivo en el Perú (2016-2018): una aproximación sociométrica a las interacciones competitivas en contextos de confrontación política Juan Francisco Morales Giraldo ción y dinámicos en su desarrollo que involucran una confrontación de múltiples intereses, valores o percepciones divergentes en el ámbito de la esfera política (Gurr, 1970;Lipset & Rokkan, 1967;Horowitz, 1985;Fearon & Laitin, 1996;Tilly, 2006). El conflicto político se manifiesta cuando existen desacuerdos fundamentales entre individuos, grupos o instituciones en relación con la distribución del poder en sus diversas expresiones materiales, inmateriales o simbólicas, o por el acceso a las instancias de toma de decisiones para lograr una mayor representación de sus propios intereses en la esfera pública, situaciones que pueden ser divisivas para una sociedad o pueden llegar a generar tensiones y disputas que afecten la estabilidad y el funcionamiento de las instituciones políticas (Dahl, 1961;Lijphart, 1977;Huntington, 1968). ...
El gobierno del presidente Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (2016-2018) estuvo caracterizado desde el comienzo por un ambiente político hostil debido a una serie de desencuentros con el Parlamento y niveles de desaprobación ciudadana en aumento. Eventualmente, la crisis se agravó con la renuncia forzosa del presidente y un nuevo ciclo de disputas y hostilidad entre poderes del Estado. En este trabajo se analiza la dinámica de confrontación entre el Ejecutivo y el Parlamento entre esos años para explicar el deterioro del sistema político bajo un creciente rechazo de la ciudadanía hacia ambas instituciones. El eje argumental de la investigación aborda el concepto de apoyo político como posible factor explicativo.
... Dans de nombreux pays postcoloniaux, la recherche de l'équité et la volonté de l'État de rééquilibrer les relations de pouvoir et les positions socio-économiques se sont traduites par l'institutionnalisation de programmes nommés « discrimination positive » en Inde, « standardisation » au Sri Lanka, « politiques reflétant le caractère fédéral du pays » au Nigéria. Horowitz (1985) démontre, qu'à de rares exceptions près, ces politiques, loin de favoriser le compromis, se sont avérées source de conflit, dont Tambiah (1986) fait d'ailleurs la démonstration éloquente pour le Sri Lanka. Sowell (1989) ainsi que Moynihan (1993) s'appuient sur ces expériences « désastreuses » pour réitérer les vertus et les promesses des droits individuels et de la justice distributive face aux dangers des politiques corporatistes. ...
... This form of voting is particularly prevalent in societies with deep ethnic divisions. Scholars such as Horowitz (1985) have demonstrated how ethnic affiliations can become the primary determinant of electoral outcomes in multi-ethnic societies. Ethnic voting contributes to the "ethnicization" of politics, where elections become contests of identity rather than platforms for policy debates (Posner, 2005). ...
Journal of Iranian International Legal Studies
The Journal of Iranian International Legal Studies outlines the mission and objectives of the Iranian Independent International Bar Association (IIntbar) for law graduates and civil activists. Membership in IIntbar is accessible to these individuals, emphasizing the transition of legal practice from a commercial profession to a civil advocacy role. The primary philosophical step in this transformation is redefining legal practice from a purely financial derivative to an outcome of civil actions in defense of international rights for individuals, nations, and even states.
Membership and submission of manuscripts is open to civil activists (regardless of their nationality) and law graduates in the fields of philosophy of law, religious law, international law, and philosophy of politics. IIntbar aims to establish a new perspective in defending the global rights of Iranians and Middle Eastern nationals. It operates independently, with no affiliations to the Islamic Republic of Iran or any other governments, serving as a platform for discourse and research in international law. The association is not a professional guild and will maintain its independent and non-governmental status.
Manuscripts and publications can be submitted to this journal by authors from any country, without any restrictions based on nationality.
... Simply put, a nation can be characterized as "a named human population that shares a historic territory, common myths and historical memories, a mass public culture, a common economy, and common legal rights and responsibilities for all its members" [16] [17]. According to Smith [18], a nation's identity is made up of various components such as socio-economic class, religion, ethnicity, and the flexible character of nationalism. ...
... Though regulatory and legal provision exists at local and national levels, they are not always enforced. (Sisk and Reynolds 1998, Elklit 2007, Bjornlund et al 2007, Horowitz 2001, Reynolds 2002, Lijphart 2004, Reilly 2006, HRW 2007, Omobowale and Olutayo 2007. ...
