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El mercado de la autenticidad. Las nuevas ficciones patrimoniales
Abstract
Hoy podemos decir que lo patrimonial se ha convertido en fetiche metacultural reificado, translocalizado y recontextualizado, que genera un amplio mercado articulado alrededor de la autenticidad (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 2004; Frigolé, 2014). Nunca antes habíamos asistido a un crecimiento de la demanda y consumo patrimonial tan acusado; asistimos, en términos de Heinich (2009), a una inflación patrimonial. La fábrica patrimonial parece bien engrasada para dar respuesta a los tiempos que corren en la medida que genera espacios de autenticidad altamente deseados. El espectacular incremento patrimonial ha sido impulsado por la propia democratización de su enunciado, pero también por la mundialización de su producción y por un aumento exponencial de su demanda. La expansión iniciada en la última década del XX, coincidiendo con la explosión de la industria del turismo global, ha continuado con energía en las dos primeras décadas de nuestro siglo. La entrada del patrimonio inmaterial, en las exclusivas listas de la UNESCO, ha sido el último eslabón para redondear la cadena patrimonial. Inclusión que puede ser leída desde múltiples perspectivas, pero que responde, entre otras, a la transformación de la racionalidad de la economía neoliberal. Ahora conviven las distintas formas patrimoniales -culturales, naturales e inmateriales- engrosando tanto los números como las ansias patrimoniales.
... Pilgrimages provide the added differentiating value of the authentic, which is a plus, as opposed to the artificial [53]. Authenticity is a key element in this sacred journey [67,68], which has given rise to the concept of rural sociability: the paradox that participants enjoy contact with nature but are also With the passing of the years, the event has become a very important tourist resource due to its marked ascetic and community character [61,66], its magic and beauty, but also because of two important facts: the path that links the small village of Useres with San Joan de Penyagolosa was Pilgrimages represent an excellent element of attraction for both pilgrims and tourists. Pilgrimages provide the added differentiating value of the authentic, which is a plus, as opposed to the artificial [53]. ...
... Pilgrimages provide the added differentiating value of the authentic, which is a plus, as opposed to the artificial [53]. Authenticity is a key element in this sacred journey [67,68], which has given rise to the concept of rural sociability: the paradox that participants enjoy contact with nature but are also inevitably in contact with others [62]. On the other hand, there is also the feeling of identity and of belonging to an original community [66], of recovering our origins in the rural sphere, which we all have hidden and relegated as we are now part of urban society [62]. ...
The organization of an open-air sporting event involves a series of challenges. People are drawn by the desire to do sport, preferably in close contact with nature, so as to complement healthy lifestyles, and in search of air purity. Sporting organizations are increasingly searching for new locations that do not only attract athletes, but spectators and companions too. Races in natural parks provide the additional benefit of doing sport in a unique space, usually a transmitter of simplicity, pure air, and tranquillity. Organizing a mountain race in a natural park implies some issues. These are areas of great environmental richness that must be protected. Natural parks are places of individual recreational activity. Within the running phenomenon, a new type of mountain race has appeared: the hiking-oriented pilgrimage, in which athletes travel ancestral paths, pilgrimage routes thus combining sport practice with spirituality. This paper aims to analyse all the actions and policies that were carried out for the peaceful integration and coexistence of two totally different events that coincide physically and temporally: the Penyagolosa Trails race, and the Peregrins de les Useres, an ancestral pilgrimage that is carried out by each and every one of the towns belonging to the Penyagolosa Natural Park. The objective is to demonstrate the sustainability of the project thanks to the collective effort and the goodwill of the interested parties, in a way that produces a mutual benefit.
... All three are conveyed by the notion of naturalness, with nature presented as a naked, indisputable truth. In and of itself, nature is a source of authenticity, and authenticity is a condition that ratifies truth (Santamarina & Moncusí 2015). It is important to note that the key boundaries in our cultural praxis are treated as self-evident (Comaroff & Comaroff 1991), their self-evidence being a powerful device for reproduction: it need not be explicitly stated, because it works (Nature = health + ritual + primordial). ...
