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El mercado de la autenticidad. Las nuevas ficciones patrimoniales

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Hoy podemos decir que lo patrimonial se ha convertido en fetiche metacultural reificado, translocalizado y recontextualizado, que genera un amplio mercado articulado alrededor de la autenticidad (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004; Frigolé, 2014). Nunca antes habíamos asistido a un crecimiento de la demanda y consumo patrimonial tan acusado; asistimos, en términos de Heinich (2009), a una inflación patrimonial. La fábrica patrimonial parece bien engrasada para dar respuesta a los tiempos que corren en la medida que genera espacios de autenticidad altamente deseados. El espectacular incremento patrimonial ha sido impulsado por la propia democratización de su enunciado, pero también por la mundialización de su producción y por un aumento exponencial de su demanda. La expansión iniciada en la última década del XX, coincidiendo con la explosión de la industria del turismo global, ha continuado con energía en las dos primeras décadas de nuestro siglo. La entrada del patrimonio inmaterial, en las exclusivas listas de la UNESCO, ha sido el último eslabón para redondear la cadena patrimonial. Inclusión que puede ser leída desde múltiples perspectivas, pero que responde, entre otras, a la transformación de la racionalidad de la economía neoliberal. Ahora conviven las distintas formas patrimoniales -culturales, naturales e inmateriales- engrosando tanto los números como las ansias patrimoniales.
... Pilgrimages provide the added differentiating value of the authentic, which is a plus, as opposed to the artificial [53]. Authenticity is a key element in this sacred journey [67,68], which has given rise to the concept of rural sociability: the paradox that participants enjoy contact with nature but are also With the passing of the years, the event has become a very important tourist resource due to its marked ascetic and community character [61,66], its magic and beauty, but also because of two important facts: the path that links the small village of Useres with San Joan de Penyagolosa was Pilgrimages represent an excellent element of attraction for both pilgrims and tourists. Pilgrimages provide the added differentiating value of the authentic, which is a plus, as opposed to the artificial [53]. ...
... Pilgrimages provide the added differentiating value of the authentic, which is a plus, as opposed to the artificial [53]. Authenticity is a key element in this sacred journey [67,68], which has given rise to the concept of rural sociability: the paradox that participants enjoy contact with nature but are also inevitably in contact with others [62]. On the other hand, there is also the feeling of identity and of belonging to an original community [66], of recovering our origins in the rural sphere, which we all have hidden and relegated as we are now part of urban society [62]. ...
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The organization of an open-air sporting event involves a series of challenges. People are drawn by the desire to do sport, preferably in close contact with nature, so as to complement healthy lifestyles, and in search of air purity. Sporting organizations are increasingly searching for new locations that do not only attract athletes, but spectators and companions too. Races in natural parks provide the additional benefit of doing sport in a unique space, usually a transmitter of simplicity, pure air, and tranquillity. Organizing a mountain race in a natural park implies some issues. These are areas of great environmental richness that must be protected. Natural parks are places of individual recreational activity. Within the running phenomenon, a new type of mountain race has appeared: the hiking-oriented pilgrimage, in which athletes travel ancestral paths, pilgrimage routes thus combining sport practice with spirituality. This paper aims to analyse all the actions and policies that were carried out for the peaceful integration and coexistence of two totally different events that coincide physically and temporally: the Penyagolosa Trails race, and the Peregrins de les Useres, an ancestral pilgrimage that is carried out by each and every one of the towns belonging to the Penyagolosa Natural Park. The objective is to demonstrate the sustainability of the project thanks to the collective effort and the goodwill of the interested parties, in a way that produces a mutual benefit.
... La transformación de la racionalidad de la economía neoliberal ha traído consigo la creciente mercantilización de la cultura y el ocio, la expansión de la industria del turismo global y el despliegue de la gestión de los intangibles (Anheier y Isar 2008;MacCannell 1999;Scott 2007;Throsby 2001). En este contexto de mundialización neoliberal, el desembarco del patrimonio inmaterial ha sido aplaudido porque responde a la perfección a la lógica y las demandas de un mercado globalizado ansioso por consumir autenticidad (Boltanski y Chiapello 2002;Comaroff y Comaroff 2009;Davallon 2010;Frigolé 2014;Harvey 1998;Santamarina y Moncusí 2015). De hecho, hoy podemos afirmar que el mercado dispone de lo patrimonial como un activo económico de primer orden (Ashworth y Van Der Aa 2006;Brumann 2012;Meskell 2013Meskell , 2014Schmitt 2008). ...
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In this article, we discuss the conflicting nature of heritage which is usually silenced by its powerful representation as a cul- tural, social and economic capital, and as a sign of distinction. We will focus on tango and fallas and how they both became registered in the Representative List of Intangible Heritage. Based on those cases, we explore the hegemonic dimension of heritage processes as well as the bellicose local resistances that confront the logic of neoliberal heritage. The examples throw some light on the conflicts that may arise between the different interests, logics and agents involved in heritage processes. They also reveal the nature of the political and economic contexts that make the heritagisation possible. Beyond the distances and specificities of our two cases, they expose how the two nominations coincide with specific policies of urban regeneration, known as the New Urban Policy (NUP). Neoliberal globalization articulated around the intangible economy and the cultural and leisure industry take shape within the smart cities which redefine old places into new urban spaces. Intangible heritage plays a key role in these processes.
... Hoy, el patrimonio, como fetiche metacultural (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2004) es un constructo que se expande con intensidad, desde mediados del siglo XX (Polout 2006;Choay 1996), coincidiendo con la eclosión de la industria del turismo global (MacCannell 1999), reconfigurando mercados, en creciente aumento, articulados alrededor de la autenticidad (Davallon 2010;Frigolé 2014;Santamarina y Moncusí 2015). La última adquisición del patrimonio institucionalizado ha sido la aparición de lo inmaterial en el seno de la UNESCO (Convención para la Salvaguardia del Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial, París, 2003) contribuyendo a la colonización semántica del término. ...