The conduct of elections posses serious challenge to many developing democracies in Africa including Nigeria, in terms of attaining legitimacy through free, fair, credible and violence free elections. This scenario portends grave danger to Nigeria's democratic project as violence has become synonymous with democratic elections even though, in modern times, genuine democracy is associated with peaceful elections. Against this backdrop, this paper surveys opinion of Nigerians on the impact of electoral violence on voter participatory behaviour in the electoral process. The multi-stage sampling technique was used to select six thousand, two (6,000) respondents across the six geopolitical zones of the country. The data were analyzed with the aid of the Chi-Square and Yule's Q to test and determine the degree of association inherent in the stated hypotheses. The study discovered that voter participation in the electoral process is hampered by widespread violence and feeling of insecurity resulting in abstention and apathy. Consequently, some policy implications become imperative. For example, the government is advised to set in motion mechanism to forestall outbreaks of violence and ensure prompt prosecution of electoral offenders; The INEC should conduct transparent and credible elections; the political parties should conduct democratic campaigns, primaries and general elections; while the electorates are advised to choose candidates based on competence, and resist the temptation to sell votes. Succinctly, the realization of fairness, credibility, violence free elections, and effective voters' participation in the pursuit for democratic consolidation entails the collaboration of all stakeholders in the Nigerian democratic project.
... This reduces the need for restrictions against or exclusion of ethnic minorities. The emphasis on non-voluntary features enables preservation of distinctive identities (Smooha, 2002;Horowitz, 1985). Thus, the unity resulting from a political culture, as described in classical nationalism, is believed to bolster the development of formal democracy (Kedourie, 1960). ...
Background: National identity, the sense of belonging to a nation, significantly influences both unity and division within societies. It can be voluntary, based on shared beliefs, or non- voluntary, tied to ancestry. These aspects affect democracy in distinct ways. Further, national identity encompasses the attitudes and emotions that people hold towards their nation. This dissertation examines how national identity impacts democracy at both the individual and the societal level. Although the theoretical links between national identity and democracy are well-established, empirical research on these relationships remains scarce. This study seeks to address the gap by exploring the effects that various forms of national identity have on individual support for democracy and the level of formal democracy across different countries.
Data and Methods: This dissertation primarily uses cross-sectional data and employs a range of analytical techniques that include multilevel models, mediation analysis, and ordinary least squares regression. Data are sourced mainly from the European Values Study (EVS), the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), the Varieties of Democracy (V- Dem), and the Project Manifesto. The datasets offer comprehensive coverage of national identity and democracy, enabling a robust analysis of their interrelationships across various contexts and time periods.
Results: At the societal level, top-down nationalism driven by political elites and non-voluntary collective national identity among the populace negatively affect formal democracy. When top-down nationalism and non-voluntary national identity coexist, there is an interaction effect that further diminishes the level of formal democracy. At the individual level, a stronger emphasis on non-voluntary features of national identity correlates with lower support for democracy. Additionally, there is an interaction effect between the societal and individual levels, whereby higher levels of formal democracy amplify the negative relationship between non-voluntary identity and support for democracy. The negative impact of non-voluntary national identity on civic beliefs and participation largely explains its negative correlation with support for democracy. Taken together, the analyses underscore the detrimental impact of non- voluntary national identity on democracy, suggesting that fostering a democratic ethos requires promoting inclusive, voluntary aspects of national identity. No relationship was found between national attachment and the level of formal democracy.iConclusion
These results challenge classical and liberal nationalist views. They suggest that strong, shared national identities do not necessarily lead to positive democratic outcomes. Promoting inclusive, voluntary aspects of national identity aligns with core democratic values, such as political equality, whereas non-voluntary aspects of national identity do not. Thus, non-voluntary national identity seems to be an obstacle to democratic trajectories.
... Conflicto Étnico: Se refiere a tensiones y enfrentamientos entre diferentes grupos étnicos dentro de una sociedad, a menudo debido a diferencias en identidad cultural, religión, lengua y prácticas sociales. Según Horowitz (2018), estos conflictos se agravan cuando un grupo percibe que es objeto de discriminación o injusticia en comparación con otro. Las políticas inclusivas y el reconocimiento de la diversidad cultural son esenciales para reducir estos conflictos, ya que promueven el respeto y la igualdad entre los diferentes grupos étnicos. ...