In recent decades, the neoliberal conservation model has become the dominant global approach to nature conservation. The emergence of this paradigm has led to the imposition of a market logic, based on neoliberal philosophy, coinciding with a significant decrease in public investment in conservation. This, in turn, has brought about major transformations in the management of protected areas, resulting in a combination of private interests and initiatives for environmental protection. The complex current scenario is mobilizing a hegemonic discourse about nature in which socio-ecosystems are impacted by market strategies and the logic of competition. In this context, sustainable development is presented as a means for reconciling conservation goals with those of economic development. Branding in protected areas is presented as another option for the 'nature business' under the aegis of sustainable development. In this article we present a comparative analysis of how programs, brands and logos were created in the nature park networks of three regions in Spain (Andalusia, Catalonia and the Valencian Community). We examine the different strategies implemented by the respective territories to achieve their goals in environmental policymaking, by analyzing the realization of official programs. To conclude, we question whether neoliberal conservation may actually be reversing its own purposes: protecting in order to commercialize instead of conserving to protect.
... Within the context of creative economies, heritage listings are clearly aimed at the global market and seek to improve their position within it by using the UNESCO brand (Santamarina and Del Mármol 2020). The growing demand for consumption based on authenticity has been shaped by heritage marketing and the marketing of authenticity (Del Mármol and Estrada 2018;Santamarina and Moncusí 2015). In fact, "the quest for authentic experiences is considered one of the key trends in tourism" (Kolar and Zabkar 2010, 652). ...
In 2003, UNESCO took a turn in its heritage policies with theConvention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible CulturalHeritage. From that point on, intangible assets were equated inquality and character with the cultural and natural heritage thathad been defined as world heritage three decades earlier. Thebeginning of this recognition coincided with the expansion of thecreative economy and the development of the new spirit ofcapitalism. In this context, this paper aims to analyze how themarket opened up to the intangible by examining the FallasFestivity (Spain), included in the List of the Intangible CulturalHeritage of Humanity in 2016. For this purpose, we present thedifferent levels of competition that come into play; explore how avariety of different meanings are shaped when a UNESCO asset isactivated by the political sphere and the media; and we examinethe bureaucratic process involved in achieving a UNESCO listing.The case considered here allows us to observe the existence of aglobal competition for entering the heritage market circuit, whichhas become increasingly demanding and linked to the demandsof the tourism industry, in which the UNESCO brand plays a keyrole. The global struggle for the UNESCO seal and heritage brandmanagement has placed our collective heritage in a prominentposition in political agendas.
... En gran medida, la problemática de la autenticidad en los procesos patrimoniales actualmente es discutida en términos de los enfoques que se centran únicamente en los efectos del poder en la definición de la misma y aquellos focalizan en las posibilidades de reapropiación, resignificación y resistencia por los sujetos subalternos. En relación a la primera línea, algunos autores señalan que, en el marco de la gestión neoliberal del patrimonio, las experiencias declaradas auténticas son apropiadas por el mercado y generan valor económico; esto implicaría la imposición de una identidad prefabricada, a medida del consumidor (Frigolé, 2014;Santamarina & Moncusi, 2015;Del Mármol & Santamarina, 2019). Esto conduciría a la estandarización y eliminación de las diferencias culturales locales, más que a la incorporar los puntos de vista indígenas (Ruhanen & Whitford, 2019). ...
El objetivo de este trabajo consiste en reflexionar sobre patrimonio, pueblos indígenas y autenticidad en las perspectivas de “desarrollo con identidad”. Actualmente, las mismos presentan protagonismo en la gestión patrimonial en los ámbitos internacionales y nacionales. A partir de una investigación antropológica que estoy desarrollando en la provincia de Salta, en el norte de Argentina, apunto a considerar cómo en la implementación de estos enfoques se delimitan determinados aspectos en torno a la preservación y la autenticidad, cuáles son las prácticas que involucran y cómo los indígenas se apropian, recrean y desafían dichas nociones. Considero que las novedades en torno a la autenticidad en estos enfoques refieren a principios y valores que permean dicha noción en términos de una nueva configuración moral, entre los cuales adquiere relevancia la delimitación de lo auténtico como respeto a la diversidad cultural.