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Durante las últimas décadas hemos asistido a un crecimiento espectacular del fenómeno patrimonial. La eclosión patrimonial, entre otras cosas, puede ser leída como una cara más del tercer espíritu del capitalismo. El desembarco de la economía de los intangibles y el acento en la producción del valor de lo inmaterial ha cambiado las reglas del juego de la economía mundial. Nuestra hipótesis de partida es que hemos asistido a una importante transformación en las activaciones patrimoniales: del nacionalismo político, que impulsó el patrimonio colectivo en el XIX, hemos pasado al nacionalismo de consumo en el siglo XXI. En este contexto, este artículo analiza el distinto impacto que tienen los procesos patrimoniales en función de la posición que ocupan sus territorios en los mercados globales. Dicha posición incidirá en su carta de presentación apareciendo las ciudades creativas o los pueblos con encanto. Ambas formas son, en realidad, caras de un mismo proceso.
... o en el discurso del propio Koichiro Matsuura, director de la UNESCO entre 1999y 2009 (Aikawa, 2004). (Davallon, 2010;Frigolé, 2014;Santamarina y Moncusí, 2015). Si a esto le añadimos la obsesión en los relatos por la reafirmación de la heterogeneidad y las diferencias, frente a los procesos de homogeneización, desterritorialización e hibridación, se entenderá mejor el énfasis en salvaguardar las diferencias. ...
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En este artículo proponemos una aproximación a las políticas impulsadas, en los últimos años, sobre el patrimonio inmaterial valenciano. Para ello, en primer lugar, proponemos un breve marco interpretativo desde donde poder abordar el análisis que nos ocupa. La explosión de lo inmaterial se encuadra en las nuevas políticas patrimoniales desplegadas por la UNESCO, pero también responde al llamado tercer espíritu del capitalismo y a las transformaciones acaecidas en los sujetos/objetos patrimoniales. En segundo lugar, realizamos una aproximación al marco normativo del patrimonio cultural valenciano, para ver cómo ha encajado en su legislación lo inmaterial. En tercer lugar, tratamos de ver qué imagen se proyecta o se construye tras las activaciones patrimoniales de los bienes inmateriales en el País Valenciano. Desde nuestra consideración, resulta significativa, por un lado, la ubicación de los bienes escogidos en cuanto encapsuladores de lo que se entiende o se impone como patrimonio inmaterial; y, por otro, la estrategia política mostrada hasta el momento, que parece enfocarse hacia para el reconocimiento de bienes para la Lista de Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial de la Humanidad. Por último, para cerrar este trabajo, realizamos una reflexión sobre el tipo de activaciones que se están produciendo y nos planteamos si la fetichización y mercantilización de lo inmaterial puede ser sorteada con la participación y la implicación de la comunidad English In this article we propose an approximation to the policies implemented in the last few years on the Valenciano intangible heritage. To achieve this goal, first we propose a succinct interpretative framework to contribute to the analysis of patrimonial issues. The explosion of the intangible must be understood in the context of the heritage policies unfolded by UNESCO but also taking into account the so called “capitalism third spirit” and the transformations suffered by the patrimonial subjects/objects. Secondly, we analyze the Valencian normative cultural framework to understand how it has absorbed the intangible in its legislation. Thirdly, we highlight the image that is constructed and projected by the patrimonial activation of the PaísValencià intangible goods. The location of the chosen goods is extremely relevant as it has an impact on what is considered or imposed as intangible heritage. The political strategy used to date seems focused on achieving recognition by List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Lastly, the article discusses if participation and community implication can counteract the fetishization and commodification that one observes in current processes of patrimonial implementation
... Despite the multiple meanings of the term, authenticity as an operational category refers to the authentication necessary for its implementation. The authorisation or legalisation of its attributes would be the responsibility of experts, in view of their expert knowledge (Davallon 2010;Frigolé 2014;Santamarina and Moncusí 2015). This shall be further explored below. ...
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Heritage as a category reflects diverse political positions. All heritagisation processes imply the creation of hierarchies, selection, ranking, and categorisation of what is worthy or unworthy of being heritage, and all heritage creation involves certain disciplinary processes that confer legitimacy. As a modern invention, heritage was built on two closely related cornerstones: the distinction between nature and culture and the difference between normalised knowledge and marginal knowledge. As a result, refining processes were applied which became strategies to legitimise political domination. In this paper the constituent process of heritage creation and its links to normative knowledge are analysed, illustrating the various relationships between types of knowledge in the heritagisation process with the case of the Albufera Natural Park in Spain. A particular focus is placed on the processes that affect territories and natural resources, modifying the material conditions of the local population. Beyond giving rise to a mere acceptance of imposed expert knowledge, the analysed dynamics reveal the responsiveness of the local actors, as they make use of this knowledge in the context of a counter-hegemonic discourse.
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In this article, we aim to focus on how the Iberian past (sixth century to the first century BC) has been used both to shape identities and to produce values in the marketplace and how the triad of the past, authenticity, and tradition is key in the commodification of the Iberian world. To do so, we will examine developments in the village of Moixent (Valencia, Spain). In this town, the Iberians and their archaeological remains are presented as the protagonists of the area, accompanied by several “heritage stratifications.” Through case studies of family-run wineries, we analyze the process of symbolic appropriation of the Iberians in the local wine sector and its confluence with cultural tourism as well as how it has led to the development of territorial branding based on the past.
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