La investigación explora cómo la innovación tecnológica fortalece el análisis de conflictos sociales. Sus objetivos específicos Explorar cómo el Big Data, la inteligencia artificial y el Sistema de información geográfica fortalece el análisis de conflictos sociales; el aporte que brinda esta investigación ser referente en mostrar las innovaciones tecnológicas para el análisis de conflictos, el estudio es de enfoque cualitativo, método inductivo, tipo básica, diseño fenomenológico, técnica la entrevista, instrumento la guía de entrevista. Concluye que la innovación tecnológica fortalece el análisis de conflictos sociales al proporcionar herramientas avanzadas que permiten una comprensión más precisa y detallada de las dinámicas conflictivas. Tecnologías como el análisis de datos en tiempo real y las plataformas de monitoreo mejoran la capacidad de las instituciones para anticipar y gestionar conflictos. Estas innovaciones no solo aumentan la eficiencia operativa, sino que también facilitan la toma de decisiones informada y proactiva, contribuyendo a una mejor gestión de los conflictos sociales.
... This makes it not only a flexible word that admits multiple meanings but also a socio-political indicator in many contexts. That is why in comparative politics, "identity" plays a central role in work on nationalism and ethnic conflict (Horowitz 1985;Smith 1991;Deng 1995;Laitin 1999). That is to say, deciphering identities would help in understanding the reasons behind conflicts. ...
Dealing with identity and belonging in multicultural societies means zooming out the entire relevant perspectives to understand how individuals in such contexts foresee themselves and their sense of belonging while struggling to fit into their geographical sphere’s complicated structure. Accordingly, this study navigates the multifaceted and complex notion of multiculturalism by examining the way individuals feel about who they are while being personally triggered by living within the ambivalence of various linguistic mediums, traditions, and lifestyles. Hence, it delves in-depth into the feeling of divergence and the mix of the desire to melt in and the desire to preserve one’s own authentic culture. Integrating quantitative and qualitative insights, it forges a clear vision of identity formation and belonging in pluralistic societies. Besides, relying on studies carried out in sociology and psychology, it underlines the nuanced interplay between individual identity and collective belonging, which unravels how social structures influence personal perceptions of the self and community integration within multicultural environments. Thus, it demonstrates that harmonizing different cultural affiliations to foster inclusive communities encounters complex challenges, promoting a reconsideration of identity frameworks. Ultimately, proving that hybrid identity construction and belonging have implications, especially in terms of social acceptance and collective flourishing. Thus, it concludes that approaching the issue of identity and belonging entails seeing it as not only a physical experience, but also a social and emotional struggle to identify the self.
... Como puede apreciarse, todas estas exploraciones éticas se sustentaban en diversas expresiones tributarias del análisis político contextual (Goodin & Tilly, 2008), y era bajo sus límites que asumía que el multiculturalismo implicaba también conflictos morales poco abordados, lo mismo que inducía a los grupos étnicos a entrar en conflicto sustentados en su singularidad y derechos exclusivos, lo que suscitaba que nuestros valores morales aporísticos los ideologizaran como si fueran los herederos del mito del buen salvaje (Dimova-Cookson, 2010;Horowitz, 2000;Elligson, 2001;Clifton, 1990;Flanagan, 2008). No obstante mis límites, fue esta última percepción la que me condujo directamente al asunto de la ideología armónica (Nader, 1991), ideología que frecuentemente se oculta en la acción política comunitarista, y su extensión hacia la llamada "comunidad antropológica". ...
La presente Conferencia Magistral se dictó en el marco del III Congreso Mexicano de Antropología Social y Etnología “Sociedades y culturas en transformación: nuevos debates y viejos derroteros en la antropología mexicana” el 24 de septiembre de 2014. La misma se llevó a cabo en el Auditorio Gustavo Baz, del Palacio de la Antigua Escuela de Medicina, ubicado en el Centro Histórico de la Ciudad de México.
... This form of voting is particularly prevalent in societies with deep ethnic divisions. Scholars such as Horowitz (1985) have demonstrated how ethnic affiliations can become the primary determinant of electoral outcomes in multi-ethnic societies. Ethnic voting contributes to the "ethnicization" of politics, where elections become contests of identity rather than platforms for policy debates (Posner, 2005). ...
Electoral engineering refers to a range of tactics employed by political actors to manipulate election outcomes, undermining the principles of democratic governance. By distorting voter behavior through various means, such as ethnic voting, vote buying, religious influences, and partisan loyalty, electoral engineering poses significant challenges to the legitimacy of elections. This paper offers a comprehensive theoretical review of electoral engineering and its impact on democratic processes. The study identifies and analyzes four main types of non-democratic voting practices and provides a framework for understanding their effects on democracy.