... La transformación de la racionalidad de la economía neoliberal ha traído consigo la creciente mercantilización de la cultura y el ocio, la expansión de la industria del turismo global y el despliegue de la gestión de los intangibles (Anheier y Isar 2008;MacCannell 1999;Scott 2007;Throsby 2001). En este contexto de mundialización neoliberal, el desembarco del patrimonio inmaterial ha sido aplaudido porque responde a la perfección a la lógica y las demandas de un mercado globalizado ansioso por consumir autenticidad (Boltanski y Chiapello 2002;Comaroff y Comaroff 2009;Davallon 2010;Frigolé 2014;Harvey 1998;Santamarina y Moncusí 2015). De hecho, hoy podemos afirmar que el mercado dispone de lo patrimonial como un activo económico de primer orden (Ashworth y Van Der Aa 2006;Brumann 2012;Meskell 2013Meskell , 2014Schmitt 2008). ...
In this article, we discuss the conflicting nature of heritage which is usually silenced by its powerful representation as a cul- tural, social and economic capital, and as a sign of distinction. We will focus on tango and fallas and how they both became registered in the Representative List of Intangible Heritage. Based on those cases, we explore the hegemonic dimension of heritage processes as well as the bellicose local resistances that confront the logic of neoliberal heritage. The examples throw some light on the conflicts that may arise between the different interests, logics and agents involved in heritage processes. They also reveal the nature of the political and economic contexts that make the heritagisation possible. Beyond the distances and specificities of our two cases, they expose how the two nominations coincide with specific policies of urban regeneration, known as the New Urban Policy (NUP). Neoliberal globalization articulated around the intangible economy and the cultural and leisure industry take shape within the smart cities which redefine old places into new urban spaces. Intangible heritage plays a key role in these processes.
... Hoy, el patrimonio, como fetiche metacultural (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2004) es un constructo que se expande con intensidad, desde mediados del siglo XX (Polout 2006;Choay 1996), coincidiendo con la eclosión de la industria del turismo global (MacCannell 1999), reconfigurando mercados, en creciente aumento, articulados alrededor de la autenticidad (Davallon 2010;Frigolé 2014;Santamarina y Moncusí 2015). La última adquisición del patrimonio institucionalizado ha sido la aparición de lo inmaterial en el seno de la UNESCO (Convención para la Salvaguardia del Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial, París, 2003) contribuyendo a la colonización semántica del término. ...
Durante las últimas décadas hemos asistido a un crecimiento espectacular del fenómeno patrimonial. La eclosión patrimonial, entre otras cosas, puede ser leída como una cara más del tercer espíritu del capitalismo. El desembarco de la economía de los intangibles y el acento en la producción del valor de lo inmaterial ha cambiado las reglas del juego de la economía mundial. Nuestra hipótesis de partida es que hemos asistido a una importante transformación en las activaciones patrimoniales: del nacionalismo político, que impulsó el patrimonio colectivo en el XIX, hemos pasado al nacionalismo de consumo en el siglo XXI. En este contexto, este artículo analiza el distinto impacto que tienen los procesos patrimoniales en función de la posición que ocupan sus territorios en los mercados globales. Dicha posición incidirá en su carta de presentación apareciendo las ciudades creativas o los pueblos con encanto. Ambas formas son, en realidad, caras de un mismo proceso.
... o en el discurso del propio Koichiro Matsuura, director de la UNESCO entre 1999y 2009 (Aikawa, 2004). (Davallon, 2010;Frigolé, 2014;Santamarina y Moncusí, 2015). Si a esto le añadimos la obsesión en los relatos por la reafirmación de la heterogeneidad y las diferencias, frente a los procesos de homogeneización, desterritorialización e hibridación, se entenderá mejor el énfasis en salvaguardar las diferencias. ...