... Halbuki etnik kimliğin daha yaygın kullanımı, ırk, din, dil, renk, milliyet ve sınıfları içeren ve 'çatı kavram 'olarak kullanılan biçimidir. Bu anlayışa göre etnik kimlik, insanın kendisinde doğuştan bulunan ya da yaşamı boyunca kendi iradesiyle kabullendiği veya iradesinden bağımsız bir biçimde üstüne yapışan birtakım özellikler bütünüdür (Horowitz, 1985). ...
İsrail’in 7 Ekim 2023 tarihinde gerçekleşen Aksa Tufanı Operasyonu’na verdiği karşılık, soykırım suçları kapsamında değerlendirilebilecek uygula-malar ve müsebbibi olduğu katliamlar sonucunda apartheid rejimi kavramı dünya genelinde ciddi bir biçimde tartışılır hale geldi. Bu makalenin amacı uluslararası sözleşmeler ışığında apartheid suçu ve bu suçun temelini oluş-turan ırksal ayrımcılığın kökenlerini İsrail örneği üzerinden incelemektir. Öncelikle sosyal psikoloji alanında yapılan çalışmalar göz önünde bulundu-rulduğunda etnik kimliğe dayalı gruplaşmaların özünde maksimum fayda-dan ziyade diğer grupla maksimum ayrışmanın ön plana çıktığı görülmek-tedir. Elde edilen bulgular İsrail-Filistin meselesi özelinde incelendiğinde İs-rail’in ‘makbul Yahudi’ kimliğini teşvik ettiği ve bu kimliğin dışında kalan tüm etnik gruplara ayrımcılık uyguladığı anlaşılmaktadır. İsrail’de uygula-nan etnik ayrımcılığa sadece Filistinliler değil, Afrika ve Sefarad Yahudileri de muhatap olmuştur. Başta Birleşmiş Milletler olmak üzere uluslararası kurum ve kuruluşların hazırladığı raporlar ve kararlar ışığında Filistin’e uygulanan ayrımcılık incelendiğinde, Filistinlilerin İsrail anayasasına yer-leşmiş sistematik bir ayrımcılığın muhatabı olduğu görülmektedir. Filistinli-ler, İsrail’de yaşayan İsrail vatandaşları, Doğu Kudüs’te yaşayan süresiz oturuma sahip Filistinliler ve işgal altında Batı Şeria ve Gazze’de yaşam mücadelesi veren Filistinliler olarak üç farklı nüfuz bölgesinde çeşitli düzey-lerde apartheid rejimine muhatap olmaktadırlar. Bilhassa Doğu Kudüs, Batı Şeria ve Gazze’de yaşayan Filistinliler uluslararası sözleşmelerde apartheid suçları olarak tanımlanan suçların neredeyse tamamına maruz kalmaktadır-lar. İsrail’in uyguladığı toprak politikası, Yahudiler ve Filistinliler olarak özetlenebilecek iki yapılı hukuk sistemi ve Filistinlileri bölmeye ve sürgün etmeye odaklı çeşitli işgal politikaları apartheid suçlarının ana omurgasını oluşturmaktadır.
... During colonial rule, arbitrary borders were often drawn without regard to ethnic, cultural, or linguistic boundaries, leading to fragmented societies (Horowitz, 2015). Post-colonial states inherited these divisions, frequently being sources of tension and conflict. ...
This study sought to analyse the nature and causes of conflict among communities bordering in Borabu-Sotik border Kenya. Cross-border conflicts have long existed worldwide, with recent ethnic and communal tensions affecting Africa, including Kenya. This study utilised descriptive statistics and a qualitative research design, focusing on churches at the Borabu-Sotik border, such as SDA, PAG, and Catholic, with a target population of 7,738 respondents. In the context of interfaith relations at Borabu and Sotik, churches play a significant role in conflict resolution through mediation and negotiations. Religious leaders actively mediate disputes and promote compromises between conflicting parties. Additionally, the church contributes to nation building by advocating for peace and supporting youth often involved in conflicts. The church collaborates with the government and other agencies to address social issues like land rights and ethnic discrimination, thus maintaining stability and security. The study used purposive and simple random sampling to select a sample size of 392 respondents, comprising 35 church leaders and 357 church members. Proportionate sampling methods were employed to categorize the sample according to churches. Stratified random sampling was usedto select the respondents, who were then given questionnaires. Data collection tools included interview schedules for church leaders, questionnaires for church members, focus group discussions, and a checklist. Descriptive statistics such as percentages, means, and standard deviations were analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS).
... Although this seemingly harmonizes this attribute across the four concepts, their definition of groupness varies. Some employ ethnicity as a descent-based attribute in the tradition of Horowitz (1985) and Chandra (2006)-including ethnic, racial, religious, and national identity targets (e.g., Bulutgil, 2016;Cederman et al., 2010;Garrity, 2022a;Mann, 2005). In contrast, other scholars define their target identity of interest specifically in non-ethnic terms, including political (Harff, 2003;Steele, 2017) or wartime loyalties (Balcells, 2017;Balcells and Steele, 2016). ...
Eliminationist policies, as defined in this article, are deliberate actions by state or non-state actors that aim to destroy, remove, or erase certain groups on the basis of salient social identity characteristics. Conflict, nation-building, and forced migration scholars examine different facets of these policies, and related tactics, motivated by different research questions and methodological choices. This has resulted in academic silos, with varied conceptualizations, operationalizations, and scope conditions. These, in turn, limit theory-building and testing, introduce sources of potential bias, and undermine the generalizability of the findings. To address these shortcomings, we propose a broader field of ‘eliminationist politics’ encouraging cross-field dialogue. We propose that bringing these scholars into conversation will enhance theorizing, generate new research questions, and spur data collection efforts.
... On hierarchical conflicts, Horowitz (1985) makes a distinction between different ranks. He calls them the "ranked" and "un-ranked. ...
... Organizations that have strong networks, relationships, and communication channels with conflicting parties, government officials, and local communities can facilitate dialogue, build trust, and foster cooperation. Track-two diplomacy initiatives organized by NGOs bring together diverse stakeholders to discuss contentious issues and explore mutually acceptable solutions (Horowitz, 2000). Furthermore, the political context and power dynamics surrounding a conflict significantly influence the effectiveness of non-state actors in dispute resolution. ...
The escalating complexities of maritime disputes necessitate a nuanced examination of the evolving role of non-state actors in maritime diplomacy. This research delves into the conceptualization of non-state actors in international relations, with a primary focus on the roles played by international organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in resolving maritime disputes. Employing qualitative research methods using secondary data, this study draws on existing literature to analyze the conceptual frameworks, roles of international organizations in conflict resolution, contributions of NGOs to maritime diplomacy, and factors influencing the effectiveness of non-state actors in dispute resolution. Findings illuminate the multifaceted nature of non-state actors, showcasing their diverse contributions to diplomatic efforts, from mediation and conflict prevention to post-conflict reconstruction. This research contributes novel insights by synthesizing existing knowledge on non-state actors in the context of maritime diplomacy and providing a comprehensive understanding of their impact on global and regional maritime governance. The study's findings inform policymakers, scholars, and practitioners engaged in maritime diplomacy, shedding light on the intricate dynamics that shape the effectiveness of non-state actors in addressing maritime challenges. Keywords: conflict resolution, international organizations, maritime diplomacy, NGOs, non-state actors
... The distinctive features of ethnicity can be linguistic and/or historical (Giddens, 1995: 252-253). Horowitz (1985) adhered to a similar interpretation. Undoubtedly, the environment in which a person is immersed leaves a colossal imprint on their personality, shaping them as a political actor. ...
This study delves into the issue of state fragility, specifically exploring features distinctive to multicultural and polyethnic communities. It examines the potential impact of changes in ethnic proportions within the modern-day Russian Federation, their hypothetical link to the stability of the political system and the functionality of its institutions. To assess whether ethnic diversity contributes to intra-systemic issues, an ethnic vigilantism propensity (EVP) index is proposed as a quantitative measure. The study highlights the importance of addressing ethnic heterogeneity to mitigate ethnic vigilantism and suggests that further research is needed to fully understand these dynamics. The results offer a new perspective on ethnic conflicts by considering insights from human ethology and their relevance to political science and practice addressing political system stability.
... As Horowitz (1985) argues, among power-sharing options available to the leaders of deeply divided societies, some form of federalism is believed to reduce conflict between and among culturally defined groups since it provides for the exercise of both self-rule and shared rule. In order to address the hitherto sense of domination, marginalization and exclusion felt by the various ethno-linguistic communities constituting the Ethiopian state, the new EPRDF government devised a federal system that is structured along ethno-linguistic cleavages. ...