En este artículo proponemos una aproximación a las políticas impulsadas, en los últimos años, sobre el patrimonio inmaterial valenciano. Para ello, en primer lugar, proponemos un breve marco interpretativo desde donde poder abordar el análisis que nos ocupa. La explosión de lo inmaterial se encuadra en las nuevas políticas patrimoniales desplegadas por la UNESCO, pero también responde al llamado tercer espíritu del capitalismo y a las transformaciones acaecidas en los sujetos/objetos patrimoniales. En segundo lugar, realizamos una aproximación al marco normativo del patrimonio cultural valenciano, para ver cómo ha encajado en su legislación lo inmaterial. En tercer lugar, tratamos de ver qué imagen se proyecta o se construye tras las activaciones patrimoniales de los bienes inmateriales en el País Valenciano. Desde nuestra consideración, resulta significativa, por un lado, la ubicación de los bienes escogidos en cuanto encapsuladores de lo que se entiende o se impone como patrimonio inmaterial; y, por otro, la estrategia política mostrada hasta el momento, que parece enfocarse hacia para el reconocimiento de bienes para la Lista de Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial de la Humanidad. Por último, para cerrar este trabajo, realizamos una reflexión sobre el tipo de activaciones que se están produciendo y nos planteamos si la fetichización y mercantilización de lo inmaterial puede ser sorteada con la participación y la implicación de la comunidad
English
In this article we propose an approximation to the policies implemented in the last few years on the Valenciano intangible heritage. To achieve this goal, first we propose a succinct interpretative framework to contribute to the analysis of patrimonial issues. The explosion of the intangible must be understood in the context of the heritage policies unfolded by UNESCO but also taking into account the so called “capitalism third spirit” and the transformations suffered by the patrimonial subjects/objects. Secondly, we analyze the Valencian normative cultural framework to understand how it has absorbed the intangible in its legislation. Thirdly, we highlight the image that is constructed and projected by the patrimonial activation of the PaísValencià intangible goods. The location of the chosen goods is extremely relevant as it has an impact on what is considered or imposed as intangible heritage. The political strategy used to date seems focused on achieving recognition by List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Lastly, the article discusses if participation and community implication can counteract the fetishization and commodification that one observes in current processes of patrimonial implementation
... Despite the multiple meanings of the term, authenticity as an operational category refers to the authentication necessary for its implementation. The authorisation or legalisation of its attributes would be the responsibility of experts, in view of their expert knowledge (Davallon 2010;Frigolé 2014;Santamarina and Moncusí 2015). This shall be further explored below. ...
Heritage as a category reflects diverse political positions. All heritagisation processes imply the creation of hierarchies, selection, ranking, and categorisation of what is worthy or unworthy of being heritage, and all heritage creation involves certain disciplinary processes that confer legitimacy. As a modern invention, heritage was built on two closely related cornerstones: the distinction between nature and culture and the difference between normalised knowledge and marginal knowledge. As a result, refining processes were applied which became strategies to legitimise political domination. In this paper the constituent process of heritage creation and its links to normative knowledge are analysed, illustrating the various relationships between types of knowledge in the heritagisation process with the case of the Albufera Natural Park in Spain. A particular focus is placed on the processes that affect territories and natural resources, modifying the material conditions of the local population. Beyond giving rise to a mere acceptance of imposed expert knowledge, the analysed dynamics reveal the responsiveness of the local actors, as they make use of this knowledge in the context of a counter-hegemonic discourse.
En el ámbito de la Comunitat Valenciana y del Estado Español, el reconocimiento de las figuras de protección de bienes culturales de carácter inmaterial ha experimentado una constante evolución a lo largo de las sucesivas reformas legislativas vinculadas, en cierto modo, a las recomendaciones internacionales de instituciones como la UNESCO, que han ayudado a conceptualizar este tipo de manifestaciones. En el ámbito de la Comunitat Valenciana, la naturaleza del Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial (PCI), protegido desde que existen este tipo de figuras, se centra principalmente en bienes de carácter litúrgico o festivo representando una gran desigualdad frente a bienes inmateriales de otra naturaleza como saberes o técnicas. Al mismo tiempo, se han desarrollado un gran número de reconocimientos turísticos a ceremonias y actos festivos con un alto grado de reconocimiento social que desdibujan la concepción social del PCI. A través de una propuesta metodológica se pretende analizar la relación que existe entre la percepción social y el grado de protección, así como los factores y procesos que influyen en la percepción social del PCI.
In this article, we aim to focus on how the Iberian past (sixth century to the first century BC) has been used both to shape identities and to produce values in the marketplace and how the triad of the past, authenticity, and tradition is key in the commodification of the Iberian world. To do so, we will examine developments in the village of Moixent (Valencia, Spain). In this town, the Iberians and their archaeological remains are presented as the protagonists of the area, accompanied by several “heritage stratifications.” Through case studies of family-run wineries, we analyze the process of symbolic appropriation of the Iberians in the local wine sector and its confluence with cultural tourism as well as how it has led to the development of territorial branding based on the past.
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