The Ethiopian experiment with ethnic-based federal system is arguably precipitated by historical grievances that the various ethnic communities had with successive Ethiopian regimes. However, the system that has been put in place to address such historical ills is producing serious impediments for the free mobility of citizens within and across state lines and thereby posing a threat to peaceful coexistence. This chapter is an attempt to provide theoretically and contextually grounded analysis-mail: berhanwota@gmail.com. Abdissa Zerai 2 attributing the current crisis partly to the constitutional adoption of contradictory conceptions of freedom of mobility and the attendant land ownership rights.
... As Horowitz (1985) argues, among power-sharing options available to the leaders of deeply divided societies, some form of federalism is believed to reduce conflict between and among culturally defined groups since it provides for the exercise of both self-rule and shared rule. In order to address the hitherto sense of domination, marginalization and exclusion felt by the various ethno-linguistic communities constituting the Ethiopian state, the new EPRDF government devised a federal system that is structured along ethno-linguistic cleavages. ...
The Ethiopian experiment with ethnic-based federal system is arguably precipitated by historical grievances that the various ethnic communities had with successive Ethiopian regimes. However, the system that has been put in place to address such historical ills is producing serious impediments for the free mobility of citizens within and across state lines and thereby posing a threat to peaceful coexistence. This chapter is an attempt to provide theoretically and contextually grounded analysis-mail: berhanwota@gmail.com. Abdissa Zerai 2 attributing the current crisis partly to the constitutional adoption of contradictory conceptions of freedom of mobility and the attendant land ownership rights.
What is identity really? What gives a person identity? Is it birthplace, colour, gender or legal papers that prove who a person is? Can identity be acquired by integration? These are some of the questions that this paper seeks to answer in the context of African immigrants in Germany. It is also important to note that most of the immigrants have a lot of unanswered questions in relation to identity. This paper is motivated by the conditions of Afro-Germans who have learnt to live with the following questions: 1) “Where do you come from or Woher kommen Sie?” 2) “When are you going back to Africa or Wann werden Sie zuruck zu Ihrem Land?” These two questions will guide this paper in its reflection on the identity crises of African immigrants in Germany. Empirical data was gathered through random and unstructured interviews with thirteen Afro-Germans in Bayern. The paper also makes use of secondary literature obtained from newspapers, published journals and academic texts that deal with immigrants.
This article reviews the literature on nationalism and ethnic mobilization. I first discuss the different strands of research in the field, highlighting three key sources of division that characterize existing literature: geography, ethnic cleavage type, and strategy of mobilization. Arguing that the lack of dialogue between different niches of research can undermine the accumulation of general knowledge, I propose an integrated perspective on nationalism and ethnic mobilization that serves to assimilate findings from these separate niches. I conclude by discussing how such an integrated perspective can enhance our knowledge of the causes, dynamics, and consequences of ethnic mobilization.
A rumor is one important means of mobilizing force for conflict and also work as a justification for resorting to violence. The problem of the study is increasing the density of the ethnic riot by rumors. The overall objective of the study was finding out that how rumors pave the way to expand communal rivalries to inter-ethnic riot. Specific objective was how rumours pave the way to expand communal rivalries to inter-ethnic riot in Mawanella. The present study is an exploratory which describes the ethnic relations and rivalries in the ethnic township of Mawanella, Sri Lanka. It is based on both primary and secondary data. Tools were employed to collect data, the discussion with key informants and others in face to face contact in the process of data collection and observation. The study revealed the findings as follows. Through pre-riots, an attempt had been made to arouse ethnic sentiments. An ethnic crowd are not known to each other personally and imaginary. So, a threat aimed at a member of the same ethnic group that they belong to is considered as a threat at them. The attempt made by the pre-riot rumors had been to cater such emotions. By the present emotion revealed, what could be interpreted is, that riot leaders of both Sinhalese and Muslim communities, have made an attempt to support. Particularly, by the relevant rumors concerning the religious statues and the religious priesthood, it looks like an attempt to adopt religious fervor as an instrument to retaliate. In analyzing the nature of the various rumors spreading during the post-riot situations, it looks like a design to continue the stressful conditions without a break. Rumors are fabricated by the spoilers in the conflicting situation; they were politicians, extremist religious leaders or robbers and thieves. The conclusions of the study are Rumors are structurally embedded in the riot situation and they facilitate communal violence, in many ways, because they are satisfactory and useful to rioters and their leaders, and efforts to counter rumors to misdirected and it promote either involvement or none involvement. Rumors are employed by both sides to mobilize the members of ethnic communities to face real or imagined damages for the people as a community and the cultural symbols of the community by the said to be an enemy community.
The African continent is faced with dreadful civil wars that bedevil the international community. However, in contemporary times, the narratives are beginning to shift following the Arab Spring. Nonviolent conflict has become a key strategy employed by African citizens to express grievance demands and expectations for change, especially in undemocratic and authoritarian regimes. In West Africa sub region, for instance, Burkina Faso known for coup ridden history, through civil resistance, was able to oust the 27-year-old authoritarian regime to transition into a multiparty ‘democratic’ state in 2014. It is intriguing to unpack the nuances leading to the toppling of the authoritarian regime by unarmed force in a country known for rampant military takeovers and armed struggle. This article navigates secondary data, theoretical literature, and content analysis to offer a comprehensive grasp of the Burkinabé uprising. The article argues that mass participation and the media among other factors were instrumental in changing the rigid to a ‘flexible’ political climate in Burkina Faso. Though this remark appears fascinating, we do not know if Burkina Faso will resort to coups to change regimes in the future. The article reinforces earlier observations that nonviolent dissent is effective for democratization and socioeconomic and political change, unlike armed resistance.
Ethnic movements continue to challenge state governments globally, with many ethnic conflicts revolving around the status of groups’ territories. Yet, politically mobilized ethnic groups vary considerably in their territorial demands: some press for increased autonomy or even outright secession, while others do not make such demands at all and prefer integration in the existing state. What explains this divergence in ethnic group demands with respect to the group's territorial status? We argue that the expected benefits of ethno-regional autonomy or secession compared to integration in a centralized state differ across distinct segments within the group as a function of three structural factors: heterogeneity in the group's income sources, cultural divisions, and territorial fragmentation, leading to disagreement over self-determination demands between different political organizations representing the same ethnic group. We test our argument using an expanded version of the Ethnic Power Relations–Organizations (EPR-O) dataset. Our pre-registered study finds support for one of our hypotheses: heterogeneity in groups’ income sources increases disagreement over self-determination demands. This finding sheds new light on the structural sources of internal divisions within ethno-political movements.
Electoral violence is a critical challenge to democratic processes in Nigeria, undermining the credibility and integrity of elections. This paper explores the underlying causes of electoral violence and proposes strategies for its prevention to achieve credible elections. Drawing on Social Identity Theory (SIT), the study highlights how group dynamics and social identities shape behaviour and contribute to conflict during elections. Factors such as political exclusion, economic disparities, and historical grievances are identified as primary drivers of violence. The paper argues for a multifaceted approach to prevention, including fostering inclusive political representation, promoting intergroup dialogue, challenging harmful social norms, and supporting electoral education. Additionally, the role of responsible media, institutional legitimacy, and nonviolent conflict resolution are emphasized. By addressing the root causes and implementing these strategies, Nigeria can enhance the credibility of its elections and ensure a stable and democratic political environment. The study underscores the importance of understanding social dynamics and adopting comprehensive measures to mitigate electoral violence effectively.
How can low levels of violent extremism in enabling environments be explained? The post-war history of Bosnia-Herzegovina has been marked by prolonged political crises, economic instability, and precarious security for citizens. The combination of a relatively young, unstable democracy and social grievances creates fertile soil for different forms of radicalization and the proliferation of various extremist ideologies. This has, in turn, allowed extra-institutional groups to challenge formal institutions. Despite this, there have been few violent extremist attacks, and those that have been carried out were small-scale and failed to expose any deep reservoir of violent extremism. What, then, does this deviant case reveal? Utilizing social movement theory and political opportunity structures, this article explores how structural conditions in the political and discursive space of Bosnia-Herzegovina affect the protest repertoires of extremist movements. Two main arguments are put forward. First, extra-institutional groups must be understood as rational actors with broader claims that exceed the use of violence. Second, distinguishing between radicalization that links to violent extremism and radicalization that aims to initiate societal change through non-violent means can help us better understand the dynamics behind societal change in fragile environments.
This study delves into the intricate dynamics between journalism and contemporary social-political conflicts. It aims to comprehend the challenges journalists face when reporting on such conflicts, encompassing physical risks in conflict zones, ethical dilemmas arising from portraying sensitive issues, and economic pressures influencing media coverage decisions. Grounded in the theoretical framework of Peace Journalism, the study adopts principles emphasizing accuracy, fairness, and the promotion of dialogue over sensationalism. Utilizing the descriptive research method, the study consults and analyzes relevant literatures, documents, and records to interrogate media ethics and power in multicultural Nigeria. Findings reveal challenges in conflict reporting, including threats to physical safety, ethical quandaries, and economic constraints shaping narratives. Social-political conflicts trigger shifts in the media landscape, influencing news consumption patterns, contributing to media polarization, and fostering the rise of citizen journalism facilitated by social media platforms. Hence, the study offers a set of recommendations to address identified challenges. These encompass safeguarding press freedom, implementing media literacy programs, providing comprehensive journalist training and support, diversifying news sources, establishing ethical reporting guidelines, promoting peace journalism initiatives, fostering international collaboration, launching public awareness campaigns, investing in conflict reporting, and advocating for ongoing research and continuous monitoring.
Violence, crime and insecurity have challenged democratic governance in Guyana. Violence and crime equally impede human development since they generate fear and anxiety, and in effect deny an essential form of freedom, that is, freedom from fear. Critical to understanding crime and violence in Guyana is an analysis of their political and ethnic manifestations. The variables crime, violence, ethnicity and politics have intersected and intertwined and at times they appear indistinguishable, particularly during elections. This chapter explores the connections between crime, violence, politics and ethnicity. It reviews the historic and contemporary linkages between ethnicity, politics, crime and violence. It then examines ethnic contestation and conflict, particularly during elections and the types of violence used to serve political and ethnic agendas.
This chapter seeks to highlight the historical process through which the social structures, social institutions and ideologies have evolved and been transformed in terms of their ethnic profile. The three historical phases or periods of concern are the pure plantation period (slavery), the plantation period modified (indentureship and wage labour) and the plantation period further modified. These periods were selected particularly because of the significant institutional changes which they represent. They all were ushered in by what historical institutionalists refer to as critical junctures. While periodisation as a strategy in historical sociology has its weaknesses, it provides the opportunity to both abstract from the identified periods the essential variables in a manner characteristic of eidetic reduction in phenomenological research and to compare, contrast and account for the changes or persistence over time of those variables of interest. Periodisation also makes it easy to manage what is historically an extended period inundated with a rich and substantial amount of variegated historical data.
While the nation-state remains the prevailing mode of political organization in the world today, many states now offer a range of institutional mechanisms designed to accommodate the diversity of the populations they serve. There are, however, critical times, when institutions are reorganized in more radical fashion in response to particularly pressing challenges, including identity-based conflicts and political violence.
The article discusses the risks of conflict of macropolitical identities in regional political processes on the example of the North Caucasus. Macropolitical identity reveals the totality of different ways of identifying with the community that is associated with the state. The significance of group, ethnic and confessional interests for the multi-ethnic population creates risks of politicization of identities. Differences in identity priorities remain between representatives of the North Caucasian peoples and the Russian population of the region. The youth of the North Caucasus is losing traditional identification guidelines and social norms, and is in search of new grounds for self-identification. The erosion of civic identity requires a search for new foundations for strengthening Russian identity, based on broad historical and cultural (civilizational) codes. Stopping ethno-political conflicts, depoliticization of ethnicity is becoming one of the priorities in the management of multi-ethnic communities.
Kongsi Raya (2022) is a Malaysian film that explores the challenges of interethnic relationships in a multicultural society. The film follows the story of a Malaysian Chinese man and a Malay woman who fall in love, but their relationship is met with disapproval from their respective fathers. The film examines the similarities and differences between Malay and Chinese cultures, religions, and languages, and how these differences can both hinder and facilitate interethnic relationships. This chapter analyses the film by focusing on four aspects: firstly, the representation of the similarities and differences between Malay and Malaysian Chinese cultures, religions, and languages; secondly, the dynamic relationship between the Malay-dominant group and the Malaysian Chinese as the minority group; thirdly, the language used in the film and its impact on the production and reception of the film. Lastly, the chapter analyses the ways in which the Malays and Malaysian Chinese preserve traditional elements and contest Western elements in the context of modernisation. The chapter argues that Kongsi Raya is a significant film that provides a unique perspective on interethnic relationships in Malaysia. The film challenges stereotypes and misconceptions about Malay and Chinese cultures and offers a nuanced, though in some ways limited, portrayal of the challenges and rewards of interethnic love in Malaysia.